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MAATHIR-UL-UMARA

(ENGLISH TRANSLATION WITH NOTES AND PRKFACE)

THE MAATHIR-UL-UMARÂ

BIOGRAPHIES OF THE MUHAMMADAN AND HİNDU

OFFICERS OF THE TIMURID SOVEREIGNS OF

INDIA FROM 1500 TO ABOUT 1780 A.D.

NAWWÂB ŞAMŞAM-UD-DAULA SHÂH XAWÂZ KHÂN

AND HİS SON

ABDUL HAYY

(SECOND KDITION)
TKANSLATEl) BY

H. BEVERIDGE, B.C.S. (Retd.)

REVISED, ANNOTATED ANU COMPI.ETED BY

BAINI PRASHAD, D.Sc, F.R.A.S.B.

VOLÜME i

JANAKI PRAKASHAN
Ashok Rajpath Patna-4

The Maâthir-ul-Umara

Printed in India

First reprint Edition with exhaustıve mdex i 979

Published by R.B. Singh tor Janaki Prıkashan, Ashok Rajpath.

Patna-4 ., •

ftinted at Mehra Offtet Press, Datya. Gi»u, New Delhi.

PREFACE

The late Professor Do-vrson 1 rightly deseribed the Maâthir-uı-Umarâ
as 'the Peerage of the Mughal Empire', and remarked 'it consists of a
Biographical Diotionary of the illustrious men who hkve flourished in
Hindüstân and the Dakhin under the house of Tîmûr from Akbar t o
1 155 A.H. ' He deseribed it as the work of Shâh Nawâz Khân Şamşâm-ud-
Daula, and referred to its two manuseript editions. The first was pre-
pared by the author, and later restored with a few editions by Mîr Ghulâm
'Alî Âzâd; it consisted of 261 biographies ineluding the life of the author
by the editör. The second edition was the work of the son of ' Samsamu-d
daula, named 'Abdu-1 Hai Khân ' who ' completed the work in its present

form The biographies in the second edition are 731 8 in number

giving an inerease of 569 lives not contained in the former edition. They
are very ably written, and are full of important historical detail ; and as
they inelude the lives of ali the most eminent men who flourished in
the times of the Mughal Emperors of the House of Timur down to
1194 A.H. (1780 A. D.), the Ma-âsiru-l umara must ahvays hold its place
as one of the most valuable books of reference for the student of Indian
History'.

From tbis brief but very succinet deseription of. the genesis of the
Maâihir-uUUmarâ, it is clear that the work was planned and executed
by the author whose full name ıras Mir 'Abd-ur-Razzâq, Nawwâb
Şamşâm-ud-Daula Shâh Nawâz Khân Khawâfî Aurangâbâdî. it was
during the period of this forced retirement of six years following the
defeat of his patron Naşir Jang in the battle of Burhânpür on 3rd August,
1741, and tül he was reappointed governor of Berâr in 1747, that he
devoted himself to the compilation of the work. s in the life of the
author by Mîr Ghulâm 'Ali Âzâd the period of his retirement is incorrectly
given as five years 4 . After Şamşâm-ud-Daula 's reinstatement in offiee,
the work was apparently forgotten, but in reply to a remark 6 of his son
'Abdul Hayy he suggested that the latter should complete it. After
Şamşâm-ud-Daula's arrest on 5th April, 1758, his house was plundered,
and the manuseript of Maâflıir-ul- Umara together with ali his library
was lost. it was recovered in an incomplete form a year later, and seme
twelve years after its composition (i.e., in 1759), it was rearranged and
completed by the author's elose friend and associate Mir Ghulâm 'Alî
Âzâd 6 ; this constituted the so-called first edition. 7 'Abdul Hayy, who

1 EUiot and Dowson, History of India, VIII, pp. 187-189 (1877); the aceount,
as the editör noted, is based mainly on Morley, Dtser. Gat. Hist. MSS. Arabic and
Persian Boy. As. Soc., pp. 101-105 (1854).

* in reference to the number of biographies also see Beveridge's Note 1 on
p. 33 of the translation. The biographies by the son 'Abdul Hayy are distinguished
by the letter Qâf which is an abbreviation Alhaq or suppıement.

8 Maâthir-ul-Umarâ, Text ITI, pp. 727, 728.

4 Maâthir-ul-Umarâ, Text I, p. 19, Beveridge's translatipn, p. 16.

6 Maâthir-ul-Umarâ, Text I, p. 3, Beveridge's translation, p. 2.

6 Maâthir-ul-Umarâ, Text I, p. 11, Beveridge's translation, p. 10.

7 For deseriptions of the two editions, see in addition to Morley and Çowson
cited already, Rieu, Cat. Persian MSS. British Museum, I, pp. 339-341 (1879),
and Ivarıow, W., JDescr. Cat. Persian MSS. As. Soc. Bengal, pp. 69, 70, Noa. 213,
214 (1924).

PREFACE

, ı l a ^r ıvreived his father's tıtle
h^tbrtunaMy eBoap^de»^, a^wWU 3 ^

Î50 A D .V : H ^*^ n «3jS?t£S5ic Society of Benga Ç U£
infi 1887-06 (for detaıls vıde ™J™>- pu büshed up to 1914, Mr. H.

,„v«ochı..'™)nn'™""»' 1 "', ,} Si, ky Ohulâm AB Soıdm.l AWu
Sy Th, »' irt *f Vı :?,, , Kİ A S» »>««* '» """°SftoS

CSt'«İ^-^^;X,,, S oH 1 y.B S

«s. ™ ski »;s,„t ,«., o. «- -*» *-* »

asi-(>Hows:— .. „„, uted bv M. Abdur Rahim.

v* «-şaş ai'ssüo?.^ - v*. ...

III (1896), bv M. Ashraf Alı.

, - • nsmı Q5) bv M. Ashrat Alı.
Vol. İll-Fascicles ı-xı (1890-flo), oy ^

Tn July, 1906, Mr. H. Ba™^^ Indtn History *ffl
Mm. AnneUe Susanna /™dge ^^2^^ of ^f« •
Xavs remain indebted for theır master y ^ the 5a&M> .

^ TO „_ jff cred to P/f are İ^^EnS translation of the Jf ««£ r-«J-
in the Bibliothem Indıca serıes * n Jf?\ me eting of November, 1908,
%Zâ. : The Counoil of the , Socıety m £™°J oomprİ9 ing Faseıc es
â-m-ed to ita publioatıon, and 600 pages ol m3 and 19 H.

î: 2 3-4, and 5-6, of 200 P^^^lt-eT he a^phabetical arrangement for
in the translation the author f^ ow ^ ^ e ; f P the vario us notices ıs qıute
thVbioaraphies, but naturally the s equence ot ^ The ted

SS» tİıat in the three volumes of the g ^ - m roferenC e tç>

^Hî rft !^ı*^^^" biographies wh

the two edıtıons anü tnc im ^ .

"" " T ı_^, Bevoridge's translation, T>P- •*'•'•

aeseriptive account of ^hc , autt, "^- ^ &, p . 18fl .
mistako was poınted out by J

PREFACE Vll

wre dealt vvith under the letters A to a part of H. Unfortıınately, the
arrangement is rather faulty and a number of biographies, whıch should
have been dealt with under these letters, have been left out. The
arrangement in regard to the various biographies is somewhat arbitrary,
and as the author did not give the volume or page nunıbers for the
biographies translated, it is not easy to find out the ones whieh have
stili to be dealt vvith. in the table of contents, I have supplied this
deficieney by giving the nunıbers of the volume and the pages on which
the accounts are to be found in the Text-edition.

The part now printed, and which with the first six fascicles vi'ill fonn
\'olume I of the translation, consists of the remainder of the aeeount of
Haidar Quli Khân (No. 223), and Nos. 224-254 of the letter H, Nos. 255-295
of the letter /, Nos. 296-324 of the letter J, Nos. 325-358 of the letter K
and Nos. 359-365 of the letter L; in ali 142 biographies. in this part an
attempt has been nıade to revise and complete the translations, to indicate
as far as possible the sources from which the accounts were taken, and to
supply references to recent literatüre in the foot-notes. The references
to printed texts are mainly to editions publis.hed in the Bibliotheca indim-
series, and the same applies to the translations so far as these have been
published. This, owing to the absenee of or the very defeetive indices
available, has involved a great deal of reading, and it is likely that
references may have been missed in several cases. it has not been
possible to eheck ali historieal data, but names of various places
have been corrected with reference to the modern spellings in
the Imperial Oazetteer so far as possible. The conversion 'of the
Hijri dates as given in the Text-edition into dates according to tht Now
Style of the Christian Era has been eflfected with the help of Wüstenfeld-
Mahler's Vergleichungs-Tabelkn (Leipzig, 1926). The standard scheıne
for transliteration recently adopted by the Society has been follovred
with slight modifications. To reduce the cost of publication the formol
and type for the new part were changed from the more expensive form
used in the earlier fascicles to that used for the Journal of the Society. ,
For facilitating reference the volume and page numbers of the biographies
dealt with in this part are given under the names of the nobles as also
in the Contents. The names of the nobles dealt vrith are also printed as
page-headings över the accounts.

I am fully conscious of the shortcomings in the work as now issued ,
but these are natural when one is editing a posthumous \vork from an
imperfect manuseript. An entirely new version would probably have
resulted in a better translation, but this was not possible, as the only
eonsideration which ıveighed with me in agreeing to complete the »vork
vvas to preserve the work of Mr. Beveridge. The translation of a text of
some 2,700 pages must have been a stupendous undertaking and entailed
no end of hard work for the author in his advanced age — -Mr. Beveridge
was 92 years of age when he died on 8th November, 1929, and the work
was begun by him when he was well över seventy. While craving the
indulgence of my readers for the imperfeetions in the translation, formaf,
ete, I hope that this great monument of the seholarship, industry and
devotion of the late Mr. Henry Beveridge will prove useful to students of
Indian History particularly for the Mughal Period.

I am grateful to my colleague Dr. B. S. Guha, the General Secretary
of the Society for faeilities provided in conneetion with this \vork. M}'

vi;i PKBFACE

)1 „„ ts „ rp , lue to mv friend Sir Jadunath Sarkar, the leading authority

■fin, ian Histo rv "f the Mo-hul Period, for his valuable suggestıons and

the b o ~ wİİriro,,rhİB personal library. I am also indebted t o

^îW& G^TBiSS'of the Baptist Mission Press in the
expeditious printing of thıs work.

Mttseum House,

Calctjtta,
31stAugust, 7941.

Batni Prashad.

CONTENTS

Pbeface

1. The Maasir-ul-Umara ı (Text I, pp. 1-10)

2. Note of Editör to Second Edition (Text I, pp. 10-13)

3. Life of Nawab Samsâmu-d-daulah Shâh Nevvâz Khân, eti

(Textl, pp. 14-41) ..

4. Prefaee to the Table of Contents (Text I, p. 42)

Page
v
1
i)

12
32

5. 'Abdu-l-'Azîz Khân Bahâdur (Text II, pp. 836-839) Q. 33

6. 'Abdu-l-'Aziz Khân, Şhaikh (Text II, pp. 686-688) Q 34

7. 'Abdü-1-Hâdi Khwâja (Text I, pp. 772, 773) Q. . . 35

8. 'Abdu-l-]VÎajîd of Herat (Asaf K. Khwâja)— (Text I, pp. 77-83) 36

9. 'Abdu-1-Matlib Khân (Text II, pp. 769-771) Q. . . ..40

10. 'Abdu-N-Nabi Sadr (ghaikh)— (Text II, 560-564) . . 41

11. 'Abdu-1-Qawi (İ'timâd K. ghaiki)— (Text I, pp. 225-229) . . 44

12. 'Abdu-r-Rablm Beg Uzbeg (Text II, pp. 793, 794) Q. . . 48

13. 'Abdu-r-Rahîm of Lucknow (ghaikh)— (Text II, pp. 564,

565) .. .. .. .. ..49

14. (Mîrzâ) 'Abdu-r-Rahîm Khân-Khânân (Text I, pp. 693-713) 50

15. 'Abdu-r-Rahîm Khân (Text II, pp. 812, 813) Q. 65

16. 'Abdu-r-Rahîm Khân (Khwâja)— (Text I, pp. 792, 793) Q. . . 65

17. 'Abdu-r-Rahmân, Afzal Khân (Text I, pp. 115-117) .. 66

18. 'Abdu-r-Rahmân Sultan (Text II, pp. 809-812) Q. 68

19. 'Abdu-r-Razzâq K. Lâri (Text II, pp. 818-821) Q. 70

20. (Saifu-d-Daula) 'Abdu-S-Samad Khân Bahâdur Diler Jang

(Text II, pp. 514-517) Q. .. .. . . 71

21. 'Abdu-1-Wahâb Aqziu-1-Qazât Qâzi (Text I, pp. 235-241) .. 73

22. (Saiyid) 'Abdullah K. Bârha (Text II, pp. 489-491) Q. .. 79

23. (Saiyid) 'Abdullah Khân (Text II, pp. 400, 401) Q. . . 80

24. 'Abdullah Khân S'aîd Khân (Text II, pp. 807, 808) Q. 81
25 'Abdullah K. Uzbeg (Text II, pp. 764-769) . . . . J82

26. (Khwaja) 'Abdullah Khân (Text I, pp. 832, 833) Q. . . 84

27. 'AbdıdlahKhân(Shaikh)— (Text II, pp. 573-583) .. 85

28. (Mullâ) 'Abdullah Ansâıî Makhdûmu-1-Mulk (Text III,

pp. 252-257) . . . . . . »3

29. 'Abdullah K. Firüz Jang (Text II, pp. 777-789) . . 07

30. (Mir) Abû-1-Baqâ Amir Khân (Text I, pp. 172-174) .. 105

31. Abü-1-Fath (Text I, pp. 558-562) . . . . . . 107

32. Abü-1-Makâram Jân Nişar Khân (Text I, pp. 537-540) Q. .. 110

33. Abu-1-Fath K. Deccanî and an aecount of the Mahdavî

Religion (Text I, pp. 120-125) . . . . ..113

1 The spellinga of the names and titles for the first 219 biographies and tho
introductions are given as they are printed in the fascicles published up to 1914.
For faeilitating reference to the Text the volume and page numbers of the Text-
edition are, however, given within brackets after each nanıe. The supplenıentaı\
biographies by 'Abdul Hayy are distinguished by the letter Q.

CONTENTS

34
.-{5
36
37

38.
31».

40.
41.
42.
43.
44.
45.

4li.

47.

4S.

4İ).

50.

51.

52.

53.

54.

5ö.

5Ü.

57.

58.

59.

(İ0.

«1.

02.

63.

64.

05.

66.

67.

68.

6ü.
70.
71.
72.
73.
74.

76.

77.
78.
79.
80.

. Abu-1-Fazl 'Allâmi Fahâmî (ghaikh)— (Text II pp 608-0">2)
(Khyvâja) Abü-1-Hasan of Turbat (Text I, pp. 737-739)
Abul Kjıair K. Bahâdur imâm Jang (Text I, pp. 363-365) O
Abu-1-M'a âlî (Mir Shâh)— (Text III, pp. 186-191)
(Mirza) Abu-I-Maali (Text III, pp. 557-560)
Abu-1-Manşör K. Bahâdur Şaftlar Jang (Text I, pj). 365-368)

V-
Abû Kaşr Khân, son of Shaista Khân (Text I, pp 29-' 293) O
(Mirza) Abû S'aîd (Text III, pp. 513-516) '

(Mir) Abü Tıırâb Gujrâti (Tcxt III, pp. 280-285)
Adhanı Khân Koka (Text I, pp. 67-73)
Afzal Khan (Text I, pp. 65-67) . . ' '

Afzal Khân 'Allanıl Mullâ »Shukrullah Shîrâzî (Text I

pp. 145-151) Q. .. .. V

Aghr- (Aghuz) Khân Pir Muhammad (Text I pp '>74-977) q
Ahmad B.-g Khân (Text I, pp. 194, 195)
Ahmed Beg Khâ ı Kâbulî (Text I, pp 126 127)
(Mir) Ahmad Khân (Text III, pp. 662-666)
(Mir) Ahmad K. The Second (Text III. pp. 760-765)
(Naiyid) Ahmad K. Bârha (Text II, pp. 378, 379) O
Ahmad Nâitha (Mullâ)— (Text III, pp. 562-566)
Ahmad Khân Niyazi (Text I, pp. 185-188)
Ahmad (Shaikh)--(Text II, pp. 554-556)
Ahsan Khân Sultan Hasan (Text I, pp. 301-303) Q
(Hakini) Almd-l-Muİk Shîrâzî (Text I, pp. 562, 563) ü
Ajit Singh Râthor (Mahârâjah)— (Text III, pp' 755-760) O
(Saryid) 'Alam Bârha (Text II, pp. 454-456) Q
(Mir) 'Ali Akbar Müsavi (Text III, pp. 231 , 232)
(Mirza) 'Ali Beg Akbar Shâhi (Text TII, pp. 355-357)
'Alî Khân (Mirzada)— (Text IIT, pp. 257, 258) Q.
(Hakim) Alî Gîlânî (Text I, pp. 568-573)
'Alî Manian Bahâdur (Text II, pp. 773-775) Q. . .
'Alî Mardan K. Amîru-1-Umarâ (Text II, pp. 795-807)
Alî Mardan K. of Haidarabad (Text II, pp. 824, 825) O
Alî Muhammad K. Rohilla (Tcxt II, pp. 841-843) Q
'Ali Qulî K. of Andarâb (Text II, p. 764) Q.
'Alî Murâd Khân Jahân Bahâdur Kokaltâsh K. Zafar Jane
(Text I, pp. 817-819) Q. . . . . ' 6

Alî Qulî Khân Zaman (Text I, pp. 622-630) '.'.

Alif Khân Âmân Beg (Text I, pp. 191-194)

'Aliverdî Khân Mirza Band.î (Text II, pp. 843-847) Q.

Allah Qulî Khân üzbeg (Text I, pp. 189-191)

Allah Yâr Khân (Text I, pp. 182-185)

Allah Yâr K. Mir Tuzak, ete. (Text I, pp. 216, 217) Q.

Âmân Ullah Khân Zaman Bahâdur M. (Text I, pp. 740-748)
V-

Âmân Ullah Khân (Text I, pp. 293-295) . . '.]

AmânafK. Mîıak M'uînu-d-Dîn Ahmad (Text I,pp. 258-268)

Amânat Khân The 2nd (Text I, pp. 287-290)

(Râo) Aınar Singh (Text II, pp, 230-237) Q. ' . . '.'

Amîn K. Deceanî (Text I, pp. 352-357)

Page

117

81.

128

131

82.

132

136

83.

84.

137

85.

140

86.

141

87.

142

88.

145 l

89.

148

90.

91.

149

92.

153

93.

155

94.

156

157

95.

160

96.

1 63

164

97.

167

169

98.

170

99.

172

100.

173

101.

176

102.

177

103.

178

104.

180

105.

180

106.

185

107.

186

194

108.

194

109.

196

110.

196

111.

197

112.

204

205

208

210 I

113.

212 i

114.
115.

212 '

116.

219 \

117.

221 ;

118.

230 >

119.

232

1 20.

236

121.

Page

Amînu-d-Daulah Aminu-d-Din Khân Bahâdur Sambalî (Texl
T, pp. 357, 358) Q. .. ■■ ■■

■ Muhammad) .Amîn. Khân Mir Muhammad Anım (loxt 111,
pp. 613-620)

(Saivid) Amir K. Khawâfi (Text II, pp. 476, 477) Q.

Amir Khân Mir Miran (Text I, pp. 277-287)

Amir Khân Sindhi (Text I, pp. 303-310)

'Aqil Khân 'Inayat Ullah (Text II, pp. 790-792) Q.

(Rajah) Anüp Singh Badgûjar (Text II, pp. 220-223)

Raj'ah Anurüdha Gaur (Text II, pp. 276, 277) Q.

'Aqil K. Mir 'Askarî (Text II, pp. 821-823) Q. . .

•Arab Bahâdur (Text II, pp. 771-773)

'Arab Khân (Text II, pp. 794, 795) Q.

Arslân Khân (Text I, p. 277) Q.

Asad Khan Mâmüri (Text I, pp. 140-142) . .

Asad Khân Asafu-d-Daula-Jaınla-al-Mulk (Text I, pp. 310-

321)
Âsafu-d-Daula Anıîru-1-Mamâlik (Text I, pp. 368, 369; Q. ..
5saf Khân Khwâja Ghîyâsu-d-l)in 'Alî Qazwinî (Text T,

pp. 90-93) •- •• •■ •■

Asaf Khân Mirza Qi\vâmu-dDîn J'aafar Beg (Text 1, pp. 107-

115)
Asaf K. known as Âsaf Jâhi (Text I, pp. 151-160)
Aklat K. Mir 'Abdu-1-Hâdî (Text I, pp. 167-172)
Asâlat Khân Mirza Muhammad (Tcxt I, pp. 222-225)
Ashraf Khân Mir Mıınshl (Text I, pp. 73-75)
Aşhraf K. Khwâja Barkhürdâr (Text I, pp. 206, 207) Q.
Ashraf K. Mir Muhammad Ashraf (Text I, pp. 272-274) . .
'Askar Khân Najnı Sânî (Text II, p. 809) Q.
Âtiidı K. Habşhi (Text I, pp. 188, 189) Q.
Atish Khâıi Jân Beg (Text I, pp. 255-258) Q. . . • •

'Azdu-d-Daula Iwaz K. Bahâdur Qaswara Jang (Text II,

pp. 832-836) Q.
A'zim K. Koka (Text I, pp. 247-252) . . • •

A'zim Khân Mir Muhammad Bâqir, otherwıse Iradat Khan

(Text I, pp. 174-180)
'Aziz Koka M. Khân A'zam (Text I, pp. 675-693)
'Aziz Ullah Khân (Text II, pp. 789, 790) Q.
'Aziz Ullah Khân (Text II, pp. 823, 824) Q.

Bâbâ Khân Qâqshâl (Text I, pp. 391-393)

Bahâdur (Text I, pp. 393, 394) Q. . .

Bahâdur K. Bâqî Beg (Text T. pp 444-447) . .

Bahâdur Khân Robîla (Text I, pp. 415 424)

Bahâdur Khân Shaibânî (Text I, pp. 384-387) . .

Bahâduru-1-Mulk (Text I, p. 398) Q.

Bahâdur K. Uzbeg (Text I, p. 400, 401) Q.

Baharjî, Landholder of Baglânâ (Text I, pp. 412-415)

(I'tiqâ'd K. Mirza) Bahmaıı Yâr (Text I, pp. 232-234)-

240

241

245

246

253

259

261

263

264

266

268

269

270
279

280

282
287
295
299
301
302
303
304
305
305

308
311

315
319
334
335

335
337
338
340
348
350
351
351
354

OONTENTS

122. Bahrâm Sultan (Text I, pp. 431-444)

123. Bahramand Khân (Text I, pp. 454-457)

124. Bairâm Khân Khan-Khanân (Text I, pp. 371-384)

125. Bairâm Beg Turkamân (Texi I, pp. 399, 400) . .

126. Bâljü Qulîj ghamsher Khân (Text I, pp. 404, 405) Q.

127. Bâqi K. Celah Qalmâq (Text I, pp. 427-429) . .

128. Bâqî Khân Hayât Beg (Text I, pp. 458-461)

129. Bâqî Muhammad Hıân (Text I, p. 394) Q.

130. Bâqir K. Najm Sâni (Text 1, pp. 408-412)

131. Basâlat K. M. Sultan Nazr (Text I, pp. 461, 462) Q.

132. Barkjjürdâr (M. Khan 'Aİam)— (Text I, pp. 732-736)

133. (Rajah) Bâsü (Text II, pp. 157-160) Q.

134. Bâz Bahâdur (Text I, pp. 387-391)

135. Bebadal Khân Saidai Gîlânî (Toxt I, pp. 405-408)

136. Beglâr Khân (Text I, pp. 401-404)

137. (Rajah) Bethal Dâs Gaur (Text II, pp. 250-256) Q.

138. (Rajah) Bhagwant Dâs (Text II, pp. 129-131) . .

139. (Rao) Bhâo Singh Hârâ (Text II, pp. 305-307) Q.

140. (Rajah) Bhâratha Bandîla (Text II, pp. 212-214) Q.

141. (Rai) Bhoj (Text II, pp. 141, 142) Q.

142. (Rajah) Bihâra Mal (Text II, pp. 111-113)

143. (Rajah) Bikramâjit (Text II, pp. 139-141) Q. . .

144. (Rajah) Bikramâjit Rai Rayân (Text II, pp. 183-195)

145. (Rajah) Bir Bahâdur (Text II, pp. 361, 362) Q.

146. (Rajah) Birbar (TextII,pp. 118-122)

147. (Rajah) Bir Singh Deo Bandîla (Text II, pp. 197-199) Q.

148. Biyân K. (Text I, pp. 462, 463) Q. . .

149. Burhanu-1-Mulk S'aâdat K. (Text I, pp. 463-466) Q.

150. Buzurg Umed Khân (Text I, pp. 453, 454) Q. . .

151. (Rajah) Cabila Ram Nâgar (Text II, pp. 328-330) Q.

152. (Khân 'Alam) Çalma Beg (Text I, pp. 632-635) . .

153. (Rajah Candar Sen (Text II, pp. 336-338) Q. . .

154. (Mirza) Cin Qulij (Text III, pp. 351-354)

155. Cüraman Jât (Text I, pp. 540-548)

156. (Rao) Dalpat Bundila (Text II, pp. 317-323) Q

.157. Dânishmand Khân (Text II, pp. 30-32)

Kj8. Dârâb Khân (Text II, pp. 39-42)

fcJÖ. Dârâb Khân Mîrzâ Dârâb (Text II, pp. 14-17)

160. Darbâr K. (Text II, pp. 1-3)

161. Daryâ Khân Rohilla (Text II, pp. 18-21)

162. Dastam Khan (Text II, pp. 3-5) Q. . .

163. D'aüd Khân (Text II, pp. 63-68) Q. . .

164. D'aüd Khân Qorcshî (Text II, pp. 32-37)

165. Daulat Khân Lodi (Text II, pp. 5-8)

166. Daulat Khân Mayî (Text II, pp. 24-30)

Page
355
365
368
378
379
380
382
384
385
388
389
392
394
396
399
401
404
405
407
408
409
411
412
419
420
423
425
425
428

429
430
433
434
436

442
446
448
450
453
455
457
458
462
464
467

CONTENT» X1U

Page

167. (Rajah) Debi Singh Bandîla (Text II, pp. 295-297) Q. . . 471

168. Diânat Khân (Text II, pp. 59-63) . . . . . . 472

169. Dîânat Khâa (son of the above)— (Text II, pp. 70-80) .. 475

170. Dîânat Khân Qâsim Beg (Text II, pp. 8, 9) Q. . . . . 483

171. Diânat Khân Hakim Jamâlâ Kâshi (Text II, pp. 37, 38) Q. 484

172. Dîânat Khân (Text II, pp. 22, 23) . . . . . . 485

173. Dilâwar K. Bahâdur (Text II, pp. 68-70) Q. . . . . 486

174. Dilâwar Khân Kakar (Text II, pp. 9-14) . . . . 487

175. Diler K. 'Abdu-r-Rauf Miyâna (Text II, pp. 56-59) Q. . . 491

176. (Saiyid) Diler Khân Bârha (Text II, pp. 412-415) Q. .. 493

177. Diler Khân Daüdzai (Text II, pp. 42-56) .. ..495

178. Dindar Khân of Bokhara (Text II, pp. 23, 24) Q. .. 505

179. (Rai) Durgâ Sîsodia (Tfext II, pp. 142-148) Q. . . . . 505

180. Ekatâz Khân 'Abdullah Beg (Text III, pp. 968-971) . . 509

181. Faiz Ullah Khân (Text III, pp. 28-30) . . 512

182. Faizi Fiyâzi (ghaikh Abu-l-Faiz)— (Text II, pp. 584-590) . . 513

183. Fâkhir Khân (Text III, pp. 26-28) Q. .. ..518

184. Farhat Khân (Text III, pp. 1-3) Q. . . . . . . 519

185. (Ihtişhâm K. Ikhlâş K. Sbaikjj) Farid Fathpürî (Test I,

pp. 220-222) Q. .. .. .. . . 520

186. (Shaiki) Faıîd Murtaza Khân Bokhârî (Text II, pp. 633-

641) .. .. .. .. ..521

187. (Mirza) Farldûn Khân Bârlâs (Text III, pp. 354, 355) Q. . . 527

188. Fath Jang Khân Miyâaa (Text III, pp. 30-32) . . . . 528

189. Fath Jang K. Rohilla (Text III, pp. 22-26) . . . . 529

190. Fath Khân (Text III, pp. 3-10) . . . . . . 532

191. Fath Ullah Khwâjagi (Text I, pp. 669-671) Q. . . . . 536

192. Fath Ullah Khân Bahâdur 'Âlamgîrshâhî (Text III, pp. 40- 47) 537

193. Amir Fath Ullah Shîrâzi (Text I, pp. 100-105) . . . . 543

194. Fazâîl Khân Mir Hadi (Text III, pp. 38-40) .. ..546

195. Fâzil Khân (Text III, pp. 18-21) . . . . . . 548

196. Fâzil K. alias Mullâ 'Alâu-L-Mulk Tünî (Texfr III, pp. 524-

530) .. .. •• ■• ..550

197. Fâzil Khân Burhânu-d-DIn (Text III, pp. 34-38) . . 553

198. Fâzil Khân ghaikh Makhdüm Sadr (Text III, pp. 32. 33) Q. 556

199. (Mir) Fazl Ullah Bokhârî (Text III, pp. 361-365) . . 556

200. Fedai Khân (Text ni, pp. 10-12) .. .-. .. 558

201. Fedai Khân (Text III, pp. 12-18) . . . . . . 559

202. Fedai Khân Muhammad Salih (Text III, pp. 33, 34) Q. . . 563

203. Fîrüz K., the eunuch (Text III, pp. 21, 22) Q. . . . . 564

204. (Mirza) Füldâ (Text III, pp. 258-264) .. ..565

205. (SJhaiki) Gadâl Kambü (Text II, pp. 539-541) . . 568

206. (Rajah) Gaj Singh (Text II, pp. 223-226) Q. . . . . 570

207. Ganj 'AH Khân 'Abdullah Beg (Text III, p. 155) Q. . . 572

208. (Rai) Gaur Dhan Süraj Dhwaj (Text II, pp. 195-197) . . 572

CONTENTS

CONTEJJTS

209. (Mir) Gesü of Khurâsân (Text III, pp. 249-252)

210. Ghairat Khân (Text II, pp. 863-865)

211. (ihairat Khân Muhammad ibrahim (Text II, pp. 869-872) Q.

212. Ghâlib Khân Bîjâpûrl (Text II, p. 865) Q. ..

213. Ghazanfar Khân (Text II, pp. 866-868)

214. (Mirza) Ghâzi Beg (Tarkhâıı)— (Text III, pp. 345-348)

215. Ghâzi Khân Bada İdisin (Text II, pp. 857-862)

216. Ghazîu-d-Dîn K. Bahâdur Flrüz Jang (Text II, pp. 872-879)

217. (Amiru 1-Umarâ) Ghâziu-d-Din K. Bahâdur Firüz Jang

(Textl, pp. 361, 362) Q.

218. (Rajah) GRVpâl Sing Gaur (Text II, pp. 340, 341 ) Q.

219. Habşh Khân (Text I, pp. 579-583)

220. Hâdî Dad Khân (Text III, pp. 941-943) Q.

221. Haidar 'Ali Khân Bahâdur (Text I, pp. 611-613) Q"\

222. Haidar Muhammad K. Akhta Begî (Text I, pp. 554-557) Q.

223. Haidar Quli Khân Mu'izzu-d-Daulah (Text III, pp. 746-

' 751) Q. . . ..

224. Hâkim Beg (Text I, pp. 573-576) . .

225. Hâkim Hâdhiq (Text I, pp. 587-590)

226. Hakim Humâm (Text I, pp. 563-565)

227. Hakîm-ul-Mulk (Text I, pp. 599, 600) Q.

228. (Saiyid) Hâmid Bokjjâri (Text II, pp. 396-399) Q.

229. (Mu'izz-ud-Daulah) Hâmid Khân Bahâdur Salâbat Jang

(Text III, pp. 765-769) Q.

230. Hamîd-ud-Din Khân Bahâdur (Text I, pp. 605-611) Q.

231. Haqiqat Khân (Text I, pp. 590, 591) Q.

232. (İkram Khân, Saiyid) Hasan (Text I, pp. 215, 216) Q.

233. (Muqarrab Khân Shaikjj) Hasan, known as Hassü (Text III,

pp. 379-382) . .' . .

234. Hasan 'Ali Khân Bahâdur (Text I, pp. 593-599)

235. Hasan Beg 1 Badakhshi Shaikh 'Umari (Text I, pp. 565-568)

236. (Mirza) Hasan Şafavî (Text III, pp. 477-479)

237. Hâshim Khân (Text III, pp. 940, 941) Ç.

238. Hayât Khân (Text I, pp. 583, 584) Q.

239. (Saiyid) Hidâyat Ullâh Sadr (Text II, pp. 456, 457) Q.

240. Himmat Khân Mir 'Isâ (Text III, pp. 946-949)

241. Himmat Khân Muhammad Hasan and Sipahdâr Khân

Muhammad Muhsin (Text IIİ, pp. 949-951) ..

242. (Saiyid) Hizbr Khân (Text II, pp. 415, 416) Q. . .

243. Hizbr Khân son, of Ilâhvardi Khân (Text III, p. 946) Q.

244. Höshdâr Khân Mir Höshdâr (Text III, pp. 943-946)

245. (Amîr-ul-Umarâ, Saiyid) Husain 'Ali Khân (Text I, pp. 321

338)

246. (Ikjjlâs Khân) Husain Beg (Text I, p. 151) Ç.

247. Husain Beg Khân Zig (Text I, pp. 591-593)

1 The word Khân has inadvertantly Ijeen omitted after Beg.

Page

575 I

248.

576 f

249.

577 '

250.

579 1

580 '.

251.
252.

582 ■

253.

583

254.

587 |

592 !

255.

593 *

256.

257.

594 |

258.

597 |

259.

597 j

260.

599 s

261.

}

262.

600 5

263.

602 S

264.

604 f

265.

606

607 }

608 I

266.

267.

î
610 î

268.

269.

611 1
614

270.

271.

615

272.

273.

616

274.

617

275.

620

276.

622

277.

622

278.

623

279.

624

280.

624

281.

282.

625

627

283.

627

284.

628

285.

286.

628

287.

639

288.

639

289.

Page

(Saiyid) Husain Khân Bârah (Text II, pp. 500-502) Q. . . 640

Husain Khân Khweshgi (Text I, pp. 600-605) . . . . 641

Husain Khân Tukriyâ (Text I, pp. 551-554) . . . . 644

(Khân Jahân) Husain Qıılî Beg (Text I, pp. 645-653) . . 645

(Mir) Husâm-ud-Din (Text III, pp. 323, 324) . . . . 649

(Mir) Husâm-ud-Din Anjü, Murtadâ Khân (Text III, pp. 382-

384)' . . . . ' . . . . . . 650

Husâm-ud-Din Khân (Text I, pp. 584-587) . . . . 651

(Shaikb) ibrahim son of Shaikh Mûsâ (Text II, pp. 570-572)

Q. .. . .. .. . . 653

ibrahim Khân (Toxt I, pp. 295-301) .. ..653

ibrahim Khân Fath Jang (Text I, pp. 135-139) ., 657

ibrahim Khân Üzb<g (Text I, pp. 75-77) Q. .. .. 659

Iftikbâr Khân Khwâja Abül Baqâ (Text I, pp. 200-203) . . 660

Iftikhâr Khân Sultân Husain (Text I, pp. 252-255) . . 662

İhtimam Khân (Text I, pp. 160-162) Q. .. . . 663

(Khân 'Alam) Ikhlâs Khân (Text I, pp. 816, 817) Q. . . 664

Ikhlâs Khân Ikhlâs Keslı (Text I, pp. 350-352) Q. . . 665

Ikhlâş Khân Shaikh Ilâhdiya (Text I, pp. 198, 199) Q. . . 666
(Saiyid) Iklıtisâs Khân, or Saiyid Firüz Jang ' (Text II,

pp. 473-475)' Q. .. .. .. ..667

Ilâhwardî Khân (Text I, pp. 207-215) . . . . 668

Ilâhvardi Khân (Text I, pp. 229-232) . . . . 672

Ilangtösh Khân Bahâdur (Tcxt III, pp. 971, 972) Q. . . 673

'Imâd-ul-Mulk (Text II, pp. 847-856) Q. .. . . 674

'Inâyat Khân (Text II, pp. 813-818).. .. ..678

'Inâyat UUâh Khân (Text II, pp. 828-832) Q. . . . . 680

(Râja) Indarman Dhandera (Text II, pp. 265, 266) Q. . . 682

Irâdat Khân Mir Jshâq (Text I, pp. 203-206) . . . . 683

îraj Khân (Text I, pp. 268-272) . . . . . . 685

Irshad Khân Mir Abül-'Alâ (Text I, pp. 290, 291) Q. .. 687

'Isâ Khân Mabin (Text II, pp. 825-828) . . . . 687

(Mirza) İsa Tarkiıân (Tt-xt III, pp. 485-488) . . . . 689

(Mû'tamaıı-ud-Daula) Isbâq Khân (Text III, pp. 774-776) Q. 690

Iskandar Khân Uzbeg (Tcxt I, pp. 84-87) . . . . 691

islâm Khân Chishti Fârûqî (Text I, pp. 118-120) . . 692

islâm Khân Mashhadî (Text I, pp. 162-167) . . . . 694

islâm Khân Mir Diyâ-ud-Dîn Husain Badakjifehî (Text I,

pp. 217-220) ' . . ' . . • • . . 696

islâm Khân Rûmi (Text I, pp. 241-247) .. ..698

Ismâ'îl Beg Dûldî (Text I, pp. 64, 65) Ç. . . . . 701

Ismâ'îl Khân Bahâdur Panî (Text I, pp. 370, 371) Q. . . 701

Ismâ'îl Khân Makhâ (Text I, pp. 291 , 292) Q. . . . . 702

Ismâ'îl Qulî Khân Chü-al-Qadr (Text I, pp. 105-107) . . 703

I'tibâr Khân Khwâjâsarâ (Text I, pp. 134, 135) Q. . . 704

I'tibâr Khân Nâzir (Text I, p. 65) Q. . . . . 705

ı For Firüz Jang road FIrûz Khân.

OONTENTS

XVII

XVI OONTENTS

Page

290. I'tinıâd Khân Gujarâtî (Text I, pp. 93-100) . . . . 705

291. I'timâd Hıân Khwâjâsarâ (Text I, pp. 88-90) . . . . 708

292. I'tiqâd Hıân Farrukh-Shâhî (Text I, pp. 339-346) . . 709

293. I'tiqâd Hıân Mîrzâ Shâpür (Text I, pp. 180-182) . . 714

294. 'Iwad Hıân Qâqshâl (Text II, pp. 776, 777) Q. . . . . 716

295. Izzat Hıân Hnvâja Bâbâ (Text II, pp. 775, 776) Q. . . 716

296. Jâdü Râo Kâııtîh (Text I, pp. 520-523) . . . . 717

297. (Mfl'tnıin-ul-Mıılk) Ja'far Hıân (Text IİI, pp. 751-755) Q. 719

298. JaTar Hıân Taklü (Text I, pp. 507-509) . . . . 721

299. Ja'far Hıân 'Umdat-ul-Mulk (Text I, pp. 531-535) . . 722

300. Jagan Nâth (Text I, pp. 514-516) Q. .. . . 724

301. (Kunwar) Jagat Singh (Text III, pp. 149, 150) . . . . 725

302. (Râja) Jagat Singh (Text II, pp. 238-241) Q. . . . . 726

303. Jagmâl (Text I, pp. 510, 511) Q. .. . . . . 727

304. Jagrâj, also known as Bikramâjit (Text I, pp. 526, 527) Q. 727

305. Jahângîr Quli Hıân (Text I, pp. 512-514) . . . . 728

306. Jahângîr Quli Khân (Text I, pp. 524, 525) . . . . 729

307. (Râja) Jai Râm Badgüjar (Text II, pp. 241, 242) Q. . . 730

308. (Mîrzâ Râja) Jai Singh Kachwâha (Text III, pp. 568-577) Q. 731

309. (Dhîrâj Râja) Jai Singh Siwâ'i (Text II, pp. 81-83) Q. . . 735

310. Jalâl Kakar (Text I, pp. 530, 531) Ç. . . . . 736

311. Jalâl Hıân Qürchî (Text I, pp. 509, 510) Q. .. ..737

312. (MîrSaiyid) Jalâl Şadr(Text in, pp. 447^51) .. .. 737

313. (Khwâja) Jalâl-ud-Dîn Mahmüd Khurâsânî Bujüq (Text I,

pp. 615-618) . . . . . . . . 740

314. (Shaiki) Jamâl Bakitiyâr (Text II, pp. 566, 567) Q. . . 741

315. (Mir) Jamâl-ud-Dîn Injü (Text III, pp. 358-360) ..742

316. (Mîrzâ) Jânî Beg Arghün (the ruler of Thatha)^(Text III,

pp. 302-314) . . . . . . . . 743

317. Jânish Bahâdur (Text I, pp. 511, 512) Q. .. ..748

318. Jân Nithâr Hıân (Text I, pp. 527-529) . . . . 749

319. (Mahârâo) Jânöjî Jaswant Nimbâlkar (Text III, pp. 806,

807) Q. .. .. .. . . 750

320. Jân Sipâr-Khân (Text I, pp. 535-537) . . . . 751

321. Jân Sipâr Hıân (Khwâja Bâbâ)— (Text I, p. 530) Q. .. 752

322. Jân Sipâr Hıân Turkanıân (Text I, pp. 516-519) . . 752

323. (Mahârâja) Jasıvant Singh Râthör (Text III, pp. 5!H)-604) . . 754

324. (Râja) Jujhâr Simjh Bundela (Tcxt II, pp. 214 218) Ç. .. 756

Page

332. KhalÜ Ullâh Khân (Text I, pp. 775-782) . . . . 767

333. (Mir) Khalil Ullâh Yazdı (Text III, pp. 335-342) .. 770

334. Hıân Daurân (Text I, pp. 782-785) . . . 774

335. Hıân Daurân Amir-ul-Umarâ (Text I, pp. 819-825) Q. . . 775

336. Hıân Daurân Naşrat Jang (Text I, pp. 749-758) . . 778

337. Hıân Jahan Bahâdur ?afar Jang Kökaltâsh (Text I, pp. 798-

813) .. •• •• •- ..783

338. Khân Jahân Bârah (Text I, pp. 758-766) Q. . . . . 791

339. Khân Jahân Lödi (Text I, pp. 716-732) . . . . 795

340. Khân Zaman (Text I, pp. 785-792) . . . . . . 804

341. Khân Zaman Mewâti (Text I, pp. 829-832) . . . . 808

342. Khân Zaman Shaikjj Nizâm (Text I, pp. 794-798) . . 809

343. Khidmat Parast Khân (Text I, pp. 718-716) .. ..811

344. Khidr Khwâja Khân (Text I, pp. 613-615) . . . . 813

345. Khudâ Banda Khân (Text I, pp. 814-816) . . . . 815

346. Khudâwand Khân Deccanî (Text I, pp. 659, 660) . . 816

347. Khudâyâr Khân (Text I, pp. 825-829) Q. . . . . 817

348. Khushhâl Beg Kâshgharî (Text I, pp. 773>, 774) Q. . . 819

349. Khusrau Be (Text I, pp. 673-675) .. .. ..820

350. Khusrau Sultân (Text I, pp. 767-772) .. ..820

351. Khwâja Jahân Herâti (Text I, pp. 630-632) . . . . 823

352. Khwâja Jahân Kâbuli (Text I, pp. 672, 673) . . . . 824

353. Hwâja Jahân Khavâfi (Text I, pp. 748, 749) Q. . . 825

354. Khwâja,Qulî Khân Bahâdur (Text I, pp. 834, 835) Q. .. 825

355. Khawwas Khân Bakbtiyâr Khân Deccanî (Text I, pp. 774,

775) Q. .. .. .. ■• ..826

356. Kırat Singh (Text III, pp. 156-158).. ..827

357. (Râja) Kishan Singh Bhadâwariya (Text II, pp. 228-230) Q. 828

358. Kishan Singh Râthör (Text m, pp. 150-152) . . . . 829

359. Lashkar Khân (Text III, pp. 161-163) .. ..830

360. Lashkar Khân Abûl Hasan Mashhadi (Text III, pp. 163-168) 831

361. Lashkar Khân, otherwise Jân Nithâr Khân (Text III, pp. 168-

171) .. .. .- •• ..834

362. (Rukn-ud-Daula Saiyid) Lashkar Khân Bahâdur Naşir Jang

(Text II, pp. 359-361) .. .. ..835

363. (Râi) Lûnkaran Kachwâha (Text II, pp. 116, 117)0- •• 836

364. Lutf Ullâh Khân (Text III, pp. 171-177) . . 837

365. LutfUllâhSâdiq(TextIII, pp. 177, 178) Q. .. ..840

325. Kakar 'Ali Khân (Text III, pp. 148, 149) Q. . . . . 757

326. Kakar Hıân or Hıân Jahân Kakar (Text III, pp. 152, 153) Q. 758

327. Kamâl Hıân Gakkhar (Text III, pp. 144-148) . . . . 758

328. Kâmgâr Khân (Text III, pp. 159, 160) Q. .. . . 760

329. (Rânâ) Karan (Text II, pp. 201-208) Q. .. . . 761

330. (Râo) Karan Bhürthiya (Text II, pp. 287-291) Q. . . 764

331. Kârtalab Khân (Text III, pp. 153, 154) Q. .. .. 766

The Maasir-ul-Umara.

İn 1 the Name of God, the Mercifüi,, TfiB CoMPASâioNAîE.

Boundless praise and countless benedictdons are due to the king
of kings, for the aots of famous princes and thedeedsofgreatminis-
ters spring from His almighty power and absoîute yriJl He is the
Ruler whose commands sway the hearts and handa of mortals. The
tiniestatom cannot move without the permit of His glorious power,
nor without His atringent order can any movent oease. He is an
Arranger who has given grace and glory to Space by the personal-
ities of princes of lofty Hneage and thereby made it a cradle of rest
and peace. He has associated high-thoughted nobles with enthroned
princes so that they may be as limbs to the heart, and may bring
to a happy issue the affairs of nations. He is a supreme Ordainer
who by the one word " Be " (Kun) hath brought worlds on worlds
of creations from the secret places of non-existence into the expanse
of Being — aconsummate. Artist, who in His creations has produced
such marvellous excellencies that the masters of Wiadom feel help-
less before them and are unable fully to appreciate them. As it has
been written

Verse,

O God, by Thy commanding, within the uni verse
Earth is stationary, Heaven movent.
Giver of greatness to men and genii
King of kings of the world art Thou !

Salutations without number to a Leader who af ter showing
his mission to the followers of the Divine commands regarded not

1 This is the prefaee to the second edition, but it eomes flret in the text. it
is by 'Abdu-1-Hayy, the son of the original author.

2 THE MAASIR-Tn>tTMARA.

the paucity of adherents nor the plurality of adversaries, but at-
tacked and routed the misleading heretics and founders of error,
and by successive victories requited them according to their deeds,
till at length his firm faith dominated the world and obtained
universal currency. As it has been written

Verse.
Muhammad, King of Realm and Religion
Whose sword o'erthrew the foundation of malice
Crown-wearer of the company of the apostles
On him is the seal of power and prophecy.

Blessinge also upon his hoLy family and upon his well-born
companions for they are the strong pillars of the arch of rule and
the gates of approach to him.

Let it not be conoealed from the readers of this work that as
Mir ' Abdu-r-Razzâq, who afterwards received the title of Samsâmu-
d-daulah, the deceased father of the writer of these lines, who had
acquired sueh knowledge in the science of biography, that the ac-
counts of the Indian prinees of the house of Timur and of their
officers were ali on the tip of his tongue, and had such skill ingene-
alogies that nıany persons applied to him for information about their
ancestry, whilein retirement in the Qutbpüra - 1 quarter of Auranga-
bad occupied himself in composing this book which contains an
aeeount of the officers of the aforesaid prinees. He had made rough
drafts of many biographies and had also faired out many notices.
Aftenvards when Nawâb Aşaf Jâh (the Nizâmu-1-mulkof Haidara-
bad) became well-disposed towards him and summoned him to his pre-
sence and ordered him to engage in his public business, and also later
when the martyred * Nizâmu-d-daulah made över to him the charge of
the Diwânl of his establishment (Sarkar), the completion of the book
remained wrapped in the v e il of abeyance. One dav the writer of
these words represented to him that a good foundation had been
laid, would that it might be completed ! That great one replied,
" Do you finish it." Afterwards he became the minister of Nawab

Maasir III, 107,

2 That is Naşir Jang,

THE MAASIR-TTL-ÜMABA.

Şalâbafc ' Jang, and at lasfc gave his life in that service. His houfle
was plunder ed* and the chapters dispersed. Some years afterward»
a few portions came to hand. Mir Ohulam ' Alî Azad — peace be
upon him — who was an intimate friend of the deceased — gathered-
those portions together and wrote a preface and an introduetion and
anotice of the author.

After that some other portions were reoovered. As the com-
mandof that great man continued to gnaw at my soul I was always
anxiously thinking about it, and at last I made a beginning in
1182 (1768-1769) and compiled from historical worksaupplementary
biographies, and I also supplied a preface which my deceased father
had written at the beginning of the work, and which I had copied
out into a commonplace book, as well as a preface and introdue-
tion which Mîr Azâd had written, and four biographies, also written
by Mîr Azâd. The list of books which I consulted at the time of
composition is as fbllows :—

List.

1. Akbarnâmah by ghaikh Abu-1-Faşl s. Mubârak.

2. Tabaqât Akbarî by Khwâjah Nizâmu-d-dîn Ahmad.

3. Muntakhabu-t-tawârîkh by Şhaikh 'Abdu-I-Qâdir

Badayüni.

4. Gulshan Ibrâhîmî, commonly known as the Târîkh

Ferishta by Muhammad Qâsim.

5. 'Âlâm Ârâî by Sikandar Beg, the secretary (munshl) of

Shah ' Abbâs (the İst) , the ruler of Persia.

6. Haft Iqlîm by Amîn Ahmad Râzî.

7. Zubdatu-t-tawârîkh by Nüru-1-Haqq.

8. Iqbâlnâmah by M'utamad Khan Bakhşhî.

9. Jabângîrn&ma * in which Jinnat-Makânî (Jahangir) wrote

the account of twelve years of his reign.

1 A brother öf Naşir Jang.

5 Ghulâm 'Ali was alive when this
was written. He survived the writer
of this preface who died in 1196, April
1782, whereas Ghulâm 'Ali did not die
«11 1200, 1786. He is buried at Khul-

dâbSd or Rawz5 (Haig, Historic
Landmarks of th» Deccan, p. 58).

3 As pointod out in ElliotVI, 279,
the (son of the) author does not seem
to have had access to a. cöpy of the
Memoirs extending beyond the first

THE MAASIR-TJLrTTMARA.

10. Zakhîrau-1-Khwânîn ' by Şhaikh Farîd of Bhakkar.

11. Majma'u-1-Afghânî 4 written by someone for ÎL? an Ja an

Lodî. ,

12. Pâdşhâhnamah by Mullâ 'Abdu-l-Hamîd of Lahore, and

Muhammad Wâris.

13. 'Amal Salih by Muhammad Şâlih Kambü.

14. Waqâî s Qandahar.

15. 'Âlamgirnâmah, by Muhammad Kâzim Munshî.

16. Mirâtu-l-'Âlam by Bakhtawâr K. the eunuch.

17. Târîkh* Sshâm.

18. Khulâşatu-t-tawârîkJ î) vvritten by a Hindu 6 m the time

of Aurangzeb. . .

19 Târîkh • Dilkushâ, aitten by a Hindu and contaınıng
the account of some events of Aurangzeb's reıgn.

20. Maasir 'Âlamgîrî, by Musta'ad Khân Muhammad Shafı.

21. Bahâdur 8 Shâhnâmâh, by Ni'amat Khân 'Âlı.

22. Labb Labâb, by Khwâfi Khân.

23. Târîkh Muhammad 9 Shâhî.

24 Fathiyyah, by Yûsuf Muhammad Khân. 10
25. TheTazkira" (anthology) called Majma'u-n-nafaıs by
Sirâjud-dîn 'Âlî Khân Ârzü.

twelveyears. The Jahângîrnâmah of
Ghairat K., i.e, Kâmgâr Husainî, is
not mentioned İh the üst, but is refer-
red to at II, 865 in the account of
Ghairat K.

1 Presumably this is the work men-
tioned by the writer's father, I, p. 8,
as being by Shaikh. M'arüf of Bhak-

2 This must be the Makhzân Afghâ-
ni of Bieu I, 210, 212 and EUiot V,
67. it is by N'îamat Ullah.

8 Apparently the Latâîfu-1-Akhbâr
of Rieu I, 264b. it is an account of
Dârâ Shikoh's unsuccessful siege of
Qandahar.

* By Shihâbu-d-dîn Talish, Rieu I,
206a it is also called Fathiyah-i-
•Ibratiya. See A.S.B.J. for 1872,
p. öl.

6 The author was Sujân Rai of
Batâla in the Gûrdâspür district of the
Panjab. ; See R.A.S.J. for 1894,
p. 733, Rieu 230a and Elliot VIII, 5.

6 The author was Bhîm Sen. Rieu
I, 271. it was translated by Jona-
than Scott.

7 Should be Sâqi, Rieu I, 270.
s Rieu 272a.

» This m ay be the Nâdiru-z- Zama-
nı of Khûshhâİchand, Rieu I, 128, and
Elliot VIII, 70, or it may be the work
by Yûsuf Muhammad K. mentioned
in EUiot VIII, 103.

ıo This may be the work mentioned
in Elliot VIII, 70, or it may be the
JinSna-1-Firdausof do. 413. See Rieu
138a and III, 1081a.

a See Sprenger's Oudh Catalogue,

132.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA. 5

26. Mirât Wâridât,' by Muhammad Shafî, with the poetical

name of Wârid.

27. Jahân 4 Kushâ, a history of Nâdir Shâh.

28. and 29. Sarv S zad and Khazâna 'Âmrâ, both by Mîr

Ghulâm 'Âlî Âzâd.

30. Mirâtu-ş Şafâ, 3 by Mir Muhammad 'Alî of Burhânpûr.

31. Târikh Bangâla.'*

My hope is that readers of this work will correct omissions or
mistakes if they find any, and that they will pardon defects.

Be it knovvn that the deoeased compiler of this work arranged
the lives according to the date of death, and where, as in some
cases, that date was unknown, the date down to which the biogra-
phy was carried, was treated as the date of death.

Heaven be praised ! This delightful work was finished in
1194 (1780) and the chronogram is —

Verse.
The pen decked the garden with a verbal Spring,
Approved by the wise, 'tis the pleasure-ground of every sage.

The sheet produced by the writer's Spring-creating pen dissipa-
ted the glories of Iram 6 and emulated Paradise. Reason, the
Secretary, wrote the year of completion. Bravo! " Learned
Associate (editör) of the Maasiru-1-Umarâ " (1194=1780).

Peeface which the pardoned author (Shah Newâz) of the
book wkote at the commencement * of his wobk.

From the beginning of my years of understanding and discretion
I had, in spite of the time given to ordinary lessons, a love for

l Rieu I, 275, and Elliot VIII,
21.

* The work translated into French
by Sir William Jones.

3 Rieu I, 129, and Elliot VIII, 25.

* Rieu I, 312b. it is observable
that in the above list no mention is
made of the Mulasklikhaş or Abridge-
ment of 'Inâyat K. 'Ashnâ. it is com-
•nonly known as the Shâh Jahânnâ-

moh and is referred to in Maasir II .
762, and elsewhere. See EUiot VII,
73. The author seems to have used
the Mulakhkhaş in his account of the
taking of Qandahar by the Parsians.

5 A fabulous garden in Arabia.
Felix.

6 The author states in the biogra-
phy of his grandfather Muhammad
ICSiiim, III, 721, that hu was born on

6 THE MAASIR-TTtrUMABA.

investigating biographies and chronicles. Whenever I had any
leisure, I devoted some of it to the instructive annals of former
kings , and some to the accounts of highly-placed officials . Sometimes
the words of philosophers and saints enlarged my vision, and some-
times I was stirred up by the rhythmical ufcterances of poets. At
length, in the third decade of existence, touched with contrition,
when there is a ohange in life, Time cast me into the struggles of
service and my days were spent in the acquisition of a iivelihood.
Af ter that, prosperity and pleasure threw me into other occupa-
tions and I ceased to be in ' touch with books, and the love of
literatüre left me. Though the thought of my inanuscript colleo-
tions occasionally affected me, and I wished to offer a pilgrim's
present to the rising generation, yet time kept saying to me with
the tongue of gesture (zabân-i-hâl).

Verse.
The brain o'er heaven, the heart at foot of golden idols*
How can I speak ; where is the brain and where the heart ?

Suddenly the wondrous working of destiny gave me in 1155,
1 742, retirement and solitude. Outwardly the year was pregnant
with a thousand troubles and anxieties, but the heart was im-
pledged to calm and composure, and regarded the unexpected leisure
as great gain. The same old desire took f ull possession of my soul and
ancient wishes flowered anew. But a revision of my design dissua-
ded me from composition, for my f orerunners had completed books
of every kind or fashion which I had thought of, and other subjects
had been dealt with by great thinkers and artists both directly
and indirectly, and at large or in abridgment. So my heart did
not indine towards my composıtions , and I judged them as belong-
ing to the olass of the common-place. Suddenly there shot into

28 Ramzan 1111 (8th March 1700),
and that he becarae diwSn of Berar in
1145 (1732-33), in bis 34th year.

1 Masa*. Two B.M. MSS. have
skinâ».

l Mvhrbütân. Apparently this re-
f ors to the gold coins called hün in the

Deccan, the pagodas of eariy travellers,
which were a!so called büt-ashrafi on
acoount of their having an idol or
temple repreeented on them. See
Bahâr-i-'Ajam a.v. "The brain o'er
heaven ' ' seems to refer to his lofty

THE MAASIR-UL-ÜMARA. 7

my heart the thought that if I wrote from the beginning of the
reign of 'Arşh İshiyânî (Akbar), of which the chronogram is
Naşrat Akbar (" Victory of Akbar" or "Great Victory," and
equal to 963, or 1556) to the present time, an account, in alpha-
betical order, of the iives of great Amirs and exalted nobles, — some
of whom had, at the time of their glory, by dint of fortune and
good conduct, been the authors of great deeds, and carried the ball
of a famous name to an honourable goal, while others had, by the
wind of their arrogance and presumption, heaped up final ruin for
themselves, — and should append to the biographies remarkable
sayings , strange narratives , prudent enterprises , great actions, extra-
ordinary campaigns, and exhibitions of courage, and should inci-
dentally describe the events during two centuries of the illustrious
princes of the Timuride dynasty in India — Thanks be to God for
their achievements — and should make mention of many ancient
families, assuredly a new work would be produced and one which
would stand apart from the writings of other authors. According-
ly, my heart firmly deoided upon this singular undertaking, and
the countenance of purpose displayed itself in a conspicuous
manner.

Although a book by îâhaikh M'arûf of Bhakar called the
Zakhîra-al-Khwânîn ' which contains an account of Amirs came to
my notice at this time, and many of its statements have been in-
cluded in the present work, yet as it is foünded upon hearsay, and is
contrary to the ascertainments of themastersof thisscience, whereas

1 Text Khwâqîn, but the entry
No. 10, in the îiat of authorities by
author's son, and the reference at II,
p. 260, showa that KhwSnîn, as given
in the variant, is right. it is stated
at t he laat place above referred to (viz.,
the life of Amânat K.) that the book
was written in 1060 (1650). At p. 75
of Vol. III mention is made of a S.
M'arûf who was Şadr of Bhakar, but
probably this waa the grandfather of
the S. M'arûf, th« author. No histori-
eal work called the ZakhIra-al-Khw5nîn
is mentioned by Rieu, though at

p. 1047a of his catâlogue mention is
made of an extract from the Zakhîr-
at-ul-Khw5nin which ig described as
another name for the Zakhîrat-ul-
Mulük, a treatise on practical ethics,
by the Kashmir saint Shâh Hamadân.
it is mueh to be wished that S.
M'arüf's book could be found, for ap-
parently it was full of interes'ting gos-
sip. At p, 288 of Vol. II the author
of it is Bpoken of as Şhaikh Farîd
Bhakri. See also the list of works
eonsulted by 'Abdu-1-Hayy, No. 10.

^ F*

8 THE MAASIR-tTL-TTMARA.

the basis of my book is trustworthy writings, the originality and
superiority of the latter are evident.

As in the time of Akbar, when the limit of rank for Amîrs was
5000 — though in the end of his reign two or three persons attained
to 7000 — royal service had a high value and manşabs were greatly
respected, many persons in small positions were possessed of influ-
ence and excellence, and therefore I have for that period included
officers down to the rank of 500. For the reign of Shah Jahan and
up to the middle of Aurangzeb's reign — after which many offices
and dignities came into vogue — T have noticed holders of 3000, and
the possessors ' of drums and flags. After that on account of the
Deccan campaigns full of contrarieties (isâqpürmashâq), the increase
of servants, and decrease of produce of the country, such superiori-
ties did not continue. Gradually the circle became larger, and for
the present time — vacant of goodness or blessing — when many haft-
hazârîs (holders of the rank of 7000) are at aixes and sevens (bahaft-
u-hasht, " at seven and eight ") and are damaged in reputation
and honour, and when in every disfcrict and direction many a
shash-hazârl and panchrhazârî (holder of 6000 or 5000) isinpreplex-
ity from the buffetings of f ortune, I have thought it enough to stop
at 5000 or 7000. Many anceators who had brushed the eorner of
obscurity have acquired the fame of eternal life as appendages to
their celebrated posteri ty, and many sons and grandsons, who from
want of merit did not rise to high office, have had their names
blazoned because of their illustrious ancestry. Some who did
not obtain to high rank have been noticed on account of their noble
qualities.

Thiş work, which is a collection of numerous marka (işar), has
been designated Maasiru-1-Umarâ, " Marks of Amîrs." in the
family of Timuride princes each heavenly father and püre mother
received a title; as for instance Şâhib Qirân (Lord of Conjunction)
denotes Amîr Timur, Firdüs Makânî is Zahîru-d-dîn Muhammad
Bâbar, Jinnat Âshij'ânî is Naşiru-d-dîıı Muhammad Hümâyûn,
'Arşh Âshiyânî Jalâlü-d-dîn is Muhammad Akbar, Jinnat Makânî,

1 From a statement in the Tuzak J. it appears that drums and flags were
bestowed on holders of office of the value of 3000,

THE MAASIR-UL-TJMARA . "

Nûru-d-dîn Muhammad Jahangir, Firdüs Âshiyânî and 'Alî Hazrat,
Şhihâbu-d-dîn Muhammad Şâhib Qirân Şânî is Shah Jahan, Khuld
Makân, Muhîu-d-dîn Muhammad is Aurangzeb ' Slamgîr Ghâzi,
Khuld Manzil Qutbu-d-dîn Muhammad M'uzzam Shah 'Alam
is Bahâdur Shâh ; vvhile the venerable mother of 'Arsh Âshiyânî
(Akbar), viz. HamîdaBânü Begam, has the title of Miriam-Makânî,
and the honoured mother of Khuld-Makân, viz. Arjmand Bânu
Begam, is entitled Mumtâz Mahal (Tâj Mahal), and his elder sister,
Jahân Ârâ Begam, is called Begam Şâhiba. Accordingly, when-
ever there was occasion to mention them in this book, it was suffi-
cient to do so by their titles. With regard to other princes, their
correct names have been given, except that in some places Muham-
mad Shâh Pâdishâh has been styled Firdüs Ârâmgâh.

Preface ' and Introduction which Mir Ghulâm 'Alî Azâd— may
God prolong his life-placed at the head of the chapters after
they had been collected.

(Note of Editör to Second Edition.)
(As this composition hasbecome well-known, and as it contains
a life of the deceased author (Shah Newâz), the writer of these lines
('Abdul-1-Hayy the son) has included it in the book.)

Praise to the King of Kings who has bestowed upon kings the
exalted position of the rule of the world and has given to their
Amîrs, the adorners of the throne, the office of assisting them.
And Peace and Salutation be upon the Protector of the world
(Muhammad) who has so gloriously guided the acts of the nations,
andhascontrolledgeniiandmenby the God-given seal of prophecy ;
and upon the illustrious family who are honourable princes, and on
the companions of holy lineage who are sublime Viziers.

But to proceed. This book is charming, and a masterpiece
which has no fellow. it is the pıoduction by God 's help of that
congeries of human perfections Nawâb Samsâmu-d-daulah Shâh
Newâz Khân— may God have mercy upon him— who composed it

1 This is the preface to the first edition. See account of Glıulâın 'Alî in Beale
b.v. Azâd and in Colonel Wilks' " Sketches of the South of India," I. 237. and
267 n.

THE MAASIBrUL-UMARA.

„Uh . magio pen, .»d far Av. years devoted ali the pow.r» of hi.

'"""e I' « ac,oainted with hietory ean jodge how .nnoh

la boo 'The nobfa anthor be*t„wed npon it, and how far he earned

out hia reaearohe» and .trov. after aoenraoy.

Rnt the nages which had been »ritten rema.ned nearly twelye

yj, l h S« »t fargetfoine.., and the favely peaeoch .pread
h , ptamage in the eell of a c.ge. Tinae did not allow of the b «k
»eLoUherooghdraffabeingchanged into the «h.tenes. of the

«hed page, L of the fang ^ «£»»££??£

, *• ~f i,;» lihrarv were at one stroke dıspersed. ıue
%Z£Z .li^LTtyiei. laad *- W* f Biigr^-
2 on term. of esoeeding fri.nd.bip with the deceased, and
Zte hia hLe in aorrow wh,„ the nnrivailed masterpeçe <to-
:;pl£ and for a fang thne porsned the thread, o, aearoh över

th ° Cre «. no «i- of wbitber it bad gono and inte .wta.

llnLtn.rTherewaagr.at fay, and I inn.«liate ly roiled np
^Zvetoarrange and whiten and mend tbe ^rn gar» -t*
tofonldraftand fa atitch the .oattered pagea As ^h. ma^enpt
had teken fflght from the library in detaebmen.» ^ had Mlen m
^ariona plaoee, the ehapter. did ■"£*£ iaboor ti
to be gathered like the leave. of antumn. After fc™>

'tt^hefof ,r P Jd, O^bn-i-nnik e. m e to hand .ithan^-

THE MAASIErUL-ÜMABA.

perfect beginning. The author had not written the biographies '
of Nawâb Xşaf Jâh and of his suocessor the martyred Nawâb
Nizamu-d-daulah. The jealousy of fortune had not granted him
leisure for this. The eminence of these four Amîrs was as clear as
, the sun, and it was imperative that their biographies should be in-

cluded in the work. By chance I had put together ali four biogra-
phies in my book the Sarv Âzâd. I copied out the biographies of
Qutbu-l-mulk,NawâbÂşaf Jâh, and the martyred Nizâmu d-daulah
| from the Sarv 5 zad. For the biography of Amîru-1-Umarâ Saiyid

I Husain ' Alî Khan I retained ali that came to my hand and supplied

| the beginning from the Sarv 5 zad. Some other necessary bio-

i graphies were wanting in the ehapters, such as the biography of S.

I Abül Fazl,* the author of the Akbarnâma, whose pre eminence does

; not need to be mentioned. The deceased author used to imitate

i his style in his compositions. The biography of S'aad UUah K.,

I grand vizier of Firdûs Âshiyânî (Shah Jahan), was also wanting.
| The author in several places refers to intended notices, and these
! are not forthcoming. The inference is that they were written but
i that the violent blasts of accidents had carried them away.
| The noble author, who has been received into mercy, has also

i in various places recorded his intention of writing (such and such)
I a notice, but it has not been found at the position indicated.
İ Whatever has been done has been done, and whatever was not done
remained undone. Now, who has the brains to compile such
notices and to add them as a supplement ? The author himself
completed his preface, but the writing of praise and prayer was
wanting, so I wrote some words of praise and suppiication and pre
fixed them. The first biography in this place is that of the author.
After that the body of the work commences. May God grant
help!

ı Liı

, « Ho^uch blood oozed from the vein of his thoughts."

1 The Hves of Ghâzlu-d-dîn the son
of Nijşümu-l-mulk" and of his son
' Im5du-d-dln seenı ali to be by Ghu-
l&n ' Alî as they appearin his Khazana
'AmrS.

4 Apparently the life of Abfi-1-fazl
Wuafterwards found by Shah New5z's
•on, for there is a long one in the 2nd

vol. and the son does not mark it as
his, and Ghulâm ' Alî does not say he
wrote it, The life of S'aad üllah, the
prime minister of Shah Jahan, appears
in Vol. II, p. 441, of the Maasir under
the style of 'Allâmi S'aad UUah Khan.
it is by the son ' Abdul-1-IIayy.

12 the maasır-ul.-umara.

Life ' of Nawab Samsâmu-d-dattlah Shâh Newâz Khân Shahîd

(MARTYRED) KhwÂFÎ AURANGABÂDİ— THE MERCY OF
GOD BE UPON HIM !

His real name was Mîr 'Abdu-r-Razzâq, and he was of* the
family of the Saiyids of Khwâf. His ancestor (great, great, great-
grandfather) Mîr Kamâlu-d-dîn 3 came to India from Khwâf in
the time of Akbar and became one of his chief servants. His son
Mîrak Husain was a distinguished servant in the time of Jahangir,
and his grandson Mirak M'uînu-d-dîn received the title of Amânat
Khân and obtained high office under Shah Jahan. During the
reign of 'Âlamgîr, he became diwân of Lahore, Multan, Kabul and
Kashmir, and when the subahdârî of Multan was assigned to the
Prince Shah ' Alam, Amânat K. was made naib-subahdâr in addi-
tion to his diwânship. He acted in keeping with his name (amâ-
nat, "trust") and served with perfect honesty and trustworthi-
ness. A royal order was sent to him in the time of his Diwânî to
send a certain person to court, and he summoned hjm and pressed
him to go. The person said that he would go if Amânat K. would
guarantee his being treated with respect. Amânat K. replied that
he had no confidence in a person who had behaved in such and
such a way to his father and brothers (Amânat referring thereby
to Aurangzeb's treatment of his father and brothers), how then
could he be a guarantee ? Talebearers carried this remark to the
king, and he became angry and deprived Amânat of his office and
his fief. He rem&ined a long time unemployed, but at last the king
was struck with the thought : " This person (Amânat) fears God
and regards not me." He became the patron of such a praise-

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

I Translated by H. H. Wilson,
Quarterly Oriental Magazine. IV. 2t>9.

i By the female side.

3 No servant of this name is mentioıı-
ed in the Aîn. but aeveral Kaınâls are
spoken of in the A. N. İH. At p. 259,
Vol. I, of the Maasir the author calls
his ancestor Mîrak Kamâl and says he
was the son of Mîr Hasan and came
to India with his son Mîrak Husain.

Kamâl came to India to his ınater-
nal ııııcle Shamsu-d-dîn Khwâfî, for
wlıom see Blochmann 445. The state-
ment of Ghulâm 'Alî that Mîr Ka-
mâl became one of Akbar 's chief ser-
vants, or that he became a servant at
ali, is not borno out by the Ain or by
Shah Nevvâz's own aecount of his
anoestry, in his life of Amânat Khân.
See Maasir I, p. 259.

worthy officer. The king took him again into favour and restored
to him his rank, his fief, and his diwânship. He became impressed
by his personality and relied fully upon him for every thing, both
for word and deed. When the king was in Upper India and the
subahdârî of the Deccan was committed to Khân Jahân Bahâdur
Kokaltâsh, the diwânship of the Deccan, the paymastership and
recordership were given to Amânat Khân. He managed the di-
vâni with consummate ability, and Khân Bahâdur used of ten to
eome to his house. He also had charge of the Nizâmat (the criminal
jurisdiction) of Aurangabad.

Four of his sons were distinguished. The first waş 'Abdu-1-
Qâdir Dîânat Khân, the second Mîr Husain Amânat Khân ; the
first was made Divrân-i-tan, 1 and the second, Diwân-i-khâlşa (diwân
of the exchequer). Amânat K. (the second son) was also made
governor of the port of Surat, and on his death * Dîânat K. (his elder
brother) succeeded him. This Dîânat K. had been diwân of the
Deccan before he became governor of Surat, and af ter becoming
governor, he again became diwân of the Deccan. The third son
Mîr ' Abdu-r-Rahmân Wazârat K. had the poetical name of Girâmî 8
and was made diwân of Malwa and diwân of Bîjâpür. He wrote
excellent verses and they were collected into a divân. The follow-
ing are specimens :

Verse.*

Ere the caravan-leader of the ecstatics took an omen for the

march
Our madman girt up his loins for the desert.

1 The office of looking after the
tankhtuâh or assignments of land to
private individuals.

_» in 1111, 1699— 1700. See Maasir
' Alamgirî, 412.

8 Girâmî's divân is mentioned in
8tewart's Cat. of Tippoo Sultan's
Library. See also A.S.B. Cat. 114,
and Sprenger Oudh Cat. 412,andEthe
Cat- I. O., p. 889, No. 1625.

* I found both verses in the A.S.B.

MS. of Girâmî's divân. The first ot-
cıırs before the middle of the MS. (not
paged) and the second is towards
the end of the volume. I n the MS.
the second üne comes before the first.
The divân seems to consist chiefly of
love-songs. Thepoet says he made an
ill-timed repentance in the season of
flowers as that is the time of enjoy-
ment.

THE MAASra-JTL-UMABA.

THE MAASIR-UL-TTMARA.

Another verse.
The flower-season came and I made an ill-timed renunciation
How hard was I on the bowl, and how I abused the glase
Separâted from my companions I could not join the march
Alas ! I trod the fields of ecstacy alone.

The fourth was Kâfim K. the Diwân of Multan. Mir Hasan
Alî the son of Kâzim K. was the father of Nawâb Samsâmu-d-
daulah Shâh Newâz K. On his mother's side Samsâmu-d daulah
was descended from Mîr Husain Amânat K. above mentioned
(secondsonof AmanatNo. 1) Mir Fi asan 'Ali, the father of Samsâmu-
d-daulah, died at the age of nineteen ' and had no opportunity of
developing himself .

Be it known that the descendants of Mîrak M'uînu-d-dîn
Amânat K. became very numerous and occupied a large ward
(Qutbpüra) in the city of Aurangabad. The diwânî of the Deccan
and other high offices became appurtenances of the family. A
world of men obtained shares in the bounties of the family. The
diwânî of the Deccan af ter Mîr 'Abdu-1-Qâ<ür Diânat K. fell to his
heir 'Ali Naqî K. and he got his father's title of Diânat K. After
his death this great office fell to his son Mîrak Muhammad Taqî
who obtained the title of Wazârat K. After his death his brother
Mîr Muhammad Husain K. was appointed. He served in the
time of Nawâb Âşaf Jâh afterwards, and was fully trusted. At
last he received the title of Yamînu-d-daulah Manşür Jang. He
and Samsâmu-d-daulah were martyred on the same day.

I now proceed to give an account of Nawâb Samsâmu-d-daulah.
Thevirtues of his incomparable Amir are beyond the pawers of the
pen to deüneate, nor could a wide expanse of parchment contain
them. Truly the eye of the world never beheld another Amir with
such a combination of excellencies, nor have the ancient heavens
ever weighed in the balânce of a vision a statesman of such an uni-
versality of talents. From the beginning of his development the
marks of rectitude appeared on his forehead, and the lights of

1 He died in Lahora, and Samsâmu-d-daulah wae a poathumoııs child.
Maajir. III, 721.

future excellence shone on the brow of his actions. He was born
on 29 Ramzân l 1111, 9th March, 1700, in Lahore. As many of
his relations were in Aurangabad, he went there in early youth.*
in the beginning he had an office on the establishment of Nawâb A saf
Jâh, and some time after he was appointed to the imperial diwânî
of Berar. He was long in this office and discharged the duties well
so that the Nawâb 5şaf Jâh remarked one day, bhat the work of
Mîr 'Abdu-r-Razzâq had vigour and smartness 3 (nimakî dârad).
When Muhammad Shah the ruler of Delhi summoned Nawâb
Sşaf Jâh to his presence in 1150, 1737, and Nawâb Âşaf Jâh went
off to the capital, leaving his son and heir Nawâb Nizâmu-d-daulah
Nâsir Jang as his deputy, Samsâmu-d-daulah became associated
with the son. The latter made him diwftn of his own office as
well as royal diwân, and he conducted the duties of both offices
with supreme ability and integrity.

When NawâbÂ gaf Jâh returned from Hindustan to the Deccan,
wicked men instigated Nawâb Nizâmu-d-daulah to oppose his
honoured father. Such was not the opinion of Nawâb Samsâmu-d-
daulah. On the contrary he urged him to agree with his father.
As a great crowd of wicked men were gathered from every side,
the words of Samsâmu-d-daulah were of no avail. On the day
when the son and the father met in battle, Samsâmu-d-daulah was
on a elephant foüowing that of Nizâmu-d-daulah (i.e. Naşir Jang).
When Nizâmu-d-daulah 's army was defeated and Âşaf Jâh's men
captured his elephant, Harz-Ullah 4 K., the grandson of S'aad

1 28th. 15 days after his father's
death. Maaşir. III, 721.

4 it appears from 1,611 that he was
in Lahore in 1127, 1715, where he saw
Hamîdu-d-din. He was then 15. He
lef t for the Deecan in that same yeaı
for he telis us at III. 722 that he left
for the Deccan in the year that Husain
'Ali the Bâr ha Saiyid left for the
Deccan, and this waa in 1127, or 1715.
He was made diwân of Berar in
1145, or 1732. in the biography of
his grandfather Muhammad Kâaim
the author indulges in much rhetoric

about himself. At III, 728 he say s
he spent about six yearsinretirement.
At p. 740 of Vol. III in the biography
of Mubâriz the author mentions that
he was with the Nizâmu-1-mıılk in his
campaign of 1136, 1724, when Mıı-
h8Tİzwas defeated and killed. From
ths ıjray in which he describes the
battle ete. , it would seem that he would
Iıave preferred if Mubâriz had been
successful.

3Maagir IIT, 722.

* $ee Maaşir II, 521, apparently
he vraatha great-grandson of Shah

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

UUah K. Vizier — wlıo had an acquaintance with Samsa mu- d-dau-
lah — said to him, " Nizâmu-d-daulah is going to his father'shouse,
vvhere are you going ? You have fulfilled the conditions of loyalty
as far as was proper , you should withdf aw f rom this dangerous
place." Samsâmu-d-daulah got off the elephant and \vithdrew. 1
For a time he was under Nawâb Aşaf Jâh's displeasure, and lived
in retirement. During this period he engaged in drafting and
writing the Maaşiru-1-Umarâ. He spent five years in this way.
At last Nawâb Â şâf Jâh at the close of his reign withdrew the ban
in 1160, 1747, and made him diwân of Berar as formerly. Shortly
aftervvards Âşaf * Jâh died and Nizâmu-d-daulah sat on the mas-
nad. He summoned Samsâmu-d-daulah from Berar and made him
his own diwân as formerly. He thoroughly discharged the duties
of the entire diwânî which consisted of the viziership of the six prov-
inces of the Deccan. When Nizâmu-d-daulah at the summons of
Ahmad Shah the ruler of India proceeded towards Shahjahanabad
(Delhi) he lef t Samsâmu-d-daulah in the Deccan, and at the time
of departure gave him his o\vn ring saying to him that it vvas
Solomon's seal (indicating that it was the seal of the prime minis-
ter). But when tne Nawâb had come as far as the Narbadda he,
in accordance with the orders of his sovereign, returned to the
Deccan. When his army marched to Arcot, and he was victorious
över Mozaffar 3 Jang, Samsâmu-d-daulah represented to him that
he should no'tremain there, but should leave Muhammad* 'Alî K.
Anwâru-d-dîn K. Shahâmat Jang of Gopâmau (in Oudh) there

Jahan's Vizier. Seewhat seems to be
a not altogether candid aecount of the
affair in Maasir III, 725—726.

1 He went to the house of Mataha-
war K., for an aecount of «hum Bee
Maasir U. III, 108 in notice of Qutfcu-
d-dîn Khweshgî. Matahawar died in
1156. There is a long aecount of
Matahawar K. in the third volume ,
p. 776. it is stated at p. 793thetthe
author was enabled by the exertions
of Matahawar to take up his abode
in the Deccan. Probably this means
that he ınarricd into Matahawar's

family, for he mentions at p. 722 of
the same article that he married and
so became fixed in the Deccan.

* He died in 1161, 22 May 1748
(Beale). Colonel Wilks in his Hist.
Sketches I, 258, gives 24 March 1784
aa the date, and saya it happened on
the same day as the battle of My-
conda.

8 His sister's son and the grandıon
of Aşaf J5h. His real name was Hid-
ayat Mohîu-d-dîn (Wilks).

1 Burke's Nawab of Arcot.

along.with the English in order that they might chastise the Prench
Christiansof Pondicherry. Nawâb Nizâmu-d-daulah did not listen,
and some short-sighted men who wished, for their ownselfishends,
to stay there, induced theJSTawâb to remain in that country until
there happened what happened. 1

Af ter the martyrdom of Nawâb Nizâmu-d-daulah, the rule
came to Mozaffar Jang. He turned away from the country, and
was killed * near the city of Kurpa (Cudappah). Then Nawâb Şalâ-
bat Jang Amîru-1-Mamâlik s. 5şaf Jâh became ruler, and proceeded
to Karnül from Kurpa. Nawâb Samsâmu-d-daulah was with
the army up to this point, but in Karnül he separated and went
rapidly to Aurangabad. The writer of this notice accompanied
him on this occasion. Samsâmu-d-daulah remained 3 for some
time in his house and on 9 Rajab 1165, 12 May 1752, went to
Haidarabad in order to appear before Nawâb AmîruJ-Mamâlik
(Şalâbat Jang). He appeared before him and was appointed to the
Subahdârî of Haidarabad. After some time he was dismissed from
this appointment and went into retirement. At last Nawâb
Amîru-1-Mamâlik came to Aurangabad, and on 14 Şafr 1167 11
December 1753, he gave him a robe of honour and made him prime
minister and gave him the rank of Hafthazârî (7000) together with
7000 horse, and the title of Samsâmu-d-daulah. He filled the
office for f our years and discharged the duties in gross and in detail
in an excellent manner. in spite of the want of materials he did
vvonders so that the wise were amazed. When he became prime
minister, the affairs of Naw&b Amîru-1-Mamâlik were in an extra-
ordinary condition so that from want of money his household furni-
ture had to be sold. Samsâmu-d-daulah put things to right in an
admirable manner so that the waters which had departed returned
to their channels (a phrase) and disorganization was succeeded by
order. The refractory put the ring of obedience in their ear, and
the crooked in thought the saddle eloth of reetitude on their

1 Naşir Jang's assassination which
took place on 5 December 1750, Wilks
«i. I, 267, note, and Grant-Duff II,
45.

2 February 1751. He was killed at

Raiohoutee about half of hisjourney to
Oolconda, Wilks. I, 272, and Beale.

3 He was dismissed for a time at
Bussy's inıtanoe and then restored by
the same infinence.

THE MAASIR-TJIi-UMAEA.

shoujder. Peacequicklyreturned to the eountry, and the peasant-
ry, and subjects generally, enjoyed repose in the coolness of justice.
in the space of four years he equalised the income and expendi-
ture, and he used to say that next year, Please God! the receipts
would exceed the disbursements.

To be brief , af ter he was established in the ministry he set
the standarda of Nawâb Amîru-1- mamâlik in motion and proceeded
towards Berar in order to ohastise Raghû Bhonsla. He defeated
him aııd took five lacs of rupees as tribute. From Berar he pro-
ceeded to Narmal. 1 Suryâ Râo, the zamindar of Narma] , had been
in rebellion from the time of 5 eaf Jâh and had repeatedly defeated
the government troops. Samsâmu-d-daulah contrived to imprison
him, and confiscated his territory. He accomplished these two
great things in the first year of his ministry. He spent the rainy
season in Haidarabad and in the second year 1168, 1755, he brought
Nawâb' Amîra-l-mamârik to Mysore and took fifty lacs of rupees
from the Rajah of Mysore as tribute. in the beginning of the rainy
season he returned to Haidarabad. At this time the Sultan of
Delhi '5lamg;r the 2nd sent the insignia of * Mahî-u-Marâtib to
Samsamurd-daulah. Some one made this versified chronogram.

Verse.

From the Shah of Ind came mahl and also marâtib 1168.
(Az Shah Hind âmid mahl u ham marâtib.)

in the third year 1169, he assisted Rao Bâlâjî. The eircum-
stances are these. Rao Bâlâjî besieged the city of Savânür. 3 The
Af ghans strengthened the fort of Savânür and defended it vigorous-
ly. They made f requent sallies and smote the men in the batteries.
Râo Bâlâjî was in difficulties and asked help from Samsâmu-d-
daulah. Good God ! Râo Bâlâjî who took possession of the terri-
tories of the Deocan and of Hindustan, and who shook the emperor

l in Telingânah, Jarrett II, 237,
the Neermul of Grant-Duff's map ; it
is E. Nandair.

» "The fish and dignities." See 1
Irvine, Army of the Moghuls, 33.

8 it seems also to be called Banka-
pfir, Wilks. I, 19. Savânür is in the
J)h5rwar district of the Bombay
Presidency

THB MAASIH-UIi-tTMARA.

of Delhi and the pillars of his throne, turned tor assistance to
Samsâmu-d-daulah ! He brought Nawâb Amîru-1-mamâlik to his
help, and conveyed an army to Savânür. He set up batteries and
put artillery in position so that the Af ghans changed their tone and
proposed peıace. After this Samsâmu-d-daulah set about the over-
throw of the Christians.

Be it known that when Nawâb Nizâmu-d-daulah Naşir Jang went
to Arcot in order to put down Mozaffar Jang, the latter with the
help of the Frenoh Christians at Pondicherry showed fight and was
defeated. The Christians slunk back to Pondicherry and Mozaffar
Jang was made prisoner. The Christians again made adisturbance
with the help of the Afghans, and they martyred Nizâmu-d-daulah,
and raised Mozaffar Jang to power. As I ha ve described at length in
the Sarv Âzâd, the Christians before this were confined to the ports
and did not stretch their feet beyond their limit. They became
bold after the martyrdom of Nizâmu-d-daulah and perceived the
sweets of conquest. Part of the Arcot territory came into the pos-
session of the French, and part was seized by the English. The
also prevailed över Bengal and took the castle of Surat, et cetera.
Stich was the beginning of the Christian power.

in short, after the martyrdom of Nawâb Nizâmu-d-daulah,
Mozaffar took the French Christians into service, and made them his
supporters. After he waskilled, the Christians became the servants
of Nawâb Amıru-1-mamâlik, and took as their fiefs Sîkâkul (Chica-
eole), Rajbandarî (Rajahmahendri) and other places, and became
powerful. M. Bussy , the head of the Christians, received the titles
of Saifu-d-daulah (Sword of the State) and 'Umdatu-1-mulk (Pillar
of the Kingdom) and acquiredfame. Haidar Jang became the man-
ager of his affairs. Haidar J Jang's extraction and position were as
follows. His real name was 'Abdu-r-Rahmân, and his father
Khwâja Qalandar was of Balkh and oame in the time of Nawâb
5taf Jâh from Balkh and obtained consideration. He became
governor (faujdâr) of Machlîbandar (Masulipatam), and the govern-
ment accounts were in his charge. He had in Masulipatam become
acquainted with some Christians and owing to this connection he

ı See Wilks. I, 390.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

went to Pondicherry and lived under the protection of the Chris-
tians. Haidar Jang was young then and the governor,» i.e., the
captain or Hâkim of Pondicherry, took a great fancy to him
When Mozaffar» Jang became Chief, the governor placed with him
a body of Christians under the command of M. Bussy. 'Abdu-r-
Rahmân was sent along vvith M. Bussy to be a link between the
Muharamadans and the Christians. As he was a man of ability he
got great promotion and had full control of the affairs of the
Ferınghis and received the title of Asad Ullah (Lion of God) Haidar
Jang.

in fine, Samsâmu-d-daulah, after disposing of the affair of the
Afghans of Savânür, wanted to drive out the Christians and
Amıru-1-mamâlik at his instigation dismissed them from his service
They went off to Haidarabad, and got possession of it. Nawâb
Am.ru-1-mamâlik followed them and besieged the city for nearly
two months. There was fightîng, but at last, owing to the trea-
chery of officers, peace was made, and 'Umdatu-1-mulk (Bussy) and
Haidar Jang came and had an interview (with the Nawâb) As
during the siege the fiefs of the, Christians had become disorganised
'Umdatu-1-mulk and Haidar Jang took leave and went off to Raja-
mahendrî and Chicaoole and put the estates in order. Samsâmu-d-
daulah spent the rains in Haidarabad and left it in the fourth year
of his ministry 1170, 1756-57. Râm Candra* Mahratta held pos-

1 Text Küründür »*>)£ nâm kap-
tân y'ani hâkim. Wilson 1. c. 278
has Captain Graven. There does not
appear to have been any such person,
but if the word was so written in
VVilson's MSS. it might stand for
Kerjean or De Kerjean, the Kirjean
of Örme, who was Dupleix's nephew
and a noted soldier, though he never-
was governor of Pondicherry. Mr.
Irvine has suggested Godeheu who
was the governor after Dupleix, but
he only came to Pondicherry in 1754
when flaidar could hardly have been
very young (khurd sal) and the spell-
Ung doeu not agree. I have no doub*
that the word i 8 the Portuguese

Governador or Gobernador and that
the first letter should be a G, Gaf and
not Kâf. The fact of its coming from
the Portuguese accounts for the d.
See Hobson-Jobson, 2nd ed., 390. in
a Persian petition of one Shâh Alâud-
dîn Muhammad in the Marsden MSS.
B.M. Add. F 9585, the word Küründür
occurs, as applied to a Portuguese
official.

_* Ghulâm 'Alî says in his Kh azana
' Amra that Mozaffar was the first
man to emplöy Feringhi soldiers (in
the Deccan) and Örme says the same
thing.

8 RSm Candra Jadow, Grant-
Dufl Hist. of Mahrattas, II, 106.

THE MAASUt-UL-ÜMARA.

session, from the time of Aşaf Jâh, of Bhâlkî > and other estates ap-
pertaining to the province of Bîdar and W hich yielded lacs of rent
al From a bad disposition he did not perform the dutıes of a
suoject, and Samsâmu-d-daulah desired to take his estates from hım.
Ram Candra made preparations for war, but after some vam
attempts he put the ring of submission in his ear, and his jagırs
except Bhâlkî. were confiscated. in the begmmng of the rams
Samsâmu-d-daulah came with Nawâb Amîru-1-mamâ lık to Aurang
abad At this time a force was sent to besiege Daulatabad. The
fort was taken from the Bokhara Saiyids who had held it from the
time of ■ Âlamgir (Aurangzeb). After this, the jugglıng heavens
began to turn the page and girded up their loins for the d 1S comnture
of Samsâmu-d-daulah. They took back from him allhis vnsdom and
understanding. The brief account of these events is as f ollows. The
pay of the soldiers was much in arrear. Wicked men sfcirred them up,
andtheymade clamorous demands. Samsâmu-d-daulah could have
nuelled the disturbance by the expenditure of two lacs of rupees
but as the time of his do^ynfall had come, he did not exert hımselL
0n6Zî-l-qada 1170, 23July 1757, the soldiers brought Nawab
Shuiâ r -ul-mult Basâlat Jang, the son of NawâbAşaf Jâh, out of ms
house and produced him before Amiru-ul-mamâlik. They madelnm
dismiss Samsâmu-d-daulah* and give the Khilât of the pnme mm-
istry to Basâlat Jang. There was a general not, and the rabble
and the market people made a commotion and wanted to fail upon
thehouseof Samsâmu-d-daulah. But circumstances occurred ^hıch
postponed the attack till evening. At night the leaders o .«he ™
dispersed. Samsâmu-d-daulah was apprehensive that ı on the
morrow they made a demonstration, he would not be able to con-
tend with his master. it would be better for him to withdraw.
At midnight he put loads of necessary chattels on elephants and
leftpropertv worth lacs, and varioue curiosities, and proceeded
İowa P rds P the fort of Daulatabad along with his househo^ m£e
andfemale. Of his followers nearly 500, horse and foot attended
him. Torches were lighted, and he came out armed from his

1 The Balkee of Grant-Duff's map.
İt is N. W. Bidar and Haidarabad.

î Grant-Duff Hist. of Mahrattas, II,
107.

THE MAASIR-DX-TJMARA.

house. He took the road to the Zafar gate of the city wall. The
guards of the gate could not stand against him and fled. They
(Samsâmu-d-daulah's party) broke the bolts of the gate and came out.
Near morning on the 8, ZH-q'ada 1170, 25 .Tuly 1757, they
reached Daulatabad. After his departure some of his goods were
plundered, but most of them were confiscated to the government.
After some time an army \vas appointed by the Government and the
fort of Daulatabad was besieged, and fighting went on.

Samsâmu-d-daulah was adorned with pleasing qualities and
amiable dispositions, but it sometimes happens that the Almighty
casts his servants out of public favour, and in order to adjust their
final rank places them in the world's judgment-hall, and exposes
them to the evils of trial. This was exemplified in Samsâmu-d-dau-
lah's case in spite of his qualities and merits, he was now aban-
doned by ali, high and low, courtiers and costermongers (darbârî-u
bazârl). No one uttered a word except '' Seize hini and kili him."
If anyone stood firm on the path of fidelity and preserved his affec-
tion for him, where had he the courage to say anything or to set
in motion the chain of investigation ? This poor man was the only
one who made an agitation, and disregarded the enmity of the
whole world. T had interviews with Nawâb Shujâ'-ul-mulk and
laid the foundations of a reconciliafcion. in order to bring about
peace I repeatedly went to the fort, and by ali sorts of stratagems
and contrivances protracted the siege of the fort. The terms of
peace had not been f ully settled, when Nawâb Nizâmu-d-daulah the
2nd who was Nazlın of the provinee of Berar came from Elchîpür
to Aurangabad. The Nawâb Amîru-1-mamâlik made him his
successor and gave him the title of Nizâmu-1-mulk Aşaf Jâh. He
sent for the writer of this notice , and charged him with conciliatory
messages for Samsâmu-d-daulah. He signed the list of his con-
ditions in accordance with his (Samsâmu-d-daulah's) request and
made it över to the writer. I took the list and went to the fort,
and made Samsâmu-d-daulah eager to come into the Presence.
The Nawâb Âşaf Jah sent the chief officers to welcome him, and
Samsâmu-d-daulah came out of the fort on 1 Rabî'-al-awal 1171,
13 November 1757, and had an interview, in the precincts of
the fort, with the officers who had come to raeet him. On the

THE MAASIR-HUTMARA.

same day he waited upon Nawâb 5şaf Jâh 2nd, and Nawâb
Amîru-1-mamâlik, and was the object of various favours.

At this time Bâlâjî Râo approached Aurangabad with hostile
intentions, and made his son Bisvrâs Râo his general. Rajah Râm
Candra had come from his own country in order to interview
Nawâb Amîru-l-mamâük , and had reached ' Sindkhair , 30 kos from
Aurangabad. The Mahrattas besieged him there and put him
into straits. Nawâb Âaaf Jâh marched from Aurangabad to Sind-
khair and delivered * Râm Candra from the whirlpool of danger.
There were great fights on the way and Nawâb Âşaf Jâh gave
proof of heart and courage. A number of the enemy were slain by
the sword. On this occasion Samsâmu-d-daulah waited on his
stirrup. Meanwbile news came that " Umdatu-1-mulk M. Bussy
and Haidar Jang had disposed of the affairs of the jagirs and intend-
ed to interview Amîru-1-mamâlik. They arrived at Haidarabad,
and Haidar Jang wrote letter after letter to Samsâmu-d-daulah. He
showed such sincerity that Samsâmu-d-daulah fully believed in his
honesty. He became quite oblivious of his trickery. The victori-
ous army had returned from Sindkhair and had encamped in Shah-
garha when Haidar Jang came to the Presence, and the whole
camp came to Aurangabad, and settled down on the north side of
the city.

Samsâmu-d-daulah completely surrendered into the hands of
Haidar Jang the bridle of control, and the latter moved along the
path of deception, gathering up the nets of fraud and deceit.
Though acquaintances who knew his trickery, openly, andby hints,
told Samsâmu-d-daulah about him, he did not believe them. He
relied upon the honesty of foes and did not weigh in the balance of
consideration the well-wishing of friends. At last on 26 Rajab 1171,
5 April 1758, Amir-ul-mamâlik 3 went to visit the garden Bagh Begam
in Aurangabad. Haidar Jang made ready his plot there, and when
Samsâmu-d-daulah and Yamînu-d-daulah — who has been mentioned
— came, in obedience to a summons — to that garden, both of them

l it is east of Aurangabad.

5 Grant-Duff speaks of the rescue

a farce, II, 109,

8 " He went to pay his devotions
at the tofrıb of his father Bome mile»
from Aurangabad." Wilks I, 390,

THE MAASIB-UI/-TTMARA.

were put under arrest. They were taken to the camp and put into
separate tents. Mir 'Abdu-1-Hayy K., Mîr 'Abdu-s-Sâlâm K. and
Mîr 'Abdu-n-nabî the sons of Samsâmu-d-daulah were also sent
for and oonfined in their father's tent whieh was surrounded by
Christian sentinels. Samsâmu-d-daulah's house was plundered of
what had been a second time gathered together and the veiled
ladies of the Saiyids were turnedoııtof doors. Samsâmu-d-daulah's
connexiohs and those who were in his confidence and were possess-
ed of abilities were put into strict confinement. Their money was
taken from them, and such was the oppressions practised on the
Saiyids that the catastrophe of the Karbalâ was renewed.

Tn fact these proceedings did not turn out well for Haidar
Jang. The Nawâb A saf Jâh 2nd conceived the idea of wiping out
his existence. One reason for this was that Haidar Jang had
broken faith with Samsâmu-d-daulah and that he could not be
trusted. Another reason was that Haidar Jang had first deprived
Âşaf Jâh of his plumage, and then imprisoned Samsâmu-d-daülah.
The account of this is that Nawâb Âşaf Jâh brought a powerful
army from Berar, and took the management of political and finan-
cial affairs into his hands. Haidar Jang saw that this influenee
could not exist along with Âşaf Jâh's, and set about overthrowing
him. By various tricks he separated the troops from the Nawâb,
and distributed from his own purse eight lacs of rupees as the
soldiers' pay. Thus he reduced the Nawâb to eolitude. After that
he imprisoned Samsâmu-d-daulah, and so made himself at ease
on both sides. He wished to send Âşaf Jâh to Haidarabad on the
pretence of making him the Şubahdâr thereof, but intended to
confine him in the fort of Golconda. The field would then be öpen
for his own evolutions. He did not know that fate (taqdlr)
laughed at plans (tadbîr). On 3 Ramzân 1171, 11 May 1758,
at about midday l Haidar Jang came to the tent of Âşaf Jâh who
had already determined with his councillors to assassinate him.
The household servants seized and killed him. and Âşaf Jâh
mounted a horse and came out alone from the camp. The whole
park of artillery of the Feringhis remained in empty bewilderment

Çarib ba istaıvâ. Istaw5 is again used in the sense of midday at p. 37.

THE MAASIR-ÜL-UMARA.

andÂ,af Jâh displayed a courage - such as threw into the shade the
feats of Kustum and Afrâsyâb. After the slaughter of Haidar Jang,
■Umdatu-1-mulk M. Bussy and the other officers lost their senses.
During the confusion, the waitersupon events martyred Samsamu-d-
daulah, his young son Mîr <Abdu-l-Ghanî, and Yemînu-d-daulah.
The good thing wa* that Haidar Jang, the real murderer of these
Saiyids was killed four hours before them! Samsâmu-d-daulah
heard with his own ears of his death and said " Now our safety
does not appear tome" (does not look likely) and so he devoted
himself to prayer (Ut. sate fixed in contemplation of the qıbla). At
lastLachmanân, a Hindu, one of the followers of the Christians, came
and killed them. Father and son were buried in the grave of their
aneeetors on the south side of the city, near the shrine of Shah
Nür • and Yemînu-d-daulah was buried in the grave of his ancestors
at the foot of Shâh Nür' s dome. The writer found the date of the
martyrdom of ali three Saiyids in the glorious verse. Wujuh (un)
yavrmiz (in) musfirah* " On that day the faces of some shall be
brigM" 1171- He also put the death of Samsâmu-d-daulah into
this verse.

Verse.

Samsâmu-d-daulah went from the world,
The third of the illustrious month of Ramşân

l The oourage consisted in ordering
an assassmation, and then flying !
The Naw5b fled to Burhanpur 150 m.
N. of Aurangabad Haidar Jang was
stabbed to the heart, and notslain by
having his throat cut as the transla-
tion of the Siyar Mutafchirîn has it.
Örme ed., 1778, II, 349, says Nizâm
'Ali fled at midnight to Brampur ( Bur-
hanpur) and after he knew of the kilkng
of Shah N»waz and his son. it was
this circumstance whioh disconcerted
his plans. Bussy judged it better not
to try to catch the Nişçam and bring
bim to justice. GhulSm 'Alî repeats
his account of these matters in the

Khazina •Ânira and gives the same
details about ibrahim K. GSrdî. See
his account of Şalâbat Jang.

2 A saint who died 2 February,
1 693, and is buried near Aurangabad
(Beale 367).

8 This verse is in the 80th Sura,
entitled " He frowned *' , verse 38, and
is translated by Sale " On that day
the faces of some shall be bright,
laughing and joyful," ete. The
letters w, j, u, h, y, u, m, i, z, m. s,
f, r, h' giv» 1171 (1758) according to
dbjad. The ehronogram i» a neat
one.

26 THE MAASIR-T7L-UMARA.

The Saiyid himself deolared the year
"Slain we by 'Abdu-r-Rahman " (1171). 1

Tbe writer also composed this quatrain.

Çuatrain.

Samsâmu-d-daulah the great Amîr, the sage,

Wrongfully slain in treaohery's ambush, Alas for the op-

presed, alas !
izâd presents the date. Hear, O friends !
" Wretches martyred the Saiyid " 1171, " We are God's.* "

Be it known that Mir 'Abdu-1-Hayy and Mîr 'Abdu-s-Salâm
remained saf e on the day of their father's martyrdom. The reason
was that Mîr 'Abdu-1-Hayy had been separated from his father
one day before, and that Mîr 'Abdu-s-Salâm had been sent from
the tent to a house on account of sickness. Because the lives of
both brothers were predestined, God put it into the hearts of their
enemies to separate them from their father. in the safety of Mîr
«Abdu-1-Hayy and Mîr 'Abdu-s-Salâm, the writer of this notice re-
ceived the flash of inspiration that " Names descend from heaven."
The names Hayy (God) and Salam 3 (safety) did their work and
preserved both their namesakes.

Af ter Haidar Jang was killed, Amîru-1-mamâlik, Shujâ'-al
mülk, 'Umdatu-1-mulk M. Bussy, and Zü-l-fiqâr Jang the brother
of Haidar Jang— who became his representative— went off to
Haidarabad. After coming there Zü-l-fiqar Jang went off to his
fiefs of Rajamahendri and Chicacole, and 'Umdatu-1-mulk went to
Pondicherry . War broke out between the Zamindar of Chicacole and
Zü-l-fiqâr Jang and the latter was shamef ully defeated. His soldiers
were routed and the contents of his j evvel room and wardrobe as well
as his elephants and artillery fell into the hands of the Zamindar.

THE MAASIB-U1>TTMABA.

1 it would have been more correet
to say that they were killed by Aşaf
Jâh the 2nd for it was his assassina-
tion of Haidar that caused their
deaths.

» InnS Allah " We are God's, and
unto Him shall we surely retum ' '

Koran, Sura II, v. 161. (Sale) The
words, shahîd nSkasan Saiyidrâ yield
1171.

8 Salam is öne of the names of God
and Hayy means • ' The living ' ' (God) ;
see Redhouse R.A.S.J. for January
1880, on " the most comely names."

He and a few others saved their lives. Lacmanân ' the murderer of
Samsâmu-d-daulah was killed and also Muhammad Husain the
Jam'adâr of the Gârdîs. 4 He had been put in charge of Samsâmu-
d-daulah and his friends and connexions, and had ill-tfeated them,
and both he and his men were killed.

'Umdatu-1-mulk M. Bussy who went towards Pondicherry, be-
seiged Cînâpatan (Madras) the English port and made several fiery
attempts (âtish kârzâi). At last the English were victorious and
' ümdatu-1-mulk had to fly, completely broken, to Pondicherry.
in a few months retribution 8 for the blood of the Saiyids
blossomed out. Or rather, retribution in the case of Haidar Jang's
person was heard of by Samsâmu-d-daulah with his own ears.

Nawâb Samsâmu-d-daulah was a congeries of perfections and
was familiar with ali the sciences. The questions of every science
were present in the treasury of his memory and he was unique m the
comprehension of poetry. He knew well the idioms of the Persıan
tongue andforeign Mîrzâs (Persİan literati) who met hnn were
astonished at his idiomatic knowledge. He used to say " I lay
claim to two things. One is justice, for in intricate questıon 8 I
arrive at a right conclusion, and I distinguish between truth and
falsehood. The other is a knowledge of poetry." One day he
said to the writer " This opening stanza of Faizi's is well known.

Verse.*

Two griefs have befallen me in love's path

I'm the doomed one, and the beloved is the slayer.

According to the apparent meaning, one grief is that the
lover is slain, and the other is that the beloved is the slayer

1 Grant-Duff II, 114. Hethinkshe
was probably killed at Condore in the
battle between Forde and Conflans in
Deeember 1758.

« See Siyar Mutâkharîn trans. III,
356 n. Girdi is from the French
garde. See Hobson-Jobson, new edi-
tion.

S ŞalSbat Jang Amîru-1-mamSlik
alac had a violent death. He was

imprisoned by his brother Nizam 'Alî
(the same man who killed Haidar
Jang) and after two years was mur-
dered by Ni^am 'Âli's ordera in 1763.
See Beale, Wilks I, 479, and Khazina
•Amr5 61.

* The verse is quoted in the Aîn,
Blochmann 635, but the translation
there given is wrong.

THE MAASIB-UL-TJMAKA.

Therefore escape is impossible. But another meaning occurs to
me. One grief is that the lover is the doomed one (Jçhüngirifta
'at the point of death'), God forbid that another than the
loved one should slay him ! The second grief is that the beloved
has become a murderer. God forbid that he should kili anyone
but the lover ! Both of these things are unendurable by the lover ! "
He was an unrivalled Secretary, and his letters have a special
charm. Alas that they have not been collected ! If they were,
readers would have an exquisite 1 eye-salve. He was the unique of
the age in historical knowledge, especially as regards the history of
the Timuride kings of India and their ministerS; This book, the
Maaşiru-1-Umarâ, is a proof of it which masters of the science will
recognise. He had collected a largo library of Arabic and Persian
books, and he often compared and corrected them with his own
hand. At this time his library is in conrusion. His virtues were
greater than can be described. He had a lofty nature and a firm-
ness of mind such that Aristotle might have been his pupil. He
had a sedate and majestic soul, and was also affable, sympathetic,
just and modest, faithful, püre, straighfcforward, truthful. He was
very indignant against f alsehood and never esteemed a Har. When-
ever he got money, he spent a tenth of it on the needy and he had
a separate tithe-treasury and disbursed from it to the deserving.
He was an office-adorning officer. When he sate on the masnad he
graced it without formahty. Two days in the week, Tuesdaysand
Fridays, were set apart for the administration of justice. He had
plaintiff and defendant brought before him, and exerted himself
to get at the real issue. He had at his finger-ends the regulations
of the country, and in the matter of consultations about public
matters he had no off-time either by day or by night. He had no
privy councillor. The wise of the day were mirrors of astonishment
on beholding his lofty perception and hispowers of reasoning. Af ter
reciting the morning prayer he set to business and was occupied
tül midday when he took a siesta. Then he recited the afternoon
prayer and again occupied himself with business. Up to midnight

THE MAASIR-UL-UMABA.

or even later he was engaged in political and financial matters.
ge esamined ali applicants face to face and had no one to ıntro-
d ace them. He presided with dignity on the bench, and he was
homble and pleasant in privacy.

Nawâb Salar Jang Bahâdur related that Samsâmu-d-daulah
af ter coming out of the fort of Daulatabad said to him " I have
come to know that these external ' circumstances (of prosper-
ity) which have been gathered round me have no permanency." i
( i e. Salar Jang) asked him "how he knew " and he replied " God
hasinformed me." The same Nawâb told that " On the day they
took the mihistry from him, and there was a great commotion I
and many others spent the night in his house and could not sleep
on account of anxiety. At dawn when I met him he said
' This night I slept quietly.' " He also told that the Nawâb
Samsâmu-d-daulah said to him " Before going into the fort, stock
was taken of the carpet store-room and there were found 200 odd
carpet and rugs ; on the day 1 went to the fort not one carpet was
found. ' ' Under these circumstances there was not the least change
in his feelings. The writer of this notice telis that when Nawâb
Nizâmu-d-daulah came to Arcot and was victorious över Mozaffar
Jang, the officers of the district were summoned to the presence.
On account of the Dimânl a tent had been pitched for them, at
Nawâb Samsâmu-d-daulah' s entrance. One day I came out of his
tent, and a man came running up and said, « Hâjî 'Abdu-sh-Shakûr,
a former officer says, ' I'm in the hands of the sazâmals (apparitors)
and am not allowed to movej ' Do you push severity to such an
extent as this ? " I had no acquaintance with the officer in ques-
tion, but I saw that it would be cruel not to visit him. I went, and
he complained about the calling for accounts, and his being con-
fined by the sazâıvals. I immediately went back to Samsâmu-d-dau-
lah and said, " Hâjî 'Abdu-sh-Shakûr an officer ('âmil, a collector)
who is reckoned among the officers is at the entrance, and you
should send for him. ' ' The Nawâb replied " it is not according to
rule that a collector whose accounts are under examination should

1 This is very doubtful if, M the writer »»ys, they were tnodelled on Abûl
Faıl'a. See I.O.M.S. Eth*, 1464, p. 14», for F»İEİ'BCouplet.

ı Thesentence is obscure, but apparently vh. meaning is that Sams5mu-d-
daulah felt that the present return to favour would !not last.

THE MAASIR-TJL-UMARA.

be bröught into the Presence." I said " I don't say that he should

be excused his rendering accounts, but stili I should like that he

should be summoned to your presence." The Nawâb was for re-

fusing, but I persisted. At last the Nawâb sent for him, and

saw his condition, and was very sympathetic. He said ' ' To-morrow

be present at the door of Nawâb Nizâmu-d-daulah 's house." He

also charged the ushers to let him knovv whenever he came. Next

day Hâjî 'Abdu-sh-Shakûr appeared at the door and the usher

(chöbdâr) reported the fact. Nawâb Samsâmu-d-daulah fepresented

to Nawâb Nizâmu-d-daulah. " Hâjî 'Abdu-sh-Shakür, a collector

among the collectors whose accounts are under examination has

been summoned. Mir Ghulâm ' Alî told me he should be introduced ,

and I said that a collector under examination does not come into

the Presence. Though I persisted in my refusal, the Mir would

not let me off , so I was helpless and sent for him. Now I make

the same petition to you, viz., that he may be önce for ali brought

into the Presence." Nawâb Nizâmu-d-daulah ordered that he

should be introduced. As soon as he came in at the door, the

Nawâb Nizâmu-d-daulah looked at him, and what dİd he see '? A

bowed old man (pir) ninety years of age ! He had his tunic (pîrâ-

fmn) on his breast, a green turban on his head, and a staff and

rosary in his hands. He was a saintly figüre and an object of cora-

passion. Nawâb Nizâmu-d-daulah called him to his side and gave

him a seat and asked after his health. He put the signature of ac-

quittance on his accounts and assigned him a daily maintenance and

gave him a carriage (samâri) from the government store, and then

dismissed him.

The description of the virtues of Nawâb Samsâmu-d-daulah
which has been made is but a drop from the clouds, and a single
ray from the sun. May God receive the deceased into special
mercy and adorn the chief place of Paradise with his presence !

Be it known that after the martyrdom of Samsâmu-d-daulah
when the army went to Haidarabad, Mir 'Abdu-1-Hayy K. was
taken with them and imprisoned in the fort of Golconda. Mîr
•Abdu-s-Salâm K. remained in Aurangabad on account of sickness
and was sent to the fort of Daulatabad. Nawâb Aşaf Jâh Sânı
(the 2nd) after the küling of Haidar Jang went offrapidlyon horse

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

back towards Berar. He prepared an army and addressed himself
to the chastisement l of Jânojî, the son of Raghû Bhonsla. Though
he had a small force and the enemy was numerous he was victori-
ous. After that he went to Haidarabad. Nawâb Amîru-1-mamâ-
lik, who had göne to Masulipatam to arrange matters, turned his
reiîı and the two brothers had an interview in Haidarabad. Navâb
Sşaf Jâh according to the former arrangement sate on the masnad
of theheirapparency,andtook the bridle of the management of the
political and financial affairs into his hands. On 15 Zül-q'ada
1172, 29 June 1759, Mîr 'Abdu-1-Hayy* was brought out of the fort
and had fresh life granted to him. His old title was Shamsu-d-daulah
Düâwar Jang, but after coming out of the fort he received his
father's title of Samsâmu-d-daulah Samsam Jang and the rank
6000 with 5000 horse, and was an object of favour. Mir ' Abdu-s-
Salâm K. was also, in accordance with orders, brought out of the
fort of Daulatabad, and met his family. May the Peace of God
be upon them !

8 in the name of God the merciful, the compassionate.
Praise be to God and peace be upon true beüevers !
The poor man 'Abdu-r-Razzâq Alhusainî Alkhwarazimî Alaur-
angabâdî who from the beginning of the years of understanding,
ete.

1 Grant-Duff II, 118.

2 Ghulâm 'Alî has a jıotioe of
'Abdu-1-IIayy in the K. -Amrâ lith.
p. 296. There his pen-name seems to
be given as Sinaram which might
mean ' My plane tree." But though
Sinaram seems to be the reading in
the I.O.M.S. of theK.A.,No. 2979..
p. 224b, it is probable that the true
reading is Sârim " a sharp svvord
as given in 'Abdu-1-Hayy's conelusion
to the Maasir III, 974. He there says
that this pen-name was adopted on
account of its associations with his
other title, and as Samsam means a
sharp sword, Sârim seems apprppriate.
Ghulâm 'Ali says 'Abdu-1-Hayy's pen-
name was at flrst Waqâr.

8 This is the pious ejaculation

which as Ghulâm 'Alî has said above,
he added to 'Abdu-r-Razzâq's pre-
face.

This life by Ghulâm 'Alî should
be c.ompared with Shah Newâz's
account of himself and his ancestors
in the biographies pf his great grand-
father Amânat K. and his grand-
father Muhammad Kâzim K. at Vol.
I, p. 258, and Vol. III, 715, of Bib.
Ind. ed. of the Maasir. Şee also Elliot
and DoWSon VIII, 187. At Vol. III,
p. 117, the author, inhis biography of
Qil'adâr K. informs us that his
grandmother was one of the four
daughters of Qil'adârK. by a daughter
of M. Jamshid Beg. At p. 680 of
the Maasir, Voî. III. Shah Newâz men-
tions the interesting fact that he vvas

THE MAAS1R-UL-UMARA.

'Preface to Table of Contents (p. 42 of Vol. I

(BY THE SON OF THE ORIGINAL AUTHOR).

it should be known that some of the biographies written by
the founder of this work were left as imperfect draf ts owing to
exce'ss of materials and to postponements. I have done my best to
complete and correct them, and I have supplied a list of the bio-
graphies, and have added in red ink ( the letter qâf to the supple-
mentary names so that the words of that great man (his father)
may be distinguished from those of an insignificant person like
myself. The glorious collection contains 730 biographies as the-
following list shows.

very intimate with Khâfî Khân, the
historian.

ForGhulam 'Ali's own biography see
his Yad Baiza and his Maasir-ul-Ikrâm.
He was born at Bilgrâm on Sunday,
25 Şafr 1116, 18 June 1704, and was
the son of Muharnmad Nuh. He
went in 1143, 1730-31, to Scinde and
returned in 1147. He went to Meeca
in 1150.

1 This preface is by *Abdu 1-Hayy.
He has marked his additions with Q5f
as an abbreviation f or Ilhâq ' ' supple-
ment " See Rieu I, 341, col. 2, and
Ethel. O. Cat., pp. 253-55, 'Abdu-1-
Hayy's list does not contain quite
730 biographies*, but perhaps the dis-
orepancy is the result of his mode of
eomıting. Occasionally two or more
names are put under one head. His
list does not alvvays tstlly with those
in the 3ib. Ind. ed. in the index vol.
İn the latter there are one or two
omiasions, the result of oversight.
The total of the lists in the index
voluıne is 720. The total in 'Abdu-1-
Hayy's list according to the total
numbers for each letter comes to 726.
As a matter of faot the number of the
biographies contained in the three
volurnes is considerably more than 726
for nıost of the notiees end with
accounts of the sons and grandsons
of the subject of the biography.

At the end of the thırd volume of

the Maasir III, 973, 'Abdu-1-Hayy,
the son of the origmal compiler of the
work, gives a short account of himself
and some specimens of his verses.
He says he was born in 1142,
1729-1730, and that in 1162, he
receive 1 a mansab and the title of
Khân from the martyred Naşir Jang
and was made Diwan of the pro vince
of Berar, and superintendent of Naşir
Jang's fiefs there. in the time of
Salâbat Jang he was made governor
of Aurangabad and governor of the
fort of Daulatabad Afterwards the
N5wab Nizamu-1-mulk Nîzâmu-d-
daulah patronized hira and he receivod
his hereditary title and was made
Diwân of the provinces of the Deccan,
and the Nawâb's companion in the
battle and the banquet. The title
of Samsâmu-1-mulk was oonferred on
hini and he assumed the pen-name of
Sârim (a sharp sword). *Abdu-l-Hayy
Saımâmu-l-mulk died at the fort of
Kaulas. 15th Jumâda I, 1196, (28
April 1782) and was buried in his
gardan (cemetery ?) at Haidarabad
(Rieu I, 342). Kaulas, marked in
some maps Kovrîass, is in Haidarabad
State and N. N. W. of Haidarabad
and N. of Bidar. There is an account
of 'Abdu-1-Hayy in the Yad Baiza of
Ghulâm 'Ali, and also in the Khazîna
'Âmrâ lithograph, p. 296, under the
name of Sârim.

THE MAASIB-UL-UMARA.

-ABDU-L-'AZlZ KHSN BAHÂDUR.

Sbaikh Maqbül-i-' Alam (a world-favourite) was descended tom
S. FarMu-d-dîn Ganjshakar-May his grave be holy^ Ihe abode
of his ancestors was the village of Asiya > near Bı gram. His
gl .andfatherwascalledS. -Alau-d-dîn. but was commonly known as
S. Alhadiya. They say that Saiyid Abû4-Qasun S. Satpd K
Muharnmad S. Saiyid Mahmüd of Tatta • had three sone <M them
Saiyid 'Abdu-1-Hakîm and Saiyid 'Abdu-1-Q â dir were the offsprmg
of a wife who was one of his kinsfolk. By another wıfe he had
Saiyid Badru-d-dîn who married in the vdlage of Asıya A.
Saiyid Badru-d-dîn had no son, his wife adopted her ^ brother
or Lter's child and he got the name of S. Alhad iy a (the &t).
When Saiyid F*l S. Saiyid • Abdu-1-Hakîm was actmg ; „ dtvvan of
one of the Amirs in Daulatabad, S. Alhadiya was wıth hm, The
*mîr perceived his oapabilities and sent him to the royal camp as
his a.ent. As S. Alhadiya behaved well ir, business he gradually
prosplred. He had three sons, and the third of the m was
Abdur-Rasül K. who was the father of the subject of this notıce.
Fîrüz Jang (Ghâzîu-d-dîn) Bahâdur introduced hım ( Abdu-1-
<Aziz) to royal service in the time of Aurangzeb Afterwards he
obtained suLble rank and the name of Khidmat Talab Khan, and
was made governor of the fort of Naidrug in the provmce ^of
Slpur, and also of Ausa in the province of Muhammadabad
B dar. Afterwards he was, in the time of Nı.amu-1-mulk A,af
S made governor of the fort of Junair, and became a favounte
of his. When the Ni.âmu-1-mulk left Na,ir Jang the martyred m
the Deccan and went off to Muharnmad Shâh, and Ba,ı Rao
the Mahratta leader, raised the head of sedition, and the carpe
f strife was widespread, Nâ ş ir Jang was concerned abou

„ • ^ , r , mmnne d <Abdu-l-'Azr/. from Junair, as he was
collectıng men and summonea a""" u rQt t fl
famed for courage and was acquainted wıth the Mahra ta
ıameu o war wıth the
tactics, and consulted \vıtn mm. «.*

l The Asiyûn of J. II, H8, and
the Asîwan in tho Unao district of
Oudh of the I.G. VI. 13. See also
Beames A.S.B.J., for 1884, p. 227.
5

î Text Bhata, but B.M.M.S. has
Tatta and this is probably the correct
readtng.

THE MAASIB-UL-ÜMARA.

Mahrattas was ended, he made him Naib (Deputy) Sübahdâr of

ftoTu T r^ aft6r ^ r6tUrn ° f **™^ A B af Jah

on T v r Fe ^ " «""H*"™* between father and

son, and Naşn- Jang retired to the Khuldâbâd cemetery

Dau atabad, 'Abdu-l-'Aziz took leave and went off from the Rau*a
to leaf Jah. He, on perceiving a want of favour, made a pretezt
to come to Aurangabad, and by letter and message induced Nftsir

Mulhau- and collected a force and cama against his father in front
of Aurangabad and then there happened what happened. When
the busmess faüed, 'Abdu-l-'Azîz went off to Junair After that
hav ing t d by various .neans-the best of which was the
clemency and prudence of Âşaf Jah-to have his offences forgiven
he secretly wrote and sent verbal messages to the court oi
MuhammadShah and asked tor , sanad in i own name 7 \ h °

WheT 1?Z T 1'J hİCh ^ " ^ P ° SSe8SİOn ° f ^eMahratt^
When A şa f Jah had Ms camp near Trichinopoly, he ('Abdu-l^AzIz
enhsted many men and proceeded towards the province. The
Mahrattas stopped him on the way and a battle took place, and
as fate would have it, <Abdu-l-<AzIz was martyred in 1156 1743
He was a bold man and acquainted ™th the work of making eol-
lectıons (<a m ildari). He had no scruples about getting in monev
wıth or w,thout reason. One of his sona was Mahmüd 'Alam
K who after his father was made governor of the fort of Junair
and sfctyed there a long time. When the Mahrattas became verv
po^erful, and there was no hope of assistance, he received an
estate from the Mahrattas and surrendered the fort to them At
the tüne of writin g he is stili alive. Anocher son was ö idmat
laiab K. who was at last made governor of the fort of Naldrug
and dıed. (Q.) &

'ABDU-'L-'AZIZ KHAN, SHAIKIJ.
A connection of S. 'Abdu-1-La.tif • of Burhanpur. As Aurang-
zeb had many associations with the latter, or rather was devoted

1 Cf. II, 77, nine j^^ fro|n foot
hilm u gumaht.

2 Khâfî K. II, 553, ete.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

to him on account of his virtues and piety, the Şhaikh recommend-
ed 'Abdu-l-'Azîz, and he was enrolled as a servant. in the battle
with Maharajah Jeswant Singh he showed zeal and received one
and twenty wounds, and was rewarded with a robe of honour and
a horse. When Aurangzeb marehed from Agra to Delhi in pursuit
of D&râ ghikoh, 'Abdu-l-'Azîz received the rank of 1,500 with 500
horse and the title of Khân, and was made governor of the fort
of Raisîn in Malwa. in the 7th year he was summoned to court,
and in the same year he was made, on the death of Mîr Bâqir K. ,
faujdâr of the Chakla of Sirhind. Afterwards he was made gover-
nor of the fort of Asîr, a dependeney of the province of Aurang-
abad, and in the 20th year when Sîvâ Bhonsla got his men up
to the top of the fort by means of lassoes, he w as aetive and slew
them, and for a long time remained Rrm there. in the 29th year
corresponding to 1096, 1685, he died. After him, his son Abü-1-
Khair succeeded him, and in the 33rd year had charge of the fort
of Râjgarha. When the Mahratta army ' sent him a measage to
evacuate the fort, he became terrified and asked for quarter and
came out with his family and necessary effects. The Mahrattas
cast aside the agreement and seized whatever property they could
get. When this transaction was made known to the emperor, he
dismissed Abü-1-Khair and appointed a strict sazâtml to see that
he went to Mecca. Though his mother made great efforts and
obtained a revocation of the order, yet before this came
he had already embarked at the port of Surat. On his return he
again became an object of favour and received his father 's title,
and was put in charge of the tomb of Shâh ' Abdu-1-Latîf which was
in the city of Burhanpur. His son was Muhammad Naşir K. alim
Miyân Mas'tî (the mad Miyân) , who is serving other people. At last
he too has göne to the final lodging. (Q.)

'ABDU-L-HÂDÎ KHWÂJA.

Eldest son of Şafdar K. Khwâja Qâsim. in the beginning of
Shah Jahan's reign he was in the tpwn of Sâronj which was his

1 KhSfî K. 11,392. On the same
page mention is made of 'Abdu-1
'Azîz as a slave who had been brought

up by the family of Bairâm K. Khân-
Khânân and ashaving been in charge
of the fort of the Klıaibar.

THE MAASIK-UL-UMARA.

father's fief . in the 4th year when Khan Jahân Lodî in concert
with Dariyâ K. Rohilla hastened frorn the Deccan to Malwa, and
came to that town, he took charge of its protecüion. Up to
the 20th year he had a mansab of 900 with 600 horse, and in the
21st year he rose to the rank of 1,500 with 800 horse, and in the
23rd year he had an increase of 200 horse. in the 26th year he
went off with Prince DârâŞhikoh who had been appointed to take
Qandahar. At the time of departure his rank was 2000 with 1000
horse and he had the gift of a khilât, and a horse with a silvern
saddle. in the 27th year he had the distinction of a flag. in the
30th year corresponding to 1066, 1656, he died. His son Khwâja
Jâh had in the 30th year the rank of 1,000 with 400 horse.

' ABDU-L-MAJID OF HERAT (ÂŞAF K. KHWÂJA).

He was descended from Shaikh Abü Bakr Tâlbâdî. 1 When
Timur in 782, 1380-1381, conquered Herat whieh was held by
Malik Ghîâsu-d-dîn, he came to Tâîbâd and sent to the Shaikh and
asked why he did not come to wait upon him. The Shaikh
replied, " What ha ve I to do with him ? " The Amir then went in
person and said, " Why did you not advise Malik Ghîâsu-d-dîn ? "
He replied, ''I did advise him, but he did not listen. God has
sent you against him, I now advise you to be just. If you do not
listen, He will send another against you." The Amîr used to say,
" During my Sultanate with whatever darvish I consorted, I
perceived that each of them was in his heart thinking about
himself , except the §haikh whom I f ound separated * from himself."

Khwâja 'Abdu-1-Majîd was one of the servants of Hümâyûn,
and on account of his honesty and skill he was made Diwân at
the time of the conquest of India. When the wbrld renewed its
youth by the accession of Akbar, the Khwâja was exalted from
the diwânî to the rank of commander (sirdârî) and united the
sword with the pen. When Akbar proceeded to the Panjab in
eonnection with the affair of Bairâm Khân, the Khwâja got the

ı B. 366. As pointod out by
Blochmann, there is sn account of Abü
Bakr in the Naflı5tul-Uns ; but it

doea not teli the story «bout Timur.
Seelith. ed., p. 325.

* min khudra dar hajab.

THE MAA8IR-UI/-UMARA.

title of Asaf K. and acquired reputation as governor of Delhi.
He reeeived a drum and a flag and an office of 3000. When
Fatû K., the slave of Adili, who had taken possession of Chunâr,
showed a desire to surrender it, Âşaf K. in accordance with the
king's orders went along with SJjaikh Muhammad Ghaus, and
obtained peaceable possession of the fortress. The charge of
Sarkar Kara Mftnikpûr was made över to him. At that t ım e
Ghâzî K. Tanürî, who was one of the leading Afghan officers,
and had for a time served Akbar, absconded and went off with
some men to the country of Panah, which was an independent
kingdom. There he was in security and set about being seditious.
Âşaf K. in the 7th year conveyed to Rajah Râm Chand, the ruler
there, the message that he should become tributary and deliver
up the rebels. The Rajah in his presumptuousness joined with
those wretohes and prepared for war. Âşaf K. behaved with
energy and killed the refugees. The Rajah was defeated and took
refuge in the fortress of Bândhü which was the strongest fortress
in that country. At last, by agreeing to make submission, and at
the intercesaion of Rajahs who were near Akbar, an order was
issued to Âşaf K. to abstain from attacking the Rajah. Aeaf
therefore withdrew, but as he had acquired much power by his
victory he formed the idea of conquering Garha. it was an
extensive territory south of Panah and was commo '- known as
Gondwâna. it was 150 kos in length and 80 kos in breadth
They say that in old times it contained 80,000 villages.

The inhabitahts are Gonds, vvhich is a low-e«rte tribe, and
one looked down upon by Hindus. Formerly many Rajahs
ruled it, but at this time the power was in the hands of Rânî
Durgâvati. She by her courage, dexterity, and justice had united
the whole country. Garha was a great city in that country and
Katanga was the name of a village which was subordinate to it.
Âşaf K. ascertained by means of spies the modes of access to the
country, and in the 9th year invaded it with 10,000 cavalry.
The Rânî, who had not at that time cöllected her forces, came
with a few troops to give battle. She said, "How can I, who
have ruled this country so îong, think of flying? it is better to
die with honour than to live with disgrace." Her officers

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

represented that it was a fine thing to resolve upon fighting, but
that to cast aside the thread of counsel was not courage. They
should strengthen some places until they could collect their
army. This was done. When Aşaf K. took Garha and did not
retreat, the Rânî called together her officers and said, "I want
war. Whoever desires it, let him come with me. There is no
third course. İt is a case of victory or death." She turned to
fîght. When she was told that her son Bir Sah had received
wounds, she bade thenı remove him from the battle-field to a safç.
place, and vvhen she herself was vvoundetl she said to a confidant,
"I have been eonquered in battle. God forbid that I be con
quered in name and fame; do your duty, and put an end to me
with a dagger." He had not the courage to do so; and she
stabbed herself. Aşaf K. set off to seize Chüragarha, which was
a fort and a capital, and had many buried treasures, and which
Bîr Sah had strengthened. Af ter a struggle in which Bîr Sâh
bravely fell, the fort was taken. After this victory, which was
the greatest of Aşaf K.'s achievements, he became possessed of
boundless treasures, and grew proud and arrogant. He went
astray, and out of 1,000 elephants he sent (only) 200 to H.M.
in the lOth year Khân Zaman Shaibânî, in conjunction with the
Uzbeg officers in the eastern districts, raised the standard of
rebellion and besieged Majnûn K. Qâqşhâl in the fort of Mânik-
pür. 5şaf K. came to his assistance with 5,000 cavalry. When
Akbar came to that country to put down the rebellion, Aşaf K.
appeared before him, and presented as peshkash the rarities of the
spoils of Garha, and held a review of his troops. He was again
treated with favour and sent to pursue the rebels. But the im-
perial clerks, 1 who had had a taste of his bribes, out of cupidity
and envy, hinted at his accumulation of wealth and his embezzle-
ments, and talebearers exaggerated these remarks and filled Aşaf
K. with fears. On 20 Şafr 973, 16 September 1565, he out of vain
suspicion took to flight. in the llth year, when Mahdî Qâsim K.
was appointed to the govemment of Garha, Aşaf K. Jeft, with
many regrets, that country, and with his brother Wazîr K.

1 Akbarnâmah, II, 256.

THE MAASIR-ULrUMARA.

accepted an invitation from the Khân Zaman and joıned hım in
Jaunpür On the first interview he perceived the Khân Zaman's
tyranny and arrogance and repented of his coming, and vvhen he
saw that his cupidity was excited by his possessions he sought an
opportunity of leaving him. At this time the Khân Zaman sent
him and his (own) brother Bahâdur K. against the Afghans, but
kept Wazîr K. with bimself . Hence both the brothers resolved to
fly and went off to Mânikpür. Bahâdur K. pursued them and
fought with them. Aşaf K.'s men were defeated and fled, and
he was captured. Suddenly Wazîr K. arrived and learned what
had happened. As Bahâdur K.'s men were engaged in plunder-
ing, Wazîr K. attacked and Bahâdur K. fled. He gave a sign to
kili Aşaf K. who was fastened onan elephant. He was struck
önce or twice, his fingers were cut, and he was wounded on the
nose, when Wazîr K. arrived and relieved him. Both brothers in
the year 973, 1565-66, came to Kara. Aşaf K. sent Wazîr K.
to Agra to Mozaffar K. Tarbatî in order to obtain pardon through
his intervention. Mozaffar K., who in obedienee to a summons
went to the Punjab in 974, took Wazîr K. with him and produced
him before Akbar in the hunting-field, and interceded for him.
An order was given that Aşaf K. together with Majnün K. should
guard the boundaries in Kara Mânikpür. in the same year Akbar
made a rapid expedition against Khân Zaman and Bahâdur K.,
and slew them. in this battle Aşaf K. displayed zeal and showed
perfect loyalty. in the year 975, 1567, he obtained the pargana
of Biâna l as his fief in supersession of Hâji Muhammad Sîstânî in
order that he might go there and make preparations and act as
the advance-force in the matter of Rânâ Udai Singh. When in
themiddle of Rabîu-l-awal of that year, September 1567, Akbar
marched from Agra to punish the Rânâ, the latter left Jaimal—
who was formerly in Mirtha— in charge of Chitor, and retired to

1 Text pargana Bîâk. B. 368
haa read this as Piyag, i.e. Allahabad.
But the Maaşir is here copying the
T. Akbarî, and that has (see Elliot V,
324) Bîâna, which is on the way from
Agra to Chitor. Hâji Muhammad

apparently got a fief in Malwa in
exchange, A.N. II, 313. Aşaf and
his brother's going on in advance of
Akbar's army is referred to in A.N.
II, 313.

THE MÂASIR-UL-ÜMARA.

the corners of the hills. Âşaf K. did excellent service in the siege of
that fort. Chitor lies on the top of a hill whieh ia nearly a. kos l in
height, and this hill is in the midst of an öpen plain which has no
elevation. Its circuit is at the foot six kos, and three kos where
it is walled in. Besides large stone tanka which are filîed by rain-
water, there are springs high up in it. After 4 months and 7
days the fort was taken on 25 Shâbân of the 12th year, 24
February 1568, and the whole Sarkar of Chitor was assigned* to
Âşaf K. as his fief.

'ABDU-L-MATLIB KHÂN. 8

Son of Şhâh Budâgh K., and one of Akbar's Amîrs of the
rank of 2500. At first, he was appointed along with M. Sharafu-d-
dîn Husain 'to take Mîrtha, and did good service on that occasion.
Afterwards he beeame one of Akbar's personal attendants. in
the lOth year he went with Mir M'uzzu-1-mulk to punish Sikandar
K. Uzbeg, and Bahâdur K. Şhaibâni. When the king's army was
defeated and scattered he too took his own road. After that he
was sent off with Muhammad Qulî K. Barlâs against Sikandar K.
who had made a disturbance in Oudh. After that he for a while
lived on his fief in Malwa. When in the 17th year the Malwa
officers were ordered to assist the Khân A'zim Koka, he came to
Gujarat and in the battle with Muhammad Husain Mirza bravely
engaged in single combats. By orders he canre with the Khân
A'zim Koka and did homage at the time when the king was
besieging Surat, and then was allowed to go back to his fief. in

1 This is taken from the Tabaq5t,
seeElliot V, 325; but Nijâmu-d-dîn
must mean that the height, balandi,
extendedforaio«, i.e.,the ridgewas so
long, not that the elevation was a kos.
See account of Chitor in Râjputana
Gazetter 11.1,51. "The fort staods
on a long narrow hill . . extreme length
of fort from wall to wall 6,746 yards."
" The hill averageş aboot 450 ft.
above the surrounding oouotry."

i AN. II, 324. The »rticle ends

rather abruptly, and, as B. has point-
ed out, does not mention when 'Abdu-
1-Majîd died. B. adds tnat he must
have been dead in 081, 1573-74, as in
that year the title of Âşaf K. waa be-
stowed on another noble. A. F. places
him among the holders of 3000. The
T.A. adds to its netice of him that he
entertained 20,000 horse.

* B. 403. 'Abdu-1 Matallib was
the name of Muhammad's grandfather.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

the 23rd year when Qut;bu-d-dîn K.'s men arrested Mozaffar
Husain M and were bringing him to cpurt from the Deccan, he as
ft precaution joined them with some Malwa troops. in the 25th
year he was appointed along with Ism'aîl Qulî K.tochastise Niyâ-
bat K. 'Arab, 1 and displayed zeal and devofcion. in the 26th year
he was accused • of having killed Fath Dost, the son of 'Alî Dost
Bârbegî, but after some time was reeeived into favour. in the
expedition to Kabul he had command of the left wing. in the
27th year when Akbar went to the eastern districts and came near
K&lpî-where 'Abdu-1-Matlib had his fief— he at 'Abdu-1-Matlib's
request visited his residence. in the 30th year he went to the
south as one of the auxiliaries of the Khân 'Azim Koka, and in the
32nd year s he went with a large force to punish Jalâla Târîkî. One
day, when Jalâla Târîkî attacked the men of the rear-guard, though
Abdu-1-Matlib did not mount his horse, the other officers rushed
forward and defeated the enemy and slew many of them. But
'Abdu-1-Matlib from excessive anxiety and mental disturbance
beeame mad and came to court in a helpless oondition. At last
he died at his appointed time. Sherzâd his son attained to the
rank of 500 with 200 horse during Jahangir's time.

ABDU-N-NABİ ŞADR. (SHATKH).

Grandson of S. <Abdu-l-Quddüs* of Gangoh, who was a descen-
dant of imâm Abû Hanîfa of Küfâ, and one of the later celebri-
ties of India. He died in the year 944, 1537-38. S. 'Abdu-n-Nabi
was the first of his time in literary (naqlîya) sciences, and had a

l A.N. III. 328.

•2 A.N. HI, 354, and also Iqbâl-
nâma which telis us that the father of
the murdered man declined to prose-
eute. Fath Dost had just been made
a member of the Divine Faith.

3 See A.N. III, 520-521. B.
wrongly says it waa the son that was
attacked. A. F. mentions that the
general eould not mount his horse, but
does not give the reason. Perhaps ali
that is meant is that he eould not
get back to the scene of battle.
6

The text of the A. N. spells 'Abdu-
1-Mafclib's name as 'Abdu-1-Mu$]jalib.
A.F. says he was sent in as he was
insane. He does not say why he be-
eame mad. The battle is also des-
cribed by NizSmu-d-dîn. See Elliot
V, 456.

* J. III. 374, where the date of
death given is 950, 1543. The
Khazina AşfiyS has 945. Apparently
945 is the correct date. Bieu II,
830a XV. For 'Abdullah, seeB. 457.

THE MAASIR-UlrUMARA.

THE MA_SI_-tN>TJMARA.

high place in the science of Hadis (tradition). in spite of his greafc
acquirements, he was assiduous in following the practices of the
noble order of Chisht. He could so hold his breath fchat he for the
space of a wateh (pahâr) could without breathing occupy himself
in mental uttsrance (zikr qalbî). l in the lüth year of Akbar's reign
he attained through the influence of Mozaffar K. the chief diwân,
the office of principal Şadr * of India. in the course of time the
chief transactions of State were carried on in accordance with his
recommendations. His intimacy with the king became so great that
Akbar used to go to his house to hear the Traditions. As at that
time Akbar, at the instigation of the Shaikh, sho\ved greafc zeal
in the perforınance of exemplary acts and the non-performance of
vehat was prohibited , he personally recited the Azan (cali to prayer)
and acted as imâm (leader of the prayera), he even went so far as to
sweep the mosqne in order to acquire merit. One day on the
occasion of the anniversary of the accession, 3 the eolour of saffron
had been put on the king's clothes. The Shaikh was angry and
in öpen diwân so wielded his staff that it reached the king's skirt
and töre it. The king was displeased and went to his mother and
complained, saying that the Shaikh should have made his remon-
strance in private. Miriam-Makânî said , " My son, don'tbevexed.
This \vill be a cause of salvation to you on the last day. Till the
day of the Besurrection they will teli how a poor Mullâ dealt\vith
the king of the Age, and how the king of happy augury submit
ted."

As the Shaikh and Makhdümu-1-rnulk every day displeased
the king by their censures and bigotry, his heart became
alienated from them. Shaikh Faizi and Shaikh Abü-1-fazl
perceived this and represented that their science was g'reater than
that of those hypocritical Shaikhs who under the screen of religion
(din) hadgatheredthings of the world (daniyâ). " If Your Majestv
will support us vve'll silence them by con vincing proofs. " Accord-
ingly one day there was food containing saffron * ön the table-

1 See aceount of Zikr in Hughes'
Dict. of islam. ' Jahangir read the
Forty Traditions with 'Abdu-nnabî.

* Badayüm II. 71.

8 Sâlgirilı. it m ay have been
the anniversary of the birthday.

* Dishes containing saffron are
described in the Afn. B. 59. 60.

cloth. When 'Abdu-n-nabî partook of it, Abü-1-faşl said, "Oh

Fie, Shaikh, if saffron be licit, why did you make ali those

strictures on H.M. the Vicar of God, _nd if it be illicit, why have

yoü partaken of it so that for three days the effects will remain?"

There were repeated altercations between them. At last in the

22nd year there #as an inquiry into siyürghâl and other tenures,

and it appeared that the Shaikh in spite of his devotion and

austerity did not observe the due degrees of moderation and

regard to merit. in every province a separate Şadr was appoint-

ed. And when in the 24th year Akbar had an assembly of

'Ulama and sages, it was agreed by them that the reigning king

" Pâdish&h-i-Zamân " was the imâm of the time, and Mujtahid

(Doctor) of the world. Whiehever of the conflicting opinions of

former Doctors he adopted was to Be received by mankind ; that

is to say, in matters of Faith, as to which Mujtahids differed,

whatever side His Majesty adopted, for the soothment of the

world, and the tranquillit3r of the men of islam, was binding upon

mankind, and whatever order he might issue which was not con-

trary to the Law and the Şunnat, and was for the good of the

people, could not be opposed without incurring loss in this world

and in the next. For the rank of a just king was above that of a

Mujtahid. A document was drawn up to this effect and it was

attested by the seals of 'Abdu-n-nabî, the Makhdümu-1-mulk

Sultanpüri, Ghâzî K. Badakshî Hakîmu-1-mulk and other 'Ulama.

This ' took place in the month of Rajab 987, August 1579.

When different statemehts were made by 'Abdu-n-nabî and

Makidûmu-1-mulk, and it appeared that they were saying that

they had been made to attest the document by force and against

their will, Akbar, in the same year, made the Shaikh the leader of

the caravan and sent him off with a sum of money for the chief men

of Mecca, and for the indigent there, and he also dismissed

Makhdümu-1-mulk. in this way he exiled them from his territo-

ries, and gave the order that they should ahyays remain there in

the practice of devotion and not return unless they were sum-

moned. When the coming of M. Hakim and the rebellion of the

officers of Bihar and Bengal caused confusion in India, ' Abdu-n-

_____ ^„__

THE MAASIR-TTL-UMARA.

nabî and Makhdümu-1-mulk — who were watching for such an
opportunity — heard exaggerated accounts and resolved to return.
Tn spite of the admonishment of the §hârîf of Mecca, and in opposi-
tion to the king's command, they made the voyage, and in the
27th year arrived at Ahmadabad. Though the Begams of the
Harem interceded f or them, yet as the rebela renewed their im-
proper language, the Şhaikh was sent for, and waa imprisoned '
with great severity on the pretext of his having to render
accounts. He was put into the charge of S. Abü-1-fazl, and he
knowing that the king would not question about his murder,
secretly had the Şhaikh strangled,* in consequence of the old
enmity, in the year 992, 1584. Or perhaps he died a natural

death.

<ABDU-L-QAWÎ (I'TIMÂD K. SHAIKH).

He is famed for his excellency, laudable qualities, piety and
orthodoxy. He was long in the service of prince Aurangzeb and
was his personal attendant. He 8 was highly honoured and trusted
on account of his honesty in speech and act. When Aurangzeb
left the Deccan for Agra for the purpose of assuming the sover-
eignty, he was raised from 900 to a mansab of -1500, and was in
attendance on Aurangzeb 's stirrup at ali the battles. Af ter the
Accession he attained high office and became an Amir. in the 4th
year he received the title of I'timâd Khân, and became a i'avourite
above ali his contemporaries. As he advanced in the service and
was in the king's confidence and was distinguished for tact, he be-
came more intimate with the king than the other pillars of the
empire. They say that he used to sit with the king in private and
that his suggestions \rere listened to and approved of But he
never recommended anybody and kept the gate öf liberality
closed. On account of his connection with sovereignty and the
pride of being the king's teacher he did not pay attention to men,
and was very pompous. He was also very bigoted.

1 Badayfinî. Lowe 321, and also
244.

2 There is a full account of 'Abdu-
ıı-nabî in the Darbâr Akbarî, and in
a note at p. 327 it is pointed out that
M'ütamad K. in his Iqbâlnâma (Fart

II) distinctly aays that A.P. killed
'Abdu-jı-nabî. See also the account
in Badayûnî III, 79, where 991 is
given as the date of death, but in II.
312 the date is given as 992.

3 Cf. 'Âlamgîmâma, pp. 982-83.

THE MAASIR-UL.-UMABA.

Sa'îdâî ' Sarmad was a Jew by origin and was regarded as a
Rabbî. When he became a Muhammadan he studied under Mir
Abû-1-Q'asim Qandarsakî. He came from Kâshân to Tatta
(Scinde) for purposes of trade and there fell in love with a Hindu's
son and threw away everything that he had. He did not even
cover his private parts. When he came to Delhi, he associated
with Dara Şhikoh who had much faith in distracted persons.
Af terwards, when the Fates put the reins of power into Aurang-
zeb's hands, he, who was very strict in religious matters, ordered
Mullâ 'Abdu-1-Qawî to send for Sarmad, and make him wear
clothes. When he was brought, the Mullâ said, "Whyareyou
naked ? " Sarmad replied, "Satan is powerful," a and he recited
this quatrain.

) Rieu II, 647a, and III, 1089b,
'Allah YSr's Hadiqatu-1-Aqâlîm lith.
ed., 109, Bernier II, 124 of ed. 1699,
Manucci, translation I, 223 and £84;
but the best account of him is in the
DabistSn. Cal. lith., p. 298, ete. The
author of that work saw hira at
Haidarabad (in the Deccan) in 1057,
1647. I think the statement that
Sarmad was an Armenian is & mis-
tüke for Rabânîan, and the meaning
is that he was a Rabbi. See Dabis-
tan I (which seems to be the Maasir's
authority). Theword Qanduz îıı text
seems a mistake for Qandarsakî.
This is ene ot the variants, and it is
supported by the Dabistan. Sarmad's
name was Muhammad S'aid, but pre-
sumably this name was assumed after
he became a Muhammadan. Ho was
put to death in 1071, 16RO-61. I
have alteredthe statement in text tlıat
Sarmad was reported to be an Arme-
nian. it is Qandarsagî in the Dabistan
and in the variant to the test of
the Maasir, but gaf and fâ only differ
by a dot. According to the Burhan
Q5ti and Vullers II, 693&, where
Abü-1 Qâsim Fandarsagî is men-
tioned, Fandarsag is a village in the
district of Astrabad, on the S. E. coast

of the Caspian. But for the state-
ment of Burhan Q5ti' onewould be in-
clined to read the word as qandazsagi
and to connect it with Abu-1-Qasim of
Nîshâpür and Naşrabâd, about »hora
a story is told of his giving up the
benefit of his forty-five pilgrimages
in order to feed a dog. Qandazsag
might mean a fox or a dog. See the
Hadîqa-ul-Iq51îm, p. 398, and the
Khazîna Aşfiyâ's notice of Abü-1-
Q5sim II, p. 207. it' is true that this
saint died in 367 A.H., 977-78, but
perhaps the passage in the Dabistan
only means that Sarmad studied his
nritings. There is a notice of Sar
mad in the Khazîna A. II, p. 352.
An Abu-1 Qâsim of Andijân in Fer-
ghâna is mentioned as a leading
Shaikh and as having corrıe to India
in the time of Shah Jahan. See
biographyof Khvvâjah 'Abdu r-Rahîm
Maaıir I, 792. Perhaps it was this
Abû-1-Qâsim who was Sarmad's teach
er. Apparentİ3' Sarmad was stili a
Jew when the author of the Dabistan
met him.

■ Is there an allusiön here to
'Abdu-1-Qawî's name ? The words
are Shaitân Qawîest.

46 THE MAASIB-TTL-UMAKA.

He is pleased with so debasing me (?),

Hia evil eye has ta'en the cup from my hand (?),

He lies in wait, and I'm at his beck,

A strange robber ' has made me naked.

The Mullâ and the other lawyers decided that he should be
put to death, and the Mullâ made this quatrain which denied the
Ascension of Muhammad a reason for this.

Verse.

He who was aided by the Prince of Truth
Was himself wider than the wide heavens.
The Mullâ says, "Ahmad ascended to heaven."
Sarmad says, " Heaven descended to Ahmad."

The truth is that the main reason for putting him to death
was his companionship with Dârâ Şhikoh, otherwise there were
many thousand naked enthusiasts like him in every İane and
street.*

in short, Mullâ 'Abdu-1-Qawl was a very strict censor. in
the ninth year, 1077, 1666-67, an unknown Turkoman Calendar
killed him with a sword. This event was of a surprising nature.
The details are as follows :— When Tarbîyat K. had göne off as
ambassador to Shâh 'Abbâs the second, he did not perform the
duties of the etiquette of an embassy in a proper manner, and
made the Shâh, who was of a lunatic disposition, more irritated
than ever. The old friendship became clouded över and it came to
the leading of armies against one another. At this time Saiyid
Amîr Khân, the governor of Kabul arrested some Moghul Turko-
mans as spies and sent them to court. I'timâd was bidden to
examine them. He sent for one of these men — who\vas a Turko-
man soldier — and had him brought in to his private room unbound
and unchained, and proceeded to examine him. At this time,
he, whose daring mind was suffused with ignorance, suddenly
moved from his place, and approached a servant, who was keep-

1 Text dard but the MSS. have
dâzd " a thief or robber " and I have
adopted this reading.

2 Ghulânı 'Alî Âzâd says in the
Yad Baiza that Sarmad's tomb is
near the Jama' Masjid of Delhi.

THE MAASIR-ÜLrUMABA. 47

ing charge of his weapons outside, and, taking a sword from
him, struck the Khân a blow which killed him. The attendants
slew him. The deoeased Khâfî K. has toldthe story in a different
manner in his history. Although the reliance (tahaqîq) which
that author— -between whom and the writer there was great inti-
mac y— placed upon the Mirâtu-l-'Âlam and the ' Âlamgirnâma ' is
well knovvn, yet as his account* was derived by him from
the Calendar's companions, and is stili more extraordinary
(than the current story), it is here set down. it is that the
Calendar was one of the professional athletes, pahhvânân, and
conjurors of Persia: These men by impudence and swagger 8
force money from gentlemen, and then fling it away. This man
too had performed wonderful feats in Surat and Burhânpür.
VVhen he came to Delhi in the course of his travels he was
reeeived with honour by the Persian Amîrs, and collected together
some qalandars. Every day he spent in gardens with music and
singing. This became notorious, and some charged him with
alchemy and some with thieving and robbery. At last it was
represented (to Aurangzeb) that he was a spy of the Shâh. As
ali knew his courage, the Kotwâl caught him while he was asleep,
and conveyed him in chains to the king's presence. I'timâd K.
was directed to examine bim. After examination, although he
said that he was a wandering beggar by profession, it was of no
avail, and the Mullâ used threatening language to him. The
doomed man saw that there was no release for him, and said, " If
you will assure my safety, I shall teli the truth to the ear of
the Nawâb." When he approached, he bent down as if to speak ,
and though both his hands were bound he quickly seized with his

1 'Âlamgîrnâma 982, Maasir A., 57.

2 KhSfî K. II, 203, ete. The text
is rather curiously worded. The ex-
pression dar janab "on the side " or
" with regard to " is to me somewhat
obscure and some of the MSS. have a
different reading, vız. jinnat or per-
haps jarnbat. I do not think that
the writer can mean that KhSfî K.
was less trustworthy than the other
two writers.

Sargala zadan, whioh might mean
" striving f or pre-eminence,' ' and liter-
ally is " aeting as head of the herd.
The Bib. Ind. ed.of Khâfî K. II, 203.
has sirkalima , but the true reading
seems to be sirkala-zadan, which
means to butt, or fight with the head
and horns like rams or deer. See
Bahâr-i-'Ajam s.v. Here it seems to
mean to extort by threats, to black-
mail.

THE MAASIK-TJL-UMARA.

fingertips a short sword (nîmcha şhamşher) which had beendeft
on I'timâd's dais (masnad), and so smote him on the head with the
scabbard thereof that he was at onoe slain. 1 The king was
much grieved at his death and showed favour to his family and
promoted his sons and other relatives to manşabs and showed them
other kindnesses.

"ABDU-R-RAHÎM BEG UZBEG.

Brothef of 'Abdu-r-Rahmân Beg the guardian of 'Abdu-1-
' Aziz K. the (eldest) son of Naşr Muhammad K. the ruler of
Balkh. in the llth year of Shah Jahan's reign he came* fronı
Balkh and did homage. The king gave him a robe of honour, a
decoıated dagger, and a sword with golden accoutrements and
enamelled \vork, and the rank of 1000 with 600 horse, and a sum of
Rs. 25,000 in cash. Afterwards B he received an increase of 500
with 200 horse and a fief in the province of Bihar, and went off
there. After he came there, as owing to the harsh measures of
'Abdullah K. Bahâdur, the governor of the province, there was
disagreement betvreen him and the governor, he, considering this to
be an injury to himself , feigned illness forsome days and represented
himself as dumb.* For a year he entirely refrained from speech,
so that even his women did not know what was the matter. When
the king heard of this, an order was passed for his coming to court.
in the thirteenth year he came 6 and used his tongue. When
he mentioned the cause of his dumbness the audience were aston-
ished. As the king was going to Kashmîr this year, he conferred
on him the rank of 2000 with 1000 horse and directed him to re-
main in the capital. in the 22nd year he was appointed to accom-

' bakadü Miyara gardld " made
him like a cucnmber"(?) The vari-
*nt is Ikdu janâıh gardld. I.O.M.S.,
No. 628, has ika janöza gardld " he
became the same as a corpse." I
think there can be no doubt this is
the correct re&dîag aud that the
phrase is an allusion to the inseription
on Prince Daniel's gun 6ar har ka
Klittrda tir- 1 tu. ika u janöza, Tüzük

Jahahgîrî, p. 15. •' Who'er receives
thy ball becomes a corpse. ' ' Compare
Maaşir III, 13, last line, where the
phrase is repeated. There is an ac-
couht of 'AbuM-Q5wî's death in
Mahucci II, 147.

* Pâdshahnama I, Part II, 243.
3 id. 275.

* KhSfî K. I, 671.
« id. 169.

THE MAASIR-UL-TTMARA.

pany Prince Aurangzeb to Qandahar. From thence he went with
Qulij K. to Büst, and did good service in the battle with the
Perşians. ConsequentIy, in the 23rd year he attained the rank of
2500 with 1000 horse. in the 24th year he went to Bihar along
with J'aafar K. the governor of that province. in the 26th year
he went with Dârâ Shikoh to Qandahar, and from there he went
with Rustum K. to take Büst.

'ABDU-R-RAHIM ' OF LUCKNOW (SHAİKH)

One of the noble Shaikhzâdas of Lucknow city, That is a
large city in the province of Oudh on the bank of the Gumtî ; the
tract is called Baiswâra. s The Shaikh had the good fortune to
enter Akbar's service and by good conduct attained to the rank of
700, which was a high rank in those days. As he was very inti-
mate 8 with Jamal Bakhtiyâr — whose sister was one of Akbar's
favourite wives — he was led into drinking habits. He became
madly addicted to wine-bibbing, and as intoxicants injure the soul
and reason, his intellect became clouded, and he shewed signs of
folly.

in the 30th * year, at the time of returning from Kabul, when
the camp was at Sialkot, the Shaikh became deranged in Hakîm
Abü-1-fath's quarters and wounded himself with the Hakim 's
dagger. People took it out of his hand, and they sewed up the
wound in Akbar's presence. They say the emperor did so
with his own hand.

Though experienced physicians considered that the wound was
incurable, and it became so bad that after two months he was
given up, yet the king always gave him höpes, and when he was
yet at the point of death he recovered in a short space of time.
Aftervvards he died in his native land at the appointed time.

They say he had a Brahman wife who was called Kishnâ.
That clever woman after the Shaikh's death built houses and

1 B. 470.

•2 The country of the Bais tribe of

Rajputs. SeeEUiot.Supp. Gloss. 1, 13.

S A. N. III, 371. Blochmann, 425,

calls the sister the superintendent of
Akbar's harem.

* A. N. III, 470. Badayûnî, Lowe,
359.

THE MAASIR-TTL-UMARA.

made a garden, a serai, and a tank. She also took vülages in
farm , and looked af ter the adornment of the garden in which the
Shaikh was buried. Whoever passed by that way — from a panj-
hazârl to a common soldier — was entertained by her suitably to his
rank. And though she became old and blind she did not give up
her kindly ways, and for about sixty years she kept her husband's
name alive.

Verse.
Not every woman is womanish, or every man manly.

(MTRZÂ) 'ABDU-R-RAHÎM khân-khanan

son and heir of Bairâm K. His mother was of the family of

the Khâns of Mewat. When ' in 961, 1554, Hümâyûn became

for a second time seated on the throne of India and had established

himself at Delhi, he, in order to give assurance and encourage-

ment to the zamindars, instituted marriages with their daughters.

When Jamâl K. the cousin of Husain K. of Mewat — who was one

of the influential zamindars of India — waited upon Hümâyûn , he

possessed two daughters. Hümâyûn married the eldest, and gave

the second to Bairâm. On 14 Safr 964, 17 December 1556, in the

end of the first year of Akbar's reign, M. 'Abdu-r-Rahîm was born

in Lahore. When his father fell a martyr at the hands of the

Afghans in Pattan-Gujarat, 'Abdu-r-Rahîm was four years old.

The rioters attacked the Khân's camp. Muhammad Amîn

Diwâna, Bâbâ Zambür, and his mother rescued the Mirza from

that tumult and set off for Ahmadabad. They fought with the

Afghans who followed in the rear and arrived at the city. Af ter

four months Muhammad Amîn Diwâna and some other servants

proceeded towards the court with the Mîrzâ. in Jalaur an order

reached them, summoning the child. in the beginning of the sixth

year, 969, 1562, he did homage, and Akbar, in spite of the

importunities of evil-speakers and evil-thinkers, perceived in him

the marks of nobleness and nourished and cherished him.

THE MAASlR-UL-UMARA.

l A. N. II, 48. Hümâyûn did
not reach Delhi till Ramzân 962,

July, 1655, so that the date 961 is
vvrong.

When he came to years of discretion he received the tüle of
Mîrza Khân and was married to Mâh Bânû, the sister of the
Khân-A'zam in the 21st year he was nominally appomted to
th~e government of Gujarat, while the management of affau-s was
entrusted to Wazîr K. in the 25th year he was made Mîr Am
(inspector of petitions). in the 28th year he was made guardıan
of Prince Sultan Selîm, and in the same year he gained a vıctory
över Sultan Mozaffar of Gujarat. The details of this are as
follows:-Sultan Mozaffar, in the first Gujarat expedition fell ınto
the hands of the royal servants and was imprisoned. He was
8 ent ı to Mun'im K. the Khân-Khânân. When Münşin d»ed,
Mozaffar was sent back to court and was made över to Shah
Mansûr. Tn the 23rd year he made his escape-and came to
Guiarat. He reposed there in the neighbourhood of Jünâgarh and
under the protection of the Kâthîs. The officers regarded hmı
as unimportant and paid no attention to him. When I'tımâd K.
«ot the government of Gujarat in succession to Shıhabu-d-dm
Ahmad, some servants of the İste governor became disloyal and
raised the head of disturbance. Mozaffar joined them and be-
came a leader and took possession of Ahmadabad. Akbar ap-
pointed Mîrzâ K. with a good force. As there were 40.00C » horse
with Mozaffar and the whole of the royal troops was only 10,000
the officers did not advise a battle, and the king also wrote that
till Oulîj K. and the other auxiliary officers from Malwa jomed,
he should not engage. Daulat K. Lodî who was his companion
and chief svvordsman (Mîr shamsher) said, « At that üme you W ıll
have partners in victory ; if you want to be Khân-Khânân (Lord
of Lords). you must win victory alone. 'Tis better to be kdled
than to live with an unknown name.» Mîrzâ K. encouraged h»
companions and made them ali keen to fight. A severe engage-
ment took place at Sarkej three kos from Ahmadabad. On evory
side the heroes contended with one another. Mîrzâ öân W as
stationed with 300 braves, and 100 elephants, .hen Mozaffar came
to meet him with 6 or 7000 horse. Some well- W ishers seızed h,s
rein and wanted to turn him back. Mîrzâ K. advanced the foot
f boldness, and some of the enemy were slaiu and many took to

THE MAASİtt-UL-UMAİtA.

flight. Mozaffar, who had been exulting in his arrogance, becam*
confused and fled. He went to Cambay and took goods from th<
merchants and again raised the head of sedition. Mirza K. tool
with him the Malwa officers who had now arrived, and marchec
(against Mozaffar), and several times chastised him (Mozaffar)
Mozaffar went off to Nadot and there again caused strife. Th<
brave men on both sides fought on foot (».e., dismounted) and di<
wondrous things. At last Mozaffar turned his face from battl,
and went off to Rajplpla. Mîrzâ K. received from court th
rank of Panjhazârî and the high title of Khân-Khânân.

They say that on the day of the Gujarat victory he gave
away ali that he had. At last, a man ca e to him and said he
had got nothing. A standish had remained över and he gave him
that. After he had put the distracted country of Gujarat into
order he left Qulij K. there, and came to court. in the 34th year
he presented to Akbar the Memoirs of Bâbar— which he had
translated from Turkî into Persian— and was much praised. Ih
the same year 998, 1590, he was made Vakll, and received
Jaunpür in fief. in the 36th year Multan was given him as his
fief and he undertook the conquest of Tattah and the territory of
Scinde. Şhaikh Faizi found the chronogram, Qaşd-i-Tatta (999).
"Tatta was the object," When the Khân-Khânân had by skill
and rapiditypassed by the foot of the fortof Sihwân which they
cali Sîvistân, and got possession of Lakhî— which is the gate of
that countıy ,— like Garhî of Bengal, and Bârahmüla of Kashmir,—
Mirza Jânî the ruler of Tatta— who had come to war— suffered
defeat after severe fightings, and in the 37th year proposed terms.
The conditions ' were that he should surrender the fort of Sîhwân—
which is on the river Indus— and accept Mîrzâ Trij the son of the
Kbân-Khânân as a son-in-law, and after the rains go to court
As on account of paucity of provisions the imperial army wa&
also in distress, the Khân-Khânân yielded, and having made över
the fort to Hasan 'Alî «Arab encamped twenty kos from Sîhwân.
When the rains came to an end, Mîrzâ Jânî made excuses for not

THE MAASlR-TJL-ÜMAkA.

A. N. III, '615.

proceeding further. The Khân-Khânân was obliged to go to
Tattah. The Mirza (Jâni) came ' out from the city (Tattah) as far
asthree kos, and tried manoeuvres, but allat önce the imperial
forces were victorious, and Mirza Jânî beoame a suppliant
and made över the whole country to the imperialists, and
went off with ali his family in company of the Khân-Khânân
to court. He was received with favour. Mullâ Shikebi* — who
was a servant of the Khân-Khânân— wrote a masnavî about this
victory. This verse is from it.

Verse.

A Humâ which was moving över the heavens
You seized and freed from delusion. {dam)

The Khan-Khânân gave him a thousand ashrafis as. a present,
and M. Jâni also gave the Mullâ a thousand ashrafis, and said,
"it is by God's mercy that you called me a humâ. Had 8 you
called me a jackal, who'd have checked your tongue ? "

When Sultan Murad at the king's orders set out from Gujarat
to conquer the Deccan, he halted in Broach in expectation of the
arrival of the auxiliaries. The Khân-Khânân,— who had been
appointed to accompany the prince,— made some stay in Bhîlsah,
which was his jagir, and then proceeded to Ujjain. The prince was
displeased at this and sent him an angry message. He wrote in
reply that he was engaged in concüiating Rajah 'Alî K. the ruler
of Khandes, and that he was going to bring him with him. The
prince became indignant and set off for the Deccan with the troops
t he had. The Khân-Khânân made över the camp and the park of
fartillery to M. Şhahrukh and went on rapidly along with Rajah
^'Alî K. He joined the prince at Candaur thirty kos from Ahmada-
bad. After some time he was admitted to an interview, but no
graciousness was shown towards him. The Khân-Khânân became
annoyed and withdrew his hand from the work. Though in the

I A. N. 111, 634.

* B. 335n, and 576. Badayünî
III, 253, who styles him IspahSnî.
in the Târikh Tâhirl the poem of
Mullâ Şhikebî is called the S5qînâma,

and he is said to have been rewarded
with a present of Rs. 12,000.

3 One MS. has giri/ta instead of
gulta in the first clause. dam in the
verse abo means "a snare."

THE MAASItl-UL-UMAftA.

end of Rabî'-ul-akhir 1004, end of December 1595, Ahmadnagar
was invested, and arrangements were made for erecting batteries
and driving mines, yet owing to the prudence and courage of Când
Bîbl Sultan, the sister of Burhan Nizâm Shah and widow of
'Alî 'Âdil Shâh of Bijapur, who was defending the fortress in con-
cert with Abhang K. the Abyssinian, and also owing to the trea-
chery of the officers, and their spoiling one another's work, the
conquest of the fortress was not one to be easily made.

When the besieged became aware of the discord among the
leaders, they proposed a peace to the effect that Bahâdur the
grandson of Burhan Nizâm Shâh should be brought out of prison
and that to this boy should be given the title of Nizâmu-1-mulk,
and that he should be made a servant of the empire. Also that
the prosperous terrıtory of Ahmadnagar should be given to him in
fief , and that the territory of Berar should revert to the imperial-
ists. Though men of experience represented the want of food of
the besieged and their distress and duplicity, they were not listened
to on account of the dissensions. Also at this time it was be-
lieved that Suhail K. the eunuch, M'atmadu-d-daula of Bijapur,
was approaching to assist the Nizâm Shâh troops, and so peace
was made by the intervention of Mir Murtaza^ and the army turned
away to Bâlâpur in Berar. When Suhail K. with the Bijapur
army on the right wing, Qutbü-l-mulkî troops on the left wing, and
the Nijâmu-l-mulk army in the centre became presumptuous and
drew up in battle-array, the prince wished to engage them,
but the officers disloyally refused to do so. The Khân-Khânân,
M. Shahrukh and Rajah 'Alî K. set out from Shâhpür against the
enemy. in the end ' of Jumâda-al-âkhirî 1005, February 1597, a
battle took place near the town of Ashtî, twelve kos from Pâthrî.
There was a severe engagement, and the ruler of Khandes with
five* Sardârs and 500 men. who there opposed the 'Adilkhânîs,
bravely lost their lives. The enemy thought they were the centre
and that M. Shahrukh or the Khân-Khânân was killed, and set
about plundering. The Khân- Khânân also routed the f orce opposed
to his own , and in the darkness of the night the hostile forces got

THE MAASIR-UIrUMARA.

separated, and halted. Each thought it had gained ■ the vıctory and
spent the night on horseback. At dawn the imperial army, whıcn
consisted of 7000 men, as it had spent the whole night with thırst,
proceeded hastily to the river. The enemy came forward to meet
them with 25,000 horse. Many leaders of the three armıes of the
enemy were killed.» They say that Daulat K. I^-^ho was
in the Khân-Khânân's vanguard at the time when Snhaıl K. had
put the elephants and artillery in motion and was advancmg-saıd
to the Khân-Khânân, " We are 600 horse in ali To , advance
in front (of such a force) is to lose ourselves, (yet) 1 11 attack the
enemy's centre." The Khân-Khânân said, «■ You'relosing* Delin.
Daulat K. replied, << If we defeat the foe, we shall have made a
hundred Delhis, and if we die the work is with God." When he
desired to urge on the horse Qâsim Bârha and the Saiyids were
beside him. He (Qâsim) said, " We and you are Hindustanıs.
There is no resource but to die. You should ask the Khân as to
what his wish is." Daulat turned round and said to the Khan-
Khânân " There is a great for«e in front of us, and vıctory
depends' on heaven. Teli us where we shall find you if you are
defeated" The Khân- Khânân said, " ünder the corpses." Daulat
K and the Saiyids penetrated by the centre (karmrgâh) and
drove off the enemy. in a short time Suhail took to flıght.
They say that on that day the Khân-Khânân had with him 75 lacs of
rupees He gave 6 them ali away, and only two camel-loads
remained. in spite of so great a victory afîairs did not go on well.
The Khân-Khânân was summoned to court, and he did homage m
the 43rd year. His wife Mâh Bânü 8 died in this year.

> Pariahta has 17 JamSda-us-sânî.

« Thirty-ave. A.N. III, 719.

l B. 336. ' ' Each party believing
itself victorious." The original is
9 umân firuzi bakhud barda, and it
would seem better sense if the meaning
were " each party doubting if it had
gained the victory. " But see account
in Ferishta.
» Akbamama III, 719.
i A. The meaning seems to be, " We
shall ali be kiUed but yet I'll attack
the centre." See Darbâr Akbarî,
618, line 11,

* The Darbâr Akbarî, p. 613, says
that the Khân Khânân was much
attached to Delhi and used to re-
mark, " If T am to die, I'll die in
Delhi."

6 Lit. He gave them ali aw»y
to be scrambled for. Hamara
ighmâi sâkht. See Darbâr! Akbarî,

619.

« She died at Umballa in 1007,
December 1598.

THE MAASIR-TTL-TTMABA.

When Akbar consulted the Khân-Khânân about the affairs
of the Deccan, he recommended the recall of the prince,
and the giving the control of matters to himself. The king did
not approve of this and was displeased with him. Whea Prince
Murâd died and Sultan Daniel was sent to the Deccan in the
44th year and Akbar resolved to go there himself, the Khân-
Khânân was again received into favour and sent to the prince.
in the end of Shawâl of the 45th year, 1008, May 1600, the
prince in company with the Khân- Khânân besieged the fort of
Ahmadnagar. On every side great efforts were made. Când
Bibi proposed an agreement, and Cîta 1 K. the eunuch rebelled
against this view, and in concert with some wicked people put
that noble lady to death. Guns were discharged from the fort,
and hostilities were renewed. After thirty yards of the wall had
been blown up by a mine, the besiegers entered by the Lailî*
bastion and put many to the sword. Bahâdur the son of Ibrâhîm
— whom they had made the Nizâm Shâh— was made prisoner.
The fort was taken after a siege of four months and four days.
The Khân-Khânân took Nizâm Shâh and presented himself before
Akbar in Burhanpur. At the time öf the king's return to the
capital he gave Khandes the name of Dandes and made it över
to Prince Daniel, and gave Jânâ Begam the Khân-Khânân's
daughter in marriage to that prince. He sent the Khân-Khânân
to chastise R'ajü Manâ who had set up the son of Shâh 'Alî, the
uncle of Murtaşa Nizâm Shâh , as ruler and was stirring up sfcrif e.
After the death of Akbar a great breach occurred in the Deccan.
in the thirdyear of Jahangir 1017, 1609, the Khân-Khânân came
to court and undertook 8 that if in addition to the troops already
assigned to him 12,000 cavalry were given him, he would finish
the affairs of the Deccan in two years. Accordingly, he immedi-
ately was given leave to go to the Deccan. Prince Parvez under
the guardianship of Âşaf K. J'âfar, the Amîru-1-umarâ gharif
Khân, Rajah Mân Singh Kachwâha and Khân Jahân Lodî, were
appointed one after the other to assist him. When it appeared

1 Or JitS. A. F. III, 774, has
Habaha Khân. See B. 336. The
Lucknow edition of A. F. has Jîtâ.

* Test Balbalı, but see A. N. III,
775.

8 Elliot VI, 318, aad Tüzük J. 71.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

that the Khân-Khânân had in the height of the rains taken the
prince from Burhanpur to the Bâlâghât (the ffighlands), and
that on account of the discord among the chiefs plans had been
neglected, and that the army had been reduced to great straıts by
the scarcity of corn and the deaths of the quadrupeds, and that the
Khân-Khânân had been compelled to make a dishonourable peace,
and such as was unworthy of the empire, with the enemy, andthen
had returned, the affairs of the Deccan were made över to Khan
Jahân and Mahâbat K. was sent to recall the veteran general.

When he came to court in the 5th year, he obtained leave to
to go to his fiefs in Kâlpî and Qanauj in order that he might put
down disturbers in that quarter. in the 7th year when a severe
defeat happehed in the Deccan to 'Abdullah K. (Fîrüz Jang),
and the work did not make progress under Khân Jahân, it was
perceived to be necessary to send the Khân-Khânân, and so he
was despatched there with Khwâja Abû-1-Hasan. As on this
occasion also, in spite of the presence of Prince Parvez and of
leading officers, the work did not take proper form, Jahangir in
the llth year, 1025, 1616, sent off Sultan Kharram (Shah Jahan)
to the Deccan, and gave him the title of Shâh-which no prince
had had since the days of Şâhib Qiran (Timur),-and himself in
Muharram 1026, January 1617, came to Mahva, and took up his
abode in Mândü. The prince made Burhanpur his headquarters,
and sent capable men to the rulers of the Deccan, and at the
same time took in marriage, by Jahangir's orders, the daughter of
Shâh Newâz K. the son of the Khân-Khânân. After the arrival
of Shah Jahan's envoys, 'Âdil Shâh sent as a present 50 elephants
as well as cash and jewels to the value öf 15 lacs of rupees, and
shewed marks of servitude and obedience. Accordingly, at the
request of the prince, he was distinguished by the title of farzand
(son), and Jahangir with his own hand wrote l this impromptu
verse at the beginning of the firman.

Verse.
At Shah Kharram's instance thou'rt become
Famous the world o 'er as our son.

1 KhâfîK. 1, 704.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

Qutbu-l-mulk also sent presents of the same value and was
treated with favour. Malik 'Ambar also placed the head of service
within the cord of obedience, and made över the keys of the fort of
Ahmadnagar and of other forts, as well as the parganas of the
Bâlâghât, of which he had taken possession.

When the prince was satisfied about the arrangements for

the Deccan, he made över the government of Khandes, Berar and

Ahmadnagar to the Sipahasâlâr (the Khân-Khânân), and appointed

Shâh Newâz K., the eldest son of the latter, to manage the con-

quered parts of the Bâlâghât, and assigned every estate in fief to

the officers of the contingents and left 30,000 horse and 7,000 mus-

keteers, 1 and in the I2th yeaT waited on his father in Mândü. At

the time of the intervie\v Jahangir involuntarily rose up and went

two or three steps to welcome the prince. He gave him the rank

of 30,000 with 20,000 horse and the title of Shah Jahan and the

right of sıtting on a chair near the throne, vvhich was a special

favour and was not the custom of the dynasty from the time of

Amîr Timur. Jahangir himself came down from the jharoka and

poured a small tray of jewels and a trayful of gold on his son's

head. When in the 15th year Malik 'A mbar broke his agreement.

and the oppression of his banditti (bargîân,' 2 perhaps Mahrattas)

made the imperial thânadârs quit their posts, so that Dârâ M.

returned from the Bâlâghât and came to Balâpur, and then too

could not maintain himself but came to Burharipur and was be-

sieged there along with his father, Prince Shah Jahan received a

kror of jupees for expenses of the expedition and a present of ten

krors of dâms from the conquered territories and was hastily sent

off a second time.

They say that when petition after petition from him (the
Khân-Khânân; were produced before the king to the effect that he
was in a difficult position and he had determined to follow the
custom of johar (immolation of şelf and family, literally " life-

1 topa. The word is clearly used
in Iqbâlnâma 271, line 2, for mus-
keteers. They represented the infan-
try.

* Bargi is the name often applied

to a Mahratta, and in Captain James
Kerr's History of the Mahrattas,
London, 1783, it is stated that Malik
'Ambar was at one time in league
with the Mahrattas.

THE MAASIR-UIrUMARA.

abandonment "), Jahangir said to the Prince that as Akbar ' had by
a hurried march'rescued the Khân 'Azam when besieged by the
Gujaratis, he should now rescue the Khân-Khanân from his dan-
gerous position. When the Deccanis heard of the coming of
Shah (Shah Jahan) they dispersed. the Prince reached Burhan-
pur and again undertook the administration of the Deccan.

When in the 17th year Shah Abbâs Şafavî advanced to be-
siege Qandahar, the Prince was recalled as quickly as possible.
He brought the Khân-Khânân with him. Meantime things took
another turn, and by the machinations of foolish persons a house-
hold quarrel of such a grave character arose that no thought was
given to the commotion of foreigners. The Prince was obliged to
return with the Khân-Khânân and to take up his abode at Mândü.
Jahangir, at the instigation of Nür Jahân Begam, appointed
Sultan Parvez with Mahâbat K. as commander-in-chief. After
the treachery of Kustum K.,-whom the prince had sent to en-
counter the imperial army-Shah Jahan crossed the Narbada
witb-the Khân-Khânân, and after leaving Bakam Beg Bakhshî to
watch the river, proceeded to Burhanpur. At this time a letter of
the Khân-Khânan's vvhich he had secretly written to Mahâbat K.,
and which had this verse on the margin, came under the prince's

observation —

Verse.

A hundred persons are watching me
Otherwise T'd fiy from discomfort.

He sent for the Khân-Khânân and shovved it to him. He had
no excuse that could be listened to. Accordingly, he and his son
Dârâb K. were put under surveillance. When the prince was pass-
ing' by Asır he made father and son över to Saiyid Mozaffar K.
Bârha and sent them to the fort. Inasmuch as the imprisonment
of the innocent Dârâb K. was unjust, and he did not approve of
letting him go and keeping the father, he sent for them
both and let them go after taking promises from them.
When Mahâbat K. came vvith Sultan Parvez to the bank of the

1 Khâfi K. I. 305.

THE MAASIR-ULİ-TTMARA.

Narbada and saw that Bairam Beg had taken off the boats to the
other side and blocked the f erries with guns and muskets , he had
recourse to fraud, and secretly sent a letter to the Khân-Khanân
and led away that old and experienced man. The Khân-Khânân
wrote to the prince that the heavens were unpropitious. If he
made a truce for some days the servants would certainly obtain
repose. The prince, who was always desirous to composedisputes,
regarded this occurrence as a great gain, and called the Khân-
Khânân to a private interview. Again he took an oath from him
on the holy book, and when satisfied about this, let him go, in
order that he might stay on this side of the Narbada and do what
was right for both parties. As by the arrival of the Khân-Khânân
and the rumours of peace there had come to be slackness in the
guarding of the ferries, Mahâbat K. — who was awaiting his op-
portunity — caused a number of active young men to cıoss över
the river at night. The Khân-Khânân was deceived by the false
letters of Sultan Parvez and Mahâbat Khan, and from love of the
world behaved disloyally and forgot his recent oaths and joined
Mahâbat K. The prince was helpless and did not think it right to
remain in Burhanpur and went off to Bengal by the route of Telin-
gâna. Mahâbat K. came to Burhanpur, and having joined with
Khân-Khânân crossed the Taptî and pursued Shah Jahan for some
way. The Khân-Khânân wrote to Rajah Bhîm (son of the Rânâ
of Udaipur), who was one of Shah Jahan's officers, that if the
prince would release his sons he would contrive to turn back the
imperial troops. Otherwise affairs would become difficult. Rajah /
Bhîm,wrote in reply that they had stili five or six thousand
devoted followers, and that whenever he approached, his sons
would be put to death, and he himself would be attacked,
After the Prince had settled the affairs of Bengal he pro-
ceeded to Bihar and released Dârâb K. and made him governor
of the province (Bengal). Mahâbat K., at the time when he pro-
ceeded to Allahabad to oppose the Prince, kept the Khân-Khânân
under surveillance, as he doubted him on account of his trickery
and duplicity. in the 20th year Jahangir summoned him to the
Presence from being with (i.e., from being under the charge of
Mahâbat) Mahâbat K., and forgave him. He himself apologised,

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

saying, " Ali this has been the result of fate. it was not in your
or our power, and İ feel more ashamed than you." He gave him
a lao of rupees and confirmed him in his rank and title, and the
jagir of Malküsah. 1 The old man who, from love to the world had
given name and fame to the winds, engraved this verse on his ring-

Verse.

By the help of God, the kindness of Jahangir

Has 4 twice given me life and twice the Khân-Khânânî.

Mahâbat K. apologised when he was summoned to court, and
did not fail to provide him with equipages and strove to remove
the cloud from his mind. As it happened, the Khân-Khânân had
taken leave to go to his jagir and had halted in Lahore, when
Mahâbat K. turned back and came to Lahore to see the kıng.
The Khân-Khânân made no inquiries after his health, and Mahâbat
K was disgusted at his want of courtesy, and when he was domi-
nant at the bank of the Jhelam he appointed men to make hım go
back (from Lahore). The Khân-Khânân cast anchor in Delhi.
At the same time the juggling heavens played another trick. At
the time of the king's returning from Kabul, Mahâbat K. became
a vagabond. Nür Jahân Begam summoned the Khân-Khanan
and appointed him to follow Mahâbat with an army. She pre-
sented him from her own stores with bwelve lacs of rupees, wıth
elephants, horses and camels. She also assigned to him Mahâbat
Khân's fief. But life did not give him time. He fell il m
Lahore and came to Delhi and died there at the age of 72 in 1036,
1627 at the end of the 21st year of Jahangir. The chronogram
is Kh'ân Sipahsâlâr ko, « Where's the Khân Commander-ın-chıef ?
(1036). He was buried near Hıımâyün's tomb.

] Malkousah of Supp. Glosaary.
II. 90. it was in Qanauj, J. H. 184.
There is an account of the K_hân-
KhânSn's interview with Jahangir in
KâmgSr Husâinî. B.M.M.S.— Or. 171,
p. 187a. it occurred in the 20th
year. See also Tüzük J. , p. 398 . But
the expression of Jahangir that he

felt more shame than did the Khân-
Khânân occurs in the annals of the
lûth year Tüzük, 141. Apparentfy
the author of the Maasir has mixed
up the two incidents.

* Referring to his having been twice
forgiven. Tüzük 141 and 398.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

The Khân-Khânân was in respect of ability the unique of the
age. He vvas versed in Arabic, Persian, Turkî and Hindî. He
understood poetry well, and wrote it. Rahim was his taMıallaş.
They say that he could c on verse in most of the languages of the
\vorld. His liberality and magnanimity are proverbial in India.
Soıııe extraordinary stories are told of him. They say that one
day he was signing barâts (orders on the Treasury). On the war-
rant l {barât) for a foot-soldier (piâda) he had signed for a thousand
rupees instead of for a thousand tankas (piçe), and he did not alter
it. He several times weighed poets against gold when giving a
present. One day Mullâ Nazîrî * (B. 579) said : " How big a heap is
a lac of rupees ? I have never seen it. ' ' The Khân-Khânân
ordered the amount to be brought from the treasury. When they
had brought it together, the Mullâ said : " Thank God that by
means of my Nawâb I have seen so much coin." He ordered ali
to be given to the Mullâ, so that he might now give thanks to
God. He continually, both openly and secretly, gave large sums
to dervishes and to learned men, and yearly sent money to people
at a distance. The gatherings of men eminent in every science in
his time were like the time of Sultan Husain K. and Mîr
'Alî Şhîr.

in fine, he was in courage, generosity, and political skill the

greatest man of the age. But he was malevolent, worldly and

time-serving to a very great extent. His favourite saying (bârgîr

kalâmaşh, " The burden of his song ") was, " Enmity to an enemy

should come out under the guise of friendship." This stanza was

composed about him —

Verse.

A span in height and a hundred twists in the heart,
A tiny handful of bones , and a hundred frauds.

1 For barât see Irvine A. of M. 56.
it was an order on the Treasury for
payment. A tanka here probably
m«aııs the same thing as a dam, viz.,
Jj, th of a rupee.

* See Khazâna ' Amir», page 437,
where it is said that the story is told
in the Zakhîra-ul-Khvvânîn. Naîîrî
died in Ahmadadad in 1021. 1612.

S it would appear from this eouplot
that the Khân-Khânân was sraall of
stature. There is a play on the word
girih in the first line,_as it means both
a knot or tvcist, and a cubit. There
is also a play on the word iahkil
in the seeond line whieh means frauds,
and also may mean ' figures ' (iskhâl).

THE MAASIR-UL-TJMARA.

He served in the Deccan at intervals for thirty years VVhen-
everlny of the prinees or officers came M his auxihar.es they saw
robTdience and loyalty of the Deccan prinees tc , tam, and
a^ ribel to him hypoerisy and sedition. So mueh was thxs the case
Z Abü-l-faffre q uently gave judgment (fatwa) agamst h,m
t a rebd in the reign of Jahangir he was suspected of fnendshıp
teMrik"' Ambar, and so was dismissed. Muhammad M'a.um^ a
iştial servant of his became unf aithf ul to him £J^£
him to the king, saying that the correspondence of Mah ^ Amba
tas with Shaikh • Abdu-s-Salâm, of Lucknow, who was .a, s™
o{ the Khân-Khânân. Mahâbat K. was ordered to xnqu 1 r- e mto he
12r7 He7ortured the poor man, who died without openmg h»

UPS ' The Khân-Khânân was one of the great officers of ^the Su^na*
His name is perpetuated in the writings of the penod. in Akbar
SLTdid relt deeds. Among them there are three .on sp.uous
ones __the victory of Gujarât, the conquest of Semde and
h defeat of Suhail K., of Bijapu, These have
, tb in their place. With ali his W isdom and abıhty he had to
^:SLtZ«, He did not withhold his hand from the love
Z ndou, They say that he had a great avidity for court-ne
so that every day two or three persons sent ^^itlsZl
of couriers There were spies appomted m the court-houses, and
onCand terraces (cabütra), and even in the -^j£^
streets who wrote every popular rumour. in the evenmgh read
ı. i.v. Thpv sav that many thıngs were

his ™™J™X\" ™1™ M. Rahmin Dâd, .k«
Mpwâ7 K and Darab K. <-»ne w» ^-

™- ı t sı m haine 'Abdu-r-Rahîm'» vakîl
1 M'aşüm is mentioned in the Tuzuk X 8 - bemg ^ ^

and as having brought to Jahangir on h» behalf a valuable py
Zulaikha.

THE MAASIR-TJL-TJMABA.

he vvas adorned vvith spleııdid qualities, and his father loved him
much. He died in Mahkar ' about the sanıe time as Shâh Newâz
K. (i. e., M. Irij) passed avvay. No one had the courage to report
it to the father. At the request of theladies, Hazrat Shâh 'Tsâ, of
Scinde — raay his grave be holy — came to the house of the Khân-
Khftnân and condoled with him and comforted him. Another son
was Mirza 'Amr Ullah, who vvas the offspring of a slave-girl. He
remained without education and died young.

The best of the Khân-Khân's servants w as Mîyân Fahîm.
Though it w as reported that he vvas a slave he was really a Rajput
by descent. He was brought up like his son and possessed great
ability and steadfastness. To his last breath he never failed in the
night prayer, the forenoon prayer, and the prayer at sunrise. He
loved dervishes. He ate with the soldiers like a brother, but he
was of a hot disposition. The soıınd of the whip was ever loud.

They sav' that one day he saw that Rajah Bikramâjit* Shah-
Jahânî vvas reclining beside Dârâb K. on the same sofa. He
abused him and said : ' ' Does a brahman like you sit alongside of the
grandson of Bairâm K. Would that this one (Dârâb) had died
instead of M. Trij." Both of them made excuses. When at last the
Khân-Khânân's disposition had became alienated from him, he was
brought to account about the faujdârî of Sarkar Bîjâgarh. He
behaved very rudely to the Navvâb and slapped the face of Hâfiz
Nasr Ulla vvho was theDivvân, and then lef t the city. They say
that the Khân-Khânân went himself at midnight and brought him
back. He was proverbial for courage and rash daring. When
Mahâbat K. was planning the imprisonment of the Khân-Khânân,
he in the first place vvanted to seduce Fahîm by the bribe of high
raıık and other pıomises. He did not agree. Mahâbat K. said :
" Hovv long w ili you plume yourself upon your soldiering?"
Though Fahîm said to the Khân-Khânân that fraud and deceit

I Sarkar Mahkar in Berar. J. Tl.
230. 237. The Tûzuk 315 says he
died in Bâlâpflr. I do not know why
B. says (339) he was dissolute. Can
hı- have road lchabısat for haisiyat ?
Ti ip Trâuk jjives tıirn a high character

and desoribes him as dying under
heroie eircumstances. He died at
BSlâpür.

2 Rajah Rai Rayân Sunar D5s.
He was a brahman. See Maaşir II.
183.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

vvere being practised, and that he should be on his guard against
falling into disgrace and contempt ; he should arm himself and be
ready to go to the Presence ; the Khan-Khanan did not agree.
When he was put under arrest, Mahâbat K. previously sent the
king's men against Fahîm. Fahim said to his son Fîrûz K.:

« Watch the men for some time until I have performed my ablu-
tions and said two prayers in peace." Af ter finishing them he

vvith his son and forty of his servants gave up their lives for

honour. 1

'ABDU-R-RAHJM KHAN.

Fifth son of islâm K. of Mashhad. After his father's death
he received a suitable rank, and in the 30th year of Shah Jahan vvas
made superintendent of the pages (darogha-i-khwmşân). in the
secondyearof Aurangzeb he had the title of Khan, and in succes-
sion to Himma K. Badakhshî vvas made darogha of the ghusal-
khana. in the 23rd year he vvas made Master of the Horse in
succession to Bahramand K., and in the 24th year he vvas removed
from this post and made third bakhshi and received a jade inkstand
in the 25th year corresponding to 1092, 1681, he died.

<ABDU-R-RAHTM KHÂN (KHWAJA).

His ancestors belonged to Andîjafi in the country of Ferdana
(Kokhand). His father Abü-1-Hâsim vvas one of the leading
Shaikhs of that country, and in the reign of Shah Jahan came to
[ndia. ' Abdu-r-Rahîm vvas in his youth a favourite of Dârâ
Shikoh. After the aceession of Aurangzeb he obtained service
vvith him. and as he vvas observant of the Lavv he acquired consi-
deration and received a suitable rank and the title of Khân. in
the 26th year he vvas appointed to the chamberlainship (hajâbat) *
of Bijapur, and on returning from the re he received the present of
an elephant. in the 32nd year he vvas appointed, in succession to

1 B. 338-339. See Darbârî A 646.
Tk» Darbârî A. says his name is stili
proverbial in India for courage.

2 Maasir A. 228 and 255. Ap-
parently hajâbat here and in other
places nıeans being sent as an envoy.

Bijapur had not been conquered then.
in tlıe 20th year we find 'Abdu-r-
Rahîm taking part in the çonversioıı
of two Hindu boys. Maasir A., p. 273.
For other notices of 'Abdu-r-Rahim
see also pp. " ■ ■- 335 and 349.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMAKA.

Muhsin K., to the charge of the Biyütât (household matters).
When in the 33rd year the fort of Râhîrî was taken he was ap-
pointed to take possession of the effects there. Af terwards , on the
death of M'utamid K., he was appointed also superintendent of the
brtnding and the verifieation ' (dâgh n taşhîha). in the 36th year
corresponding to 1103, 1692, he died. He had several sons. The
second son was Mir N'aamân K. , and his son Mir 'Abdu-1-Mannân
came to the Deccan and was for a time a servant in the household
of Nizâmu-1-mulk Âşaf Jâh. At last he confined himself to his
house. He composed poetry, and his pen-name was 'Itrat (a ball
of acent). This verse is his :

Verse.

How shall I tame thy wild-deer eyes,

Haply I may make the knots of my heart a net for thee.

The eldest of his ('Abdu-1-Mannân's) sons was M'utamidu-d-
daula Bahâdur Siıdâr Jang. He was Şalâbat Jang's diwân, and
died in 1188, 1774-75. His second son Mir N'aamân K. was killed
in a Mahratta battle in the time of Salâbat Jang. The third Mîr
' Abdu-1-Qâdir died of disease in his youth. The fourth, Ahsanu-d-
daula Bahâdur Sharza Jang, and fifth, Mafawwaz UUah K. Bahâdur
Jang Ikatâz, are stili alive, and are friends of the writer.

'ABDU-R-RAHMÂN, AFZAL KHÂN.

He is the son of Âllâmî Fahânıî (the very learned) Shaikh
Abü-1-fazl. He was brought up in his father's service, in the 35tb
year of Akbar's reign the brothers daughter of S'aâdat Yâr Koka
was given to him in marriage. When a son was born, the king
gave him the name of Bishotan, which was the name of Isfandyâr's
. brother who was one of the heroes of Persia. At the time when S.
Abü-1-faşl was commander-in-chief in the Deccan, Âbdu-r-Rahmân
was the '^arrow at the mouth of the Shaikh's cpıiver." VVhenever
there was any' '\vork to be done, and wherever there was an
urgency, th« Shaikh sent off 'Abdu-r-Rahmân there, and he by
courage and smartness accomplished the task. in the 46th year

1 B. 250, n. 3, who says it is " life-eertificate " : see Irvine 46 and 53.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

vvhen Malik 'Ambar the Abyssinian captured 'Alî Mardan Bahâdur
the governor of Telingâna in battle, and took possession of
that counwy, the Shaikh sent ' him from the bank of the God-
avery with a brave army in that direction. He also sent Sher
Khwâja, whowas in Pâthrî,* to help him S. 'Abdu-r-Rahmân in
conjunction with Sher Khwâja crossed the Godavery near Nander,
(Nandair of I. G.) and engaged Malik 'Ambar near the river Man-
jara and obtained a victory.* Certainly S. 'Abdu-r-Rahmân was by
skill and bravery the fortune (rozgâr) of the Shaikh (A. F.). in
spite of the feelings which he on account of his father entertained
towards Jahangir he served the latter well and was favoured by
him. He received the title of Af şal K. and the rank of 2000. in
the third year he was promoted by an increase of rank and by being
appointed to the charge of Bihar and Patna in the room of islâm
K. (A. F.'s brother-in-law). As Gorakhpür, which is 60 kos from
Patna, was given to him in fief, he lef t S. Husâin Banarasî and
Ghiyâs Beg, who were the bakhsU and the diıvân of the province,
in charge, along with a number of other officers, and \vent off to
Gorakhpür. By chance an unknown man by name Qutb * from
Üchcame to the country oi Ujaina(Bhojpür),which is near Patna,
in the disguise of a dervish and gave himself out as Sultan Khusrau
and enticed the seditious there by various devices, and got them
to join him. in a short time he collected a foree and proceeded
on the vvings of swiftness to Patna and entered the fort. S.
Banarasî was too bewüdered to make the fort secure. Together
with Ghiyâs Beg he got out by a window on to a boat and fled.
The rebels took possession of the Afzal K.'s goods and of the
royal treasure, and af ter proclaiming the administration of justice
set about collecting men. As soon as Afoal K. heard the news he

1 A.N. III. 789.

2 Patri of the maps, W. Nandair.
8 A.N. III. 791, but the fruits of

the viet ory were soon lost. See 1. c
796.

+ See Elliot VI, 321, and Tüzük J.
83, 84, and B. XXXV, XXXVI.
The affair öccurred on 4 Şafr 1018, 18
April 1610. Bishotan the son of

'Abdu-r-Rahmân died in 15th yeai' of
Shah Jahan's reign. B. XXXVI.
'Abdu-i'-Raluuân died in 1613.
Though Gorakhpür is the name given
here and in the Tüzük as the fief of
'Abdu r-Rahman, I believe that it
should be Kharakpür, for it was that
place which was given him as fief.

THE MAASIR-UL-TTMARA.

hastened to punish the rioters. The impoator strengthened the
fort and prepared for battle on the banks of the Pun-Pun. After
a short struggle his troops were dispersed, and he came to the fort
a second time. Afzal K. followed close at his heels and entered
the fort. The impostor after causing the deaths of some people
was captured and executed. When Jahangir heard of the affair,
he issued ' an order that the bakhşhi and dîwan and the other
offieers who had shown slackness in protecting the city should
have their heads and beards shaved, be clothed in \vomen's head-
dress (m'ijar) and be placed on donkeys with their faces to the
tail and sent off to court Alsö that they should be pilloried in
the cities and towns on the road, so that they might be a warning
to other cowards and short-sighted men. At the same time Afzal
K. was attacked by a sudden illness and was summoned to court.
After he had paid his respects he suffered from an abscess for
a long time and died in the 8th year.

' ABDU-R-RAHMÂN SULTAN.

Sixth son of Nazr Muhammad K. in the 19th year of Shah
Jahan Prince Murâd Bakhsh \vent with a large army and — -after
Nazr Muhammad K. with his two sons Subhân Qulî and Qutlaq
Muhammad had fled — took possession of Balkh; he summoned
Bahrâm and 'Abdu-r-Rahmân the sons of Nazr Muhammad, and
his grandson Kustum, who was the son of Khusrau, and made *
them över to Lohrâsp K. in the 20th year S'aîd Ullah K., who,
after the resignation of the Prince, had been appointed to settle
the country, sent in accordance with orders ali thıee to court along
\vith Rajah Bethal Dâs and others. On their arrival the Şadru-s-
Şadür Saiyid Jalâl received them at the Khiyabân (avenue) and
brought them into the Presence. The king presented Bahrâm- with
a robe of honour, a cârçab sewn with gold, a jîgha (turban-orna-
ment), and a decorated dagger, a phûl katara, and conferred on
him the rank of 5000 with 1000 horse, and two horses with golden
saddles, ten 8 taqüz (nine pieces) of cloth and a lac of shâhls, vvhich

1 Khâfî K. I. 261. This punishment
was \vitnessed bj T Ha\vkins. Hawkins'
Voyages, Hakhıyt Sooiety , 1878, p. 434.

2 PâdşhShnâma II. 541.

3 B. 364, notu 2. qıı. 90 pieyes

THE MAASIR-UL-TJMARA.

amount to Rs. 25,000. To 'Abdu-r-Rahmân he gave a robe, a
jîgha, a decorated dagger. a horse with golden trappings. and
five taqûz (nine pieces) (45?) of cloth. To Rustum he gave a
robe of honour and a horse. ' Abdu-r-Rahmân. who was the
youngest of the brothers. had a daily allowance of Rs. 100 and was
made över to Dârâ Shikoh.

ı he Begam Sâhib (Shah Jahan's eldest daughter) sent for the
Khân's (Nazr Muhammad) wives and soothed and comforted them
in various ways. Afteroards, at various times he received presents
of horses, elephants, and cash. When Balkh was given back to
Nazr Muhammad, he, after various disturbances with the Uzbegs
and Almânân, and after putting them down and acquiring a s-ettled
power, moved the king for the return of his sons and their connec-
tions (wives, ete.). Inasmuch as Khusrau had been on bad terms
with his father before the taking of Balkh and Badakhshan and had
come to the Presence, he was neither sent for by his father nor was he
willing to go to him. Bahrâm, too, would not turn away from the
pleâsures of India. in the 23rd year 'Abdu-r-Rahman received a
robe of honour, a decorated jîgha, a sword and dagger, and a shield
with ornamented armour, and two horses with gilded saddles and
Rs. 30,000 in cash, and went off with his father's ambassador
Yâdgâr Chûlâq. When he came to his father, the latter gave him
the territory of Ghori. Subhân Qulî the fourth son was displeased
and came to Balkh. with 1000 cavalry and put the Khân into diffi-
culty, so that he was obliged to recall 'Abdu-r-Rahmân. 'Abdu-
r-Rahmân was going back when the Qalmâqs — who were on good
terms with Subhân Quli — blocked the road, made him prisoner and
took him before Subhân Quli. He imprisoned him , but 'Abdu-r-
Rahmân won över his guards and in the 24th j^ear arriv^ed at court.
and was given a robe of honour, a decorated jîgha, a phûl katara,
and the rank 4000 \vith 500 horse, a horse with gilded saddle, an
elephant, and Rs. 20,000 in cash. in the 25th year, \vhen news
came of the death of Nazr Muhammad K., Khûsrau, Bahrâm 'and
'Abdu-r-Rahman his sons received mourning dresses. in the 26th
year, when he showed improper conduet, the king grew displeased
with him and sent him to Bengal. After Aurangzeb sate on
the throne, he was in the army-centre in the battle with Şhujâ-'

THE MAASIB-UL-UMARA.

(and on his side). When ghuja' fled, he joined the king. Up to
13th year he and Bahrâm were alive arid occasionally received
presents in cash and horses and elephants from the king.

ABDU-R-RAZZÂQ K. LİRİ.

At first he was servant of Abü-1-Hasan K. ruler of Haidarabad,
and had the title of Mustafa K. When Aurangzeb in the 29th
year of his reign invested the fort of Goleonda where Abû-1- Hasan
had taken refuge, most of the servants of the latter owing to the
necessity of the time turned to Aurangzeb and received high posts
and titles. But 'Abdu-r-Razzâq was faithful to his salt, and con-
tinually sallied from the fort and attacked the batteries, and
never spared himself . A royal firman holding out hopes to hini .
which was sent in order to conoiliate him,'was rejected by him on
account of his loyalty, and he töre ' it in pieces with expressions of
disgust. One night when the king's officers, in concert with sonıe
of the garrîson, entered the fort, and there was a great uproar, he
\vithout stopping to gird up his loins, got upon a horse \vith a chârj-
âma(a saddle-cloth, a saddle without a tree) and a sword and shield,
and with some 10 or 1 2 followers rushed * to the gate. When the
royal troops had negotiated the gate of the city-wall and were
advancing to the citadel like a flood of evil, 'Abdü-r-Razzâq met
them and smote with his sword every one who appröached. He
vvas wounded by the imperial troops and had twelve wounds on his
face, till'at last the skin of his forehead covered his eyes, and his
horse carried him oif to under a (cocoanut) *' tree near the citadel.
Someone recognised him and had compassion on him and took
him to his house. When the occurrence became known to the
officers, and by them was told to the king, he approved of his
loyalty and sent surgeons * to him.

They say that when a hope of his recovery was reported to
Aurangzeb, he sent him a message that he should send his sons for
service and that he himself too would obtain service. He after

1 Khâfi K. II. 360.

i Do. 362.

3 Do. 363. and Stanley.

l.ane-

Poole's Aurangzeb, pp. 18Ö-87.

* " Two Indian and European sur-
geons," Khâfi K. 366.

THE MAASIB-TJlrUMABA.

rpturning thanks said * that though his tough «istence had not
come to an end, yet he was wounded hand and foot and could
not serve Even if he could serve, one V hose flesh and skin (goşht
u post) had been nourished by Abü-1-Hasan's salt could not serve
King 'Âlamgîf. The king's countenance showed displeasure at
this reply, but from a feeling of justice he ordered that when he
had quite recovered, his condition should he reported. When he
had recovered, an order was sent to the governor of Haidarabad
that he should comfort him and send him to the Presence. As he
again refused. an order was given to send him as a pnsoner.
KhânFîrüz*Jang interceded for him and summoned hım before
himself He kept him for some time with him and brought hım
round in the 38th year he received the rank of 4000 with 3000
horse and was enrolled among the servants, and received the title
of Khân, and the gift of a horse and an elephant, and W as made
faujdâr of Rahirî. in the 40th year he acquired renown as faujdar
of the Konkan 'Âdil Shâhf, which is on the sea-shore and near
the port of Goa. Afterwards, he by urgency obtained leave to go
to Mecca, and set off. After coming to his home in Lâr (Persıa)
he went into retirement there. The king, on hearing of hım, sent
his (<Abdu-r-Razzâq's) son <Abdu-l-Karîm with afirmân, summon-
ing him and a thousand young * men of Lâr. Meanwhıle news
oame that he, at the summons of the king of Persia, had left his
home and died on the road. Two sons, one Razzâq Quh K and
the second, Muhammad Khalil, were in Aurangabad and hved and
died on their jagîrs. The writer was acquainted with the second
one.

(SAIFU-D-DAULA) 'ABDU-Ş-ŞAMAD KHÂN BAHÂDUR

diler jang.

A descendant of Khwaja Âhrâr. His uncle Khwâja Zechariah
had two daughters, one of whom he gave to him in marriage, and

1 " Two Indian and European sur-
geons," Khâfi 367.
s Do. 373.
S Maa&ir. A. 387.
♦ Do. 459. A cheque on Surat

for Rs. 50,000 vvas also sent. There
is a good account of 'Abdu-r-Bazzaq
inMajor Haig's Historic Landmarks of
the Deccan.

THE MAASIB-UL-UMABA.

the other was the wife of I'tmâdu-d-daula Muhammad Amîn K
Bahâdur. Saifu-d-daula came to India in the time of Auramrzeb
and at fin* had the rank of 400. I» the reign of Bahâdur Shâh
his rank rose to 700. I„ the battle of the fourprinces, the sonsof
Bahâdur Shâh, he jo i ne d with Zü-l-fiqâr K. and distinguished him-
self m the slaying of Sultan Jahân Shah. I n reward he got high
rank. In the reign of Farrukh Siyar his rank was 5000 with 5000
horse and he had the title of Diler K. and was made governor of
Lahore. He was appointed to finish the campaign against the
bıkh Gürü vvho from the time of Bahâdur Shâh had practised
varıous kınds of oppression in tlıat country över both Muhamma-
dans and Hindus. The Khân-Khânân Mun'im K. had been sent
wıth 30,000 cavalry to chastise him and had besieged him in
Lohgarha, and the emperor had himself göne in that direction, but
the Gutu had escaped from the fort. Aftenvards Muhammad
Amin was sent in pursuit of him with a large force. but was not
suecessful.

The history of the Sikh tribe is this. Formerly Nânak Râm, a
aqu,r, became notorious in that country. He attracted many
oUowers ; especially from among the Khettris of the Panjab ffi,
followers were called Sikhs. A large number collected, and they
proceeded to oppı . ess the country-side. They laid hands on and
plundered everyone whom they found from the city (Delhi) up to
near Lahore. Some faujdârs leffc their parganas and came to
court, and some who remained lost their property and their lives
At the time of writing also the province of Lahore and part of the
provmce of Multan are in possession of this tribe. The Shâh
Durrânî armies which are in possession up to Kabul have önce or
tvvıce suffered defeat at their hands and have withdrawn from
attackmg their country.

Diler Jang showed cour age an d skill in this affair and estab-
lısJıed himself vvith a large force near Garhî (Gürdâspûf ) , which is the
remdence of the Gürü. The Sikhs carne out several times and had
hand-to-hand fights. The Khân remained firm and stopped the
comıng in of supplies. After a long time, when they were in
straıts from want of gra in, and many had been reduced to misery
they sent a message asking that their lives should be spared and

THE MAASIR-UMJMARA.

brought ' their leader, with his young son, the divrân, and those
who had escaped the sword. He put a number to death and
brought the Gürü (Banda) and some others to oourt. For this
good service he was revvarded by the rank of 7000 with 7000 horse,
and the title of Saifu-d-daula (Sword of the State). On the day of
arrival at the capital he by orders put some of the prisoners into
collars (takhta-u-kalah) and caps and brought them into the city.
This affair occurred in 1127, 1715. In the 5th * year of Farrukh
Siyar and while Saifu-d-daulah was governor (of the Panjab),
'Isâ K. Mabîn was put to death. He had gradually come from the
position of a zamindar to that of a royal servant and had become
a leader, and behaved with haughtiness (exhaled the breath of " I
and no other)." An account of him has been given in his biogra-
phy. ? When Husain K. Khvveshgl, the talüqdâr of Qasür, which is
18 kos from Lahore and on the way to Multan, became rebellious
and indulged in presumptuous ideas, in the time of Rafîu-d-daula ,
Saifu-d-daula took the field against him, and after much fighting
put an end to him. In the 3rd year of Muhammad Shâh he
came to court and was graciously reeeived. In the 7th year when
the government of the province of Lahore was given to his son
Zechariah, who was the brother-in-law of I'tmâdu-d-daula Qama-
ru-d-dîn K., he was made governor of Multan. He died in 1150,*
L 737-38. He was a valiant commander, and cultivated much the
men of his own country.

'ABDU-L-WAHÂB AQZÎU-L-QAZÂT QÂZT, 6

grandson of S. Muhammad Tâhir " Bohra who lived in Pattan-
Gujarât. Muhammad Tâhir was adorned with excellences and

1 Khâfî K. II. 761, ete, and the
Siyar Mutakharîn, translation 1.801,
ete. EUiot, VII. 456.

2 The executions took place in
Mulıarram 1127, January 1715. Itwas
the 4th year of FarrukhSiyar's reign.

S Maasir, II, 825.

* Beale »ays he died in 1739, 1151-
52, during the invaaion of Nâdir
Shâh.

5 " Most remote, i.e., highest or
best of Qâzis."

ö See biography in Mirât Ahmadî
lith. ed., Part II, 77, and in Khazîna
Aşfiyâ, I. 436. S. 'Ali Mutt5qî İ3 men-
tioned in Rieıı, I. 356,a. There is a
notice of him in the Safînau-1-Auliyâ.
There is a notice of 'Ali Muttâqî
Chishtî in the K. Aşfiyâ, I, 429.

THE MAASIR-UI/-T7MARA.

perfectioıis and went to the holy places (Mecca), and (there)
met in with Shaikh ' Alî Muttaqî — May God have mercy on him !
He became his disciple, and succeeded in becoming the unique of
the age for piety, asceticism and the science of Tradition. When
he returned to his native counfcry, he did away with the heresies
in belief and practice which had become prevalent in his tribe,
and laboured to put down the Mahdavî sect of the followers of
Saiyid Muhammad of Jaunpür. For the use of students of
theology he drew up a Rule (Midâd) in accordance with the last
precepts of his Shaikh, and gave expository lectures thereon.
He used to say why should one man be hindered • by another (?).
The Mujma'-al-bahâr gharîba-1-laghâtu-l-Hadîth, " The gathering
of the seas of the rare words of Tradition " , is a well-known work
of his. in 986, 1578, a number of men attacked him on the road
beîtween Ujjain and Sârangpür and killed * him. They say he had
made a vow that until the blackness of Shîism 3 and other heresies
had been cleansed from the hearts of his tribe he would not bind
his turban on his head. When in 980, 1572-73, Akbar entered
Gujarât, he had an interview \vith the Shaikh and with his own
hand fastened on his turban, and said, " The satisfaction of your
vow is in my charge." He appointed M. 'Azîz Koka to the
government of that eountry, and the Shaikh, with the help of
the Mîrzâ, abolished many of the customs of his tribe. Af ter some
time, when the government teli to one of the Persian Amîrs, that
set with his (the new governor's) help became perverted again,
and the Shaikh took the turban off his head , and set off towards
Agra. in spite of the warning of Saiyid Wajî-u-d-dîn* Gujrâti,
he would not be dissuaded, and then there happened what
happened (i. e., his murder). His body was taken from Malwa to

l PerhapB the meaning is, ' • Why
should one not be benefited by the
knowledge of another ? "

* The Mirât Ahmadî II. 77 gives
date as Shawâl 986, 6 December,
1578. The same work also states that
the name of the son of 'Abdu-1-Wahâb
who is known as Şhaikh-ul-Islâm was

Muhammad İkram.

s taahiya' . Perhaps it means here
sectarianism or heresy, and not the
speciai doctrines of the Shias.

* it appears from the Tabaqât
Akbari, litlı. ed., pp. 393, 395, that
there vvere two sainta of this name.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

Nahrwâla, whieh is another name for Pattan, and was buried in
the tomb of his ancestors.

Qâzî 'Abdu-1-Wahâb had great skill in the science of theology,
and in the time of Shah Jahan was for a long period Qâzi of
Pattan, which was his birth-place. When Prince Aurangzeb was
appointed to the government of ttıe Deccan the Qâzî hastened to
serve him and was received with honour. From the time that
Aurangzeb sate upon the throne of India 'Abdu-1-Wahâb acted as
Qâzî of the army and was highly considered. None of his
predecessors held such a dignified position as he, for the king was
disposed to uphold religious- principles, considering that the
maintenance of so wide a country depended upon the penal laws
(for heresy). The qâzls of the cities and towns used in concert
with the governors and magistrates to seli the right of retaliation 1
for gold. The Qâzî of the Presence — who shewed himself as an
ascetic and a stickler for religion — reformed matters in every
particular and spread out the barıner of " I and no other." The
high officers were afraid of him and burnt with envy. Yet with
ali this (piety, ete.) they say that the Qâzî had a long arm for haul-
ing and snatehing, and colleeted large sums of money. Mahâbat 2
Luhrâsp was fanıous for his audacity, and önce when he was sent
off to the Deccan campaign and had halted for some days in the
vicinity of the capital to get advajıces 3 for the troops he found out
that three or four lacs of rupis worth of Kashmır and Agra goods,
which had been purehased by the Qâzî, were being sent along with
the goods of merehants to Ahmadabad. He was on bad terms
with the Qâzî and he laid hold of ali the things and gave them to
the soldiers as maintenance. When this was reported to the king,
Mahâbat replied that out of necessity he had borrowed the goods
from the merehants and that he would return them with the profît
thereon. The Qâzî saw that he could do nothing but wink at the
transaction. İn the 17th 6 year on account of continued illness

1 Sar ba zar mi farok-htand " sold
blood for bullion." But there aıe
various readings.

* Khâfi K., II. 216. H.; was the
second son of the Mahâis&t of Jahan
gir's reigrı.

j7 masâ'ada. See Blochmann, 265.

♦ Kltâfî K. adds that Mahâbat
proposed that the Qâzi should esti
mate the profît '

i Maıuir 'Alamgîrî, 143.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

he was oblîged to go from Hasan Abdal to the capital. Saiyid
' Alî Akbar Qâzî of Lahore was appointed as his deputy. ]n the
beginning of the 19th year, 18 Ramzân 1086, 26 November 1675
o. s., he died in Shahjahanabad (Delhi).

He had four sons. The eldest was Shaikhu-I-lslâm who was
made Qâzi of the capital. He came to the king in obedience to a
summons on the death of his father and was made Qâzî of the
camp. There was no hypocrisy in his piety. He did not take a
single dâm of the property left by his father and vvhich amounted
to a lac of aşArafls 1 and five lacs of rupees, besides jewels, ete, but
distributed his share to the other heirs. He led a good life. He
perceived the turbulence of the age in which men were prone to
lying and violence, and did not deeide disputes upon evidence and
witnesses but exerted * himself in order to bring plaintiff and
defendant to an agreement.

They * say that the king asked his advice about the lawful-
ness of the expeditions against Bijâpür and Haidarabad, and that
he gave a reply contrary to the king's wishes. İn the 27th year
he had a divine cali 6 and withdrew from service and shook out
worldly affairs from his skirt. in spite of royal favours, and in-
stigations, he would not turn back or withdraw from his abandon-
ment of service. At his recommendation, the office of Qâzî of the
camp (Urdu) was bestowed on Saiyid Abû S'aîd, the son-in-law of
Qâzî 'Abdu-1-Wahâb, who was in the capital. in the 28th year he
took leave to go to Mecca, and on his return to Surat, Aurangzeb
sent for him and lavished favours on him. For instance 8 he sev-
eral times with his own blessed hands smeared : atr on his garments,
and pressed him to accept the Qâzıship and the örfice of Şadr.
He refused, and begged to be allowed to go for a \vhile to his honıe,
in order that he might visit the totnbs of his ancestors and see his
family, and then come back. After that he used to pray to God
that he might not again be defiled by the king's business. in the
42nd year an affeetionate order was sent along \vith his brother

I id. 148.

< Khâfi K . II. 247, «İm sa\« there
were two laca ol ashrafis.
3 Khâfî K., II. 379.

4 Khâfî K., II. 343.

5 Maaşir 'Alamgîri, 23'J.

6 Klıâfî K... II. 414.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMAEA.

Nüru-l-haqq to the effect that on coming to the Presence he would
get the office of Şadr if he would take it, As he was helpless he
unwillingly set out from Ahmadabad, for he was always eager to be
with the real Lord and anxious not tu mix in state-matters. At
the same time he was taken dangerously ili and he died in the year
1109, 1698 (Ut., he hastened to the quarter to which he had been
attracted). The king grieved for his death and said, " Happy he
in that after pilgrimage he has not defiled himself with worldly
affairs. " in this Timuride dynasty of 200 years there has been no
Qâzî like him for honesty and piety. While he w as Qâzi he was
always seeking to retire. The king did not let him go till on the
occasion of the affair of Bijâpür, which was a war against Muham-
madans, he withdrew himself. '

Those who seli religion for worldliness (dîn ba danyâ, " faith
for fortune "), regard this noble office as a very easy one and spend
money in bribes (to obtain it) in order that by doing away with
the rights of men they may extort a hundred times more. They
regard nikâhâna (fees on marriage) and mahrana (fees on dowers)
as more their due than their mother's milk. What shall be said of
the hereditary Qâzîs of the tovvnships, for to be in touch with
science is the lot of enemies (i. e., is a misfortune), and the registers
of the despândya (village-accountants) and the \vords of zamindars
are their law and holy books. Though in honour of Qâzîs there is
the " tradition " with reference to knowledge and praetice that out
of every three Qâzîs one is paradisaical, Khwâjah Muhammad
Pârsâ— may his tomb be holy— has said in the Faşl-ul-Khitâb,
"Yes, that paradisaical Qâzî is there, but he is a Qâzî of para-
dise" (i.e., not an earthly Qâzl). VVho can estimate the
irregularities and darkness of this tribe who are worse than
ignorant ?

That deceased (the Shaikhu-1-islâm) had four children. Among
them was Shaikh Sirâju-d-dln who w as the diwâıı of Berar. He
renounced 3 the imperial pay (?) and at last assumed the cdoak of

i See KhâflK.'seulogiumlI, 438-39.

2 Rieu Cat. II. 862, 864. The book
Ls an aceoıınt of the twelve Imâms.
Hedied in Medina S22 A.H., 1410 A. D.

3 Zühal pâdshâhl ta mrf Sıvarda.
" He turned avvay from the roj al

moneys. ' ' ( y )

THE MAASIR-ULrUMARA.

a dervish, and became the disciple of Khvvâja ' Abdu-r-Rahmân
who for a long time had said goodbye to rank and income and had
knocked at the door of reliance upon God and become a master of
ecstacy and vision. After the death of Aurangzeb he came vvith
his Şhaikh to the capital and died at his appointed time. Another
son was Muhammad ikram who was long the Şadr of Ahmadabad.
He got the title of Shaikh-al-Islâm and at last became blind and
retired to Surat. He died in the time of the present sovereign
(Khusrau-i-Zamân). 1 Among the sons of Qâ?î ' Abdu-1-Wahâb
were Nüru-1-Haqq and ' Abdu-1-Haqq who were extremely like one
another in appearanee. One day the king vvas in doubt as to
vvhich was which. The elder was Provost-marshal (ihtisâb) of the
army, and the other was darogha of the Presence. The son of
' Abdu-1-Haqq Muhammad, Muhammad M'uâlî Khân was addicted
to drink and enamoured of music. He himself used to perform
vvithout any shame. He was very fond of hunting. He was for
a long time during the present reign janjdâr of Malkâpûr in Berar,
vvhich is 18 kos from Burhânpür. Eighteen years ago, more or

less, he died.

it should be knovvn that bohara means a merchant in the
Indian language. As many of this tribe are merchants they have
become knovvn by this name. They say that about 450 years
before this, at the exhortations of a learned man nam ed Mullâ *
'Alî, and whose tomb is in Cambay, a number of the people of
Gujarât, who at that time were for the most part idolaters,
embraced the Muhammadan religion. As that person belonged to
the Imâmîya sect they ali joined it. After that vvhen Sultan
Ahmad, who was a confidential officer of Fîrüz §hâh; the king of
Delhi, came to the country and spread the Muhammadan religion,
some of the people aforesaid became Sunnîs at the teaching of
the ' Ulama of the time who were ali of that religion. As
betvveen the two parties there have prevailed^ f rom of old strife
and contention the dust of dispute has arisen betvveen them.

THE MAA.SIR-UL-UMARA.

l Mr. Irvine observes that Khusraa-
İ-Zâman ıneans reigning sovereign , and
therefore means here Muhammad Shalı.

i MirSt Ahıııarti, II. S6, vvhere
there is a long aocount ai the Borahs.

1 Those who have remained Shîas alvvays adhere to a pious and
learned man of their ovvn tribe and bring before him the questions
of the Law. They send one-fifth of their property to the Raiyids
of Medina, and they give alms to the learned headman above
spoken of, and he distributes them amcng the poor of the tribe

(SAIYTD) 'ABDULLAH K. BÂRHA.

also called Saiyid Miyân. At first he was servant of Shah
' Alam Bahâdur. He was appointed along with Ruh Ullah K. in
the affair of the Konkan, and in the 26th year of Aurangzeb
he reeeived the rank of 1000 vvith 600 horse and entered the royal
service. İn the 28th year he went with the abovementioned
prince to chastise Abü-1-Hasan, ruler of Haidarabad, and in
that campaign did good service, and was vvounded. a One day
vvhen he had charge of the rear-guard. and there vvas a hot engage-
ment, he drove off the enemy and came to the assistance of his
ovvn right and left vvings. VVhen on that day the enemy had
vvounded Bindrâban 3 the prince's divvân and vvere driving off his
elephant ) Abdullah attacked them and after a struggle released
the divvân and brought him vvith him. As during the siege of
Bijapur the prince became an object of suspicion to his father, and
some of his companions vvere ordered to be dismissed, an order
vvas also issued about ' Abdullah, and he vvas * imprisoned. After-
vvards* by the intercession of Ruh Ullah K., he vvas made över to
him to be kept under surveillance ; gradually by Ruh Ullah's
influence his faults vvere forgiven. When during the siege of
Golconda, Rüh Ullah K. came to court, upon summons, from
Bijapur, 'Abdullah was left there as his deputy. After some
time he vvas made substantive governor there. in the 32nd
year, vvhen nevvs came that s Râmâ, the brother of Sambhâ
Bhonsla, had fled from the fort of Rahîrîgarha which Zülfiqâr K.

1 Compare this vvith the Mirât
Ahmadî l.c, p. 87, which seetns to
ascribe these eustoms both to the
Sunnîs and the Shîas of the Boran
tribe. Manucci refers to ' Abdu-1-
VVahâb, I. 381, II. S, 188, and there
is a portrait of him at III. 210.

5 KhSfi K., II. 303.

s Author of the Lubbu-t-tawârîkh.
Elliot, VII. 168, «nd Rie^ 1 I. 2286.
♦ Khâfi K., II. 32 1.

6 Rajah Ram M. 'Âlamgîrî, 327.

TH15 51AASIR-TJL-TJMARA.

was besieging, and of his having taken refuge in the territory of
the ruler above mentioned ( Abü-1- Hasan) , an order was sent to
' Abdullah to search for him and to arrest hira. He marched three
days and three nights and came upon him. Many influential
leaders were soized, but Râmâ himself escaped. On this account,
in spite of such great services, the king was not pleased. Besides
this, as an order had been given for confining the prisoners in the
citadel of Bijapur, and several of these escaped from such a place,
' Abdullah was in that year removed from Bijapur. in the 33rd
year he was made favjdâr of Nandair in succession to Sirdâr
K. He died at his appointed time. He had many sons, 1 two
of whom were highly distinguished, viz., Qutbu-l-mulk 'Abdullah
K. and the Amîru-1-Umarâ Husain 'Alî K. Of the others there
was Saiyid Najmu-d-dîn 'Alî K. Accounts of ali three have been
given.

(SAIYID) 'ABDULLAH KHÂN,*

son of Mîr Khwânanda. From his early years he was cherish-
ed and employed by Akbar, and attained to the rank of 700.
in the 9th year he was appointed, along with other officers, to
pursue 'Abdullah K. Uzbeg, who had fled from Malwa to Gujarât.
in the 17th year when there was an intention to conquer Gujarât,
and the Khân Kalan was sent on in advance, he was chosen as
one to accompany him. in the 18th year he was sent off with
Mozaffâr K. who had been appointed to Malwa. in the 19th year,
when the king went in person to the eastern districts, he was one
of his attendants. Aftervvards when the Khân-Khânân was ap-
pointed to conquer Bengal, he accompanied him. On the day of
the battle with Dâüd the son of Sulaimân Kararânî, he was in the
van-guard with the Khân 'Alam. From there he for some reason
came to court. in the 2 İst year he was sent off by relays of
horses to the eastern diatricts to convey to the officers the news of
the king's approach. in the middle of that year he brought the
news of victory and travelled a great distance in eleven days and
arrived at court and was received with favour. So much gold and
sil ver was poured into his skirt that he could not carry it off.

I The famous Saiyids of Bârha.

B. 465.

THE MAASIR-TJL-UMARA.

They say that when the king had sent him off, he said to him,
" You'll bring news of a victory." in the 25th year, when Khân
A'zim Koka was appointed to Bengal to put down the rebellion,
the Khân in question was sent off along with him. He was in the
left wing at the battle between Shahbâz K. and M'aşüm K. Faran-
khüdî. As things did not go right in the pro vince, 1 he was, in
the end of the 31styear (995), sent off to Qâsim K. who had been
appointed to the government of Kashmir. One day, when it was his
turn to be on duty, he cleared a small hill of the enemy, but as
he was returning without proper arrangements, when he came to
the defile, the rebels assailed him on every side with arrows and
bullets, and nearly 300 2 men lost their lives. The Khân died in
the same province of fever in the 34th year, 997, 1589.

'ABDULLAH KHÂN S' AID KHÂN.

Fourth son of Ş'aîd K. Bahâdur Zafar Jang. 3 As by good for-
tune and good service his father was continually being advanced,
he attained a suitable rank. in the 13th year of Shah Jahan he
was made the protector of Lower Bangash. in the 17th year his
rank . was 1000 with 400 horse and he was given leave to join
his father in Qandahar. When his father died in the 25th year,
'Abdullah'a rank was 2000 with 1500 horse, and in the end of the
same year he had the title of Khân and the gift of a horse with a
silvern saddle. He was sent off with Prince Aurangzeb who had
been appointed for the second time to the Qandahar campaign.
Afterwards he was for a long time in charge of the city of Kabul,
in the 31st year his rank was 2000 with 2000 horse and he had the
gift of a flag and drum, and afterwards he had an increase of 500
and the gift of a drum. He was attached to Sultan Sulaimân
Shikoh who had been appointed to act against Sultan Shujâ'.
Aftenvards, when the heavens assumed a new aspect, and Dârâ

1 viz. the eastern districts. See
A.N. III. 51 fi.

* AN. III. 522. According to B.

465 he was killed on thİB oocasion.

The circumstance is not mentioned

by A. F. The statement in the Maasir

is derived from Badayûnî, Lowe 380,
who says that Saiyid 'Abdullah,
whom he calls Chaugânbegî, died of ,.
fever a year after the engagerıent
with Y'aq5b.

8 Blochmann 466.

THE MAASIR-TJJL-ÜMARA.

THE MAASIR-TJL-UMARA.

Shikoh af ter the battle of Samogarh fled to T;ahore, he separated
froın the above-mentioned prince and entered the service of
Aurangzeb. He received a robe of honoıır, and the title of S'aîd
K. and his rank became 3000 with 2500 horse. No further account
of hirtı appears.

'ABDULLAH K. ÜZBEG. 1

One of the offieers of Hümâyûn, and he was among those who
were magnanimous and jeoparded their lives, in Akbar's time,
after the vietory över Hemü he received the titie of Shujâ'at K.,
and was made fief-holder of Kâlpî. As in the conquest of Malwa
he had assisted Adham K. and had become acquainted with the
country, in the 7th year, when Pir Muhammad K. Shirwânî,
the governor there, was drowned in the Narbada, and Bâz Bahâ-
dur laid hold of Malvva as his hereditary property, Akbar
raised 'Abdullah Uzbeg to the rank of 5000 and appointed him to
chastise Bâz Bahâdur and to settle the country. He was given
full powers there. When 'Abdullah went properly equipped to
conquer Malwa, Bâz Bahâdur was unable to resist him and fled,
and the country came again into the imperial possession. 'Abdul-
lah K. came to Mândü — which was the capital of the rulers of
Mahva— and distributed the cities and townships among the
offieers.

As power soon corrupts tnose deficieht in loyalty 'Abdullah
K. quickly became haughty and rebellious. in the 9th year, 971,
1563-64, in the height of the rains, Akbar came to Narwar and
Siprî on the, occasion of elephant-hunting— which were then plen-
tiful there — and thereafter went on rapidly to Mândü. The thun-
der and lightning and the rain, the floods and the mud, and the
holes, and hollows which exist in Malwa made the march difficult.
The horses had to swira like sea-horses, and the camels had to
traverse tempestuous seas like ships. The animals' feet sank in
the mud up to their ehests, and many of the porters of the camp
stuck in theground. But Akbar hurried on from Gâgrün, as the
object of this terrific journey was to come suddenly on 'Abdullah
K., who did not think it possible that troops could come to Malwa

at such a time. Aşhraf K. and I'timâd K. were sent ahead to
give him — who vvas apprehensive on account of his evil aetions —
the good news of the royal grace and to bring him into doing hom-
age, so that he should not become a vagabond in the fields of mis-
fortune. Akbar in one stage travelled 25 Malwa kos which are
equal to 40 of the ordinary Delhi kos, in ali the mud and water,
and reached Sârangpur. When he came to Dhâr he learnt from
his envoys that though they had urged him (to come in) they had
not succeeded on account of his fears. He had made some wild
suggestions, and had then fled with his family and belongings.
Akbar turned his rein from Mândü and sent on a number of his
offieers as van-guard that they might block 'Abdullah'a path. He
himself pressed on stili more. When the van-guard came up with
'Abdullah, he thought that, as they had come a long march, there
would be few men present and so turned round and f ought. When
the engagement grew hot aiıd thp arrows of the enemy passed över
the king's head, Akbar ordered the drums of vietory to be beaten ,
and said to Mun'im K. Khân-Khânân that there vvas now no time
for delay , and that the enemy must be attacked. The Khân-Khânân
said, " it is good, but it is not the time for eombating singly ;
when I have colleeted the men, I shall attack." Akbar got angry
and was on the point ot attacking. I'timâd K. in the excess of
his zeal seized his rein, and the king got angry with him and
pressed on. As the Divine proteetion watched över him, the
enemy fled ; though 'Abdullah K. had more than one thousand
cavalry and Akbar had not more than 300, yet he suffered his
chief men to be killed, and quitted the field. and went by the \vay
of Âli ' Mohan to Gujarat. Akbar sent a body of troops under
Qâsim K. of Nîshâpür after him. The land-owners of the neigh-
bourhood joined the force out of loyalty and fell upon 'Abdullah' s
camp near the defile 2 of Campânîr. He got bewildered and
turned e off his women into the desert , and taking his son with

l Text wrongly lıas Abî. Alî
Mohan or 'Alî Râjpür is a native state
in S. W. corner of Central India. See
also J. II. 251 and A.fc. II. 228.

a A hill or defile, from which Cam-

pânîr is visible. A. N. II. 228. The
troops did not enter Gujarat.

3 Left them in the desert. A. N
II. 229.

1 B. 320.

THE MAASIE-UL.-UMARA.

him went off. The officers seized ali his belongings — especially his
women and elephants — and halted there. The king traversed 'Alî '
and came there and after returning thanks to God returned with
much spoil. 'Abdullah K. — who had escaped half-alive from the
battle-field — went off to Gujarat and joined Chingez K. who was
powerful there. Akbar sent Hakim Ainu-1-mulk to Chingez K. to
request that he would either send the vvretch to court, or expel
him from his country. He petitioned to the effect that he was
not averse to submitting to the royal command, and that he
would send him to court if Akbar would forgive him. If Akbar did
not agree to this, he would expel him. When the message was
repeated, Chingez K. turned him off and he came to Mahva and
raised a disturbance. Shihâbu-d-dîn Ahnıad K. — who had been
previously sent to manage Mahva — led a well-equippedarmy against
him in the llth year. 'Abdullah was nearîy being captured.
After a thousand difficulties he joined * 'Alî Qulî K. Khân Zaman
and Sikandar K. Uzbeg, and died there (i.e., in Bengal or Bihar)
a natural death.

(KH-WAJA) -ABDULLAH KHÂN.
His family was from Türân. At first he and his brother
Khvvâja Rahmat Ullah K. were in attendance on 'Imâdu-1-mulk
Vlubâriz K., and both held the collectorships of Sîkâkul (Chicacole)
ınd Rajendrî. When, after Mubâriz K.'s being killed, Nizâmu-1-
mulk Aşaf Jâh came to Haidarabad, both brothers appeared be-
fore him. 'Abdullah w as made Khânsâmân together with the
management of the Rajendrî estates, and his brother was made
diwân of Aşaf Jâh's establishment. Khwâja Rahmat Ullah soon
died. After his death Kjrvvâja 'Abdullah became diwân, and when
Âşaf Jâh went to the capital (Delhi) for the second time he lef t
Khvvâja 'Abdullah in the Deccan as guardian of his son the mar-
tyred Naşir Jang. When Aşaf Jâh returned to the Deccan he was
alvvays a confidential courtier. When S'aâdat Ullah K. the t'alüqdâr
of theCarnatic Haidarabad died, and Dost 'Alî K. his brother's son
and Şafdar 'Alî K. (Dost 'Alî's son) came to their end 3 in the man-

1 Text 06», " a stream.
»B.A.N. II. 271.

3 They were killed in battle with
the Mahrattas, vol. II, 613

THB MAASIR-UL-UMABA.

nerdescribed at length in the account of S'aâdat Ullah K., and the
fort of Trichinopoly — which is a famous fort in that country — came
into the possession of Murâr ' Râo Ghorpura, Âşaf Jâh appointed
K_hwâja 'Abdullah to the said t'alûq of the Carnatic and addressed
himself to the taking of the fort of Trichinopoly. When he re-
turned * after taking it, he conferred a drum upon 'Abdullah and
sent him off to the t'alüq. On the* same night, 1157, 1744, he
was relieved from the troubles of this world by a sudden death.
Naqqâra-i-âkhir, " The last drum," is the chronogram. He was of
a saintly family (ıvilâyat zai) and a man of a quiet dispositiön,
and famed for his charities, but he was of an iracünd nature. If
he were angry with anybody, and another person chanced to come
in, he treâted him with harshness and severity. The best of his
sons was Khwâja N'iamat Ullah K. who after his father's death
was for some time collector of 3 Rajbandarî. in the time of Şalâ-
bat Jang he was made deputy-governor of Bijapur and had the
title of Tahawwur Jang Bahâdur. After a while he became
mad and rolled up the carpet of life. Other sons were Khwâja
'Abâd Ullah K., and Kjrvvâja Sa'd üllah K. who were in the
service of Shujâ-ul-mulk Amîru-1-umarâ. The second had relations
with learning Q

'ABDULLAH KHÂN (SHAIKH).*

A worthy son of the great Shaikh of the Shattârî order S.
Muhammad Ghaus of Gwalior. Of the sons of that saint S. 'Ab-
dullah and S. Ziya Ullah were the most distinguished. The first
was known by the name of S Badrî. in the science of incantations
(d'awat) and taksir 6 (increasing ?) he was his father's pupil and in
the guiding and directing of men he took his father's plaee. By
fate's decree though he was a faquir and a dervish he entered
into the king's service and became one of the great Amirs. in the
campaigns he continually did good service, and Jeöpârded his life,

1 The Merari Bow of Örme.

s " to Sahan Buniyâd. ' ' Is this
Arcot, or a.-other name for Auranga-
bad ? Mili mentions a report that
'Abdullah was poisoned.

3 There is the variant Rajendrî.

* B. 457.

6 Apparently this is a mistake for
tashir, enchantment. See Badayânî,
Ranking, 459

THE MAASIK-UL-UMAKA.

iıı battle. in the 40th year of Akbar's reign he attained the îank
of 1000. They say he attained to the rank of 3000 and died in
the prime of his age.

T^e second son was Ziya Ullah; he did not serve, but lived
as a dervish. in his father' s life-time he went to Gujarat, and
waited upon Wajîu-d-dîn l 'Alawî who was very learned in ex-
oteric sciences and had written valuable commentaries upon many
books, and was a disciple of his (Ziya Ullah's) father. Under
him he acquired scieuue, and in the town of Pattan he obtained
from S. Muhammad Tâhir * Muhaddiş (traditionist) Bohra a know
ledge of Hadîs (traditions). At that time he received from his
father a certificate and the grant of the khirqa (robe) of succession.
On the death of his father, which took place in 970, 1562-63, he
took up his abode in Agra, and made a house and a khânga there.
For a long time he applied himself to the attainment of final re
ward,"and professed 13ufism in a pleasing manner. On 3 Ramzân
İ005, 10 April 1597, he died. 3

They say that in the year when Akbar was wounded at
Lahore in the testicles by a deer's horn, when he was watching
their fight, and he was in great pain, many leading men came
from various quarters to visit him (and prescribe for him). One
day the king said, "S. Ziya Ullah has not remembered me.'' S.
Abü-1-fazl informed Ziya Ullah of this remark and he came
to Lahore. By chance, af ter some time, one of Prince DaniePs
wivee 6 became pregnant, and the king ordered that she should be
taken for her confinement to the Shaikh's house. The latter re-
mönstrated, but in vain, and the lady was brought. As the
ghaikh was disgusted with life, he died a week afterwards.

As the opportunity has occurred, some account will now be
given of the honoured father 6 of those two brothers. S. Muham-

1 Khazîna Aşfiyâ II. 336. His

him a lodging in his Ibadatkhâna.

shrine îb in Ahmadabad.

See Persian text, p. 202. See also

a Khazîna Aşfiyâ I. 436. He was

BadayüniIII. 121. See also A.N. III.

a Bohra by caste and was killed in

723.

984. The ,r irSt Ahmadi saya he was

* A.N. III. 712.

kiUed in 986, .1578.

* One of his wives gave birth to a

* Ttaer* is a reference to ?iy5 Ullah

son in 1005. A.N. III. 729.

in BadayŞnî, Lowe, 204. Akbar gave

« Badayünî, III. 4.

THE MAASTR-T/L-TJMABA.

mad Ghauş and his elder brother S. Bahlûl 2 were descended from

S. Farîd 'Attâr, and they were among the noted saints of the time.

Both of them were of perfect skill in incantations by the Names

(of God) and could hold their breath. S. Bahlül was a disciple of

Shah Qamîş* who is buried in Sâdhaurah (in Sarkar Sirhind).

Hümâyun became his follower, and though he had been the pupil

of Khwâja Khâwand Mahmüd the grandson of Khwâja Naşîru-d-

dîn Ahrâr he broke off the connexion, and became a pupil of the

Shaikh. The Khwâja was indignant, and abandoned Humâyün's

companionship and went off from India to his own country. And

he recited this verse. 8

Verse.

Say, Humâ, ne'er cast thy shadow

in a land where the parrot is less aceounted than the kite.

When in the year 945, 1538-39, Bengal was conquered, the clim-
ate suited Hümâyûn and he opened out the carpet of enjoyment,
and became absorbed in sensual pleasures. M. Hindâl the younger
brother of the king had received Tirhut as his jagir. By the com-
panionship of some intriguers he became iıribued with evil thoughts
and went off, in the height of the rains, to the capital without
obtaining leave. Mîr Faqîr 'Alî the goyernor of Delhi — who was
one of the pillars of the empire— came to Agra and by good advice
brought the Mirza back to loyalty, so that he soon went to Jaun-
pür to chastise the Afghans. Meaııwhile some officers fled from
Bengal and joined the Mîrzâ in Jaunpür.* They suggested the
reading of the Khutba in his name, and his ascending the throne.

1 Phöl in text but the vari&nt
Bahlûl is preferable.

2 The Khazîna Aşfiyâ nıentions I,
p. 135, Shah Qamîş Gilânî who died in
Bengal in 992, 1584, and is buried in
Sâlûra Khizrâbad. 'Abdu rRazzâq
commonly called S. Bahlûl was his
disciple. Sâlûra seems a mistake for
Sâdhaurah. He died in Bengal? but his
body was brought away and buried in
SBdhaura. The I.G. XXI, 347 men-
tions Shâh Quraais' shrine in Sâdhaura
in the Ambâla division.

3 T. Rashîdi, Ney Elias and Boss

399, and Badayûnl, Lowe 45. The
Humâ here stands for Hümâyun ; M.
Haidar generally calls Khwâja Kiı5w-
and, Khwaja Nura.

* it doos not appear that Hindâl
went to Jaunpür. The officers joined
him in Agra. See A.N. I, p. 336, ete.
This Nüru-d-din is the father ol Salıma
Sultan Begam who became the wife
of Bairâm and oftervvards of Akbar.
She was born in this very year of 945,
1538-39, as the chrouogram, thûsh
hâl, preserved by M. Muhammadi,
shows.

THE MAASIR-ÜJ^-UMARA.

and the Mîrzâ resumed his evil thoughts. When Hümâyûn heard
of this, he sent S. Bahlül to give the Mîrzâ adviee. The Mîrzâ
went out to receive him and brought him to his quarters, and treat-
ed him with respect. The offioers were perplexed and annoyed
by the Şhaikh's arrival, but at last they united on eondition that
he should be put to death, for until the veil was removfed from
their actions there would be no haımony. M. Nüru-d-dîn Muham-
mad seized the Shaikh in his tent on the charge of his being in con-
certwith the Afghans, and beheaded him in a sandy place near
the royal garden. S. Muhammad Ghaus found the chronogram,
Fa qad mata sAahlda, 945, 1538-39. " Verily he was martyred."
His tomb is in the vicinity of the fort of Bîâna, on the top of a
hill.

Hümâyûn was much grieved afc the slaying of the Şhaikh, and
condoled with his brother Muhammad Ghauş. The latter was a
pupil of Hâjî Hamid of Gwalior and Ghazni, who, again, was the
pupil of S. Qâzan 1 Bangâlî, who was the pupii of S. 'Abdullah
Shattâri. His proper name wa,s Abü-1-müîd Muhammad, and he
had the title of Ghaus from his father's side He lived * in the
hill-country of Chunar in Bihar as a hermit (pîr), and in the year
929, 1523, wrote in that retirement the famous book called the
Jawâhar 3 Khamsa (The five jewels). At that time he was 22
years of age. When Sher Shah in the year 947, 1540, conqtrered
Upper India, the Şhaikh became alarmed on account of his con-
nexions with Hümâyûn and fled to Gujarat. There he built a
lofty khânga (monastery) and communicated spiritual advantageş
to many men of that country. When in the year 961, 1554, the
standards of Hümâyûn were unfurled in India, the Shaikh resolved
to return there and in 963* — which was the commencement of
Akbar's reign — he came to Agra viâ Gwalior.

1 Qâzan in Khazîna Aşfiyâ II. 332.

2 Badayunî. Lowe 28, who says
he saw in Chunar the cave where the
Şhaikh had lived fpr twelve years.
Perhaps the cave is the one described
in Fuhrer ' s Inseriptions of the N .W. P. ,
ete. , Vol. II of Archaeological seriçs,
p 260.

3 See account of this book in

Hughes' Dict. of islam, art. D'awa.
As stated in text, Abü-1-Müîd or
Muwayyid is another name for M.
Ghaus. The date of the book given
in Hughe3 is 956. If M. Ghaus was
80 when he died, as Badayunî says,
he must have been about 40 in 929.

* Badayunî, Lowe 28, .says he
came to Agra in 966.

THB MAASIR-trL-UMARA.

The king welcomed him, and shoved him much respeot. S.

Gadai Kambû the Şadru-s-Şudür, on account of his old enmity

with the Shaikh, again girded up the loins of animosity and

brought to the notice of Bairâm K. the treatise (risala) l which the

Şhaikh had written in Gujarat, oalled M'i'râjiyya, and which gave

an account of his own M'irâj (ascent), and whieh the learned men

of Gujarat had denounced. Gadai made the Khân averse to the

Shaikh and so he did not give the Shaikh the royal reception

which he had expected. So he took his leave and returned in

displeasure to his residence at Gwalior. On Monday, 17 Ramzân

970, 10 May 1563, he lef t this dustbin of a world The chronogram

is Bandciri-Khudâ shud. " He became a servant of God." (970).

They say that he * received from Akbar a pension of a kror of dâms.

in the Zakhîra-ul-khwânîn it is stated that the Shaikh had a jagir

of nine lacs of rupees, and that he had forty elephants. it

appears even from the Akbar nâma that it is true, as is reported,

that Akbar was his pupil, though S. Abû-l-fa?l, from the rivalry

of Şhaikhs, or from prejudice, or from consideration of the king's

disposition, has represented the matter differentry. He has stated

that in the 4th year, 966— which some have mentioned as the date

of the Şhaikh's return from Gujarat— Akbar came out of Agra to

hunt and arrived at Gwalior. it appeared that Qibcâq » (Tartary)

cattle had come from Gujarat along with S. Muhammad Ghauâ,

and an order was given that they should be purehased from the

merehants at a proper price. it was represented that the Şhaikh

and his people had better cattle than these, and that if Akbar at

the time of returning from hunting should pass by the Şhaikh's

quarters, he would certainly present them as an offering (peshkash).

When Akbar visited him, the Shaikh regarded his coming as a

great honour, and as an amulet against his ill-treatment by Bairâm

1 See Badayunî, Lowe, 28 and 62.

* Badayunî says in his history a
kror without specifying the coins, but
doubtless it waS tankaa or dâms and
not rupees. Badayunî III. 5 says
it was a kror of tankas.

3 So in text, but I think there must
be some mistake, for I am not aware
12

that Gujarat cattle have anything
to do with Tartary. The MSS. in
B.M. have a word which I can't
read, but which certainly does not
begin with a Q. The A.N. which is
the Maagir's source has be-badl " un-
equalled."-

THE MAASIR-TTL-UMARA.

K. He presented ali the cattle his men had, and other curiosities
and rarities of Gujarat. He also produced sweetmeats and per-
fumes. At the end of the interview he asked the king if he had
given the hand of fealty to anyone. fl. M. replied " No." The
Shaikh stretched 1 out his own arm and laid hold of theking's, and
said , " We ha ve taken your hand. ' ' The king smiled and departed.
it is reported that the king said, " On that same night we returned
to our tents and had a wine-party and enjoyed ourselves, and
laughed över the way to catch bullocks, and the Shaikh's dodge
of stretching out his arm."

Verse.
'Neath their varied robes they hold nooses
See the long arms of those short-sleeved gentry.
Afterwards this self-pleasing simpleton exulted in public över
what he had done. He (A. F.) also added some* words to the
narrative, but to copy them out here wouId be improper.

Abül-Fazl has written stili more (strangely) about S. Bahlül,
viz., that as Hümâyûn was interested in incantations the Shaikh
was honoured by being allowed to practise them. and that he some-
times claimed Hümâyûn as his disciple and sömetimes boasted of
being his loyal servant. in fact (says A. F.) the two brothers were
destitute of excellencies or learning, but at one time had sate in
hermitages in the hills, and practised incantations by the Divine
names ; and made this the means of their ora renown, and influ-
ence. By companionship with princes and nobles they succeeded
in their craf t by the help of simpletons and put up the things of
saintship to sale and by specious pretences âcquired vülages and
hamlets. in fact ali this talk 8 is S. Abu-1-fazl's abuse such as he
practised towards the great Shaikhs of the time because of a secret
grudge and the envy of a rival, for his father was also one of the
religious leaders of the time, and claimed to be equal to M. Ghaus,
though he was not accepted as such. Or it was the result of the

1 See the story in Akbarnâma II.
translation, p. 133.

* Referring to A.F.'fl reflections on
the occurrence and on the Shaikh's
conduct.

8 M. Ghaus is inoluded in the Âîn
among those who understand the
mysteries of the heart. B. 539.
Badayühî III. 5 says that Akbar be-
came M. Ghaus's disciple,

THE MAASrB-TTL-TTMARA.

eccentricity and unbridled speech which is opposed to good-will
and rejects the common opinions. Whatever may be the case
with regard to the saintship and the ghausiyat (Aid) which see
hidden things, it is perfectly clear that Hümâyûn believed in those
two brothers. The letter which Hümâyûn wrote to S. Muhammad
Ghaus after Sher Shah's victory, and which has been copied into
the Gulzâr-i-Abrâr l (the rosarium of the pious), and the reply of the
Shaikh, wiU show this, and they are therefore set down here.

The King 's Letter.

"After respects and kissing of hands I beg to represent that

the favour of the Almighty together with the guidance of your

Reverenoe and of ali the dervishes have brought me out from the

defiles of difficulty into ease. What has occurred from intriguing

fate has not grieved me further than that it has excluded me from

serving your Reverenoe. At every breath and at every step my

thought was how will those demon-natured men (Sher Shah and

the other Afghans) behave to that angelic personage. When I

heard that your Reverenoe had at about the same time departed

to Gujarat my heart was somewhat relieved from this anxiety. My

hope in God is that as He has brought you out from the trouble

of that worthless one, He will also freeme from the pain of seeming

separation. Good God ! How shall I render thanks for His good-

ness in guiding me ? in spite of many calamities which to outward

appearance have involved me, in the core of my heart, the abode

of worship of Oneness, there has not been a tittle of rift or failure.

May the path of coming and going always be trodden and be wide

enough for the transit of the caravan of my good wishes!"

Reply.
" The arrival of the distinguished letter of the sovereign, and
the perusal of the honoured writing of Hümâyûn have brought the
blessing of life to the f aithful in this country. it conveyed also
the intelligence of the health and wealth of the servants of the
stirrup. What has been written is in acoordance with the essenoe
of things. There is no grief for what has occurred.

ı Eieu III. 10416.

THK MAASIB-UIı-lTMAIlA.

Verse.

The word which comes from the heart assuredly settles

in the heart (of the recipient).
My prayer is, May my lord's crowned head be not disturbed

by the sad events !

Verse.

To the traveller in the right path whatever happens is for
his goöd.

Whenever God designs to lead Hio servant to perfection He
cherishes him both by His beautiful and His terrible attributes.
The beautiful attributes have had their cycle ; now, for some days,
is the time of the terrible ones. As has been said, " With
pleasures come pains, with pains come pleasnres." The time of
the beautiful attributes will soon come again, for aceording to the
Arabian 1 Canon, One pain comes between two pleasures. And
because the extent of the enclosed is less than the extent of the
«nolosing, the bride of success will soon take her seat on the,
marriage-dais. May God grant this, and praise be to God both
now and hereafter."

in short S. Muhammad Ghaus was one of the later leaders
among the Shattâri in India. He had many distinguished suc-
cessors and disciples. Saiyid Wajîu-d-dîn of Gujarat, who wrote
commentaries on didactic books, and was very learned in exoteric
sciences, was his disciple. One said to the Saiyid, ' ' Why have you,
with ali your learning and wisdom, given the band of adherence
t imbat) to the Shaikh (who does not possess so much learning)."
He repüed, " it is a thing to be thankful for that my Prophet
(Muhammad) was ignorant (uml) and that my Pir is so * (also)."
The Shattâri order goes back to the Sultânu-l-'Ârifîn Bayâzîd
Bistâmî. Accordingly in Turkey this order is called the Bistâmî.
As one of the links of this order was S. Abü-1-hasan 'Işhqî — May his

1 By the expression ' ' Af abian Can-
on," Çârmn 'Arabiyya the Shaikh
means the Koran. The reference is
to Sura 94, vv. 5 and 6. ' ' Verily a
diffioulty shall be attended with eaae."

The repetition is taken to mean that
for every diffioulty there are two plea-
sures.

s See IqbSlnSma. 109.

THH KAASI&-TTL-TTMA&A.

»3

grave be holy — the order is called the Işhqîya in Persia and Türân.
They cali the Pîrs of this order Shajttârî l because they say that
they are keener and more enthusiastic than the leading §haikhs of
other örders. The great men of this order in the Arabian and
Persian 'Irâq continually light the lamp of guidance for travellers
on the Path. The first person who came to India from Persia was
S. 'Abdullah Shattâri, who by five descents was cpnnected with
the Shaikh of Shaikhs, Şhâikh Shihâbu-d-dîn Sahrawardî, and by
seven descents with Bayâzîd Bistâmî — May his grave be holy !
He took up his abode in Mândü in Mahva and died in 890,* 1485,
and is buried there. His successors are occupied in various parts
of India in instructing pupils.

(MÜLLÂ) s 'ABDULLAH ANŞÂRI MAKHDÜMU-L-MULK.

Son of S. Shamsu-d j dîn of Sultanpur. His ancestors came
from Multan to Sultanpur and âdopted it as their home. Mullâ
'Abdullah studied under Maulânâ 'Abdu-1-Qâdir of Sirhind, and
acquired a complete knowledge of the sciences of Law and Theo-
logy. The renown of his learning spread över the world. He wrote
scholia {hâshiya) on the Mullâ's* commentary, and the Minhajü-d-
dîn (Highway of Faith) on the life of the Prophet. The Peace of
God be upon him and on his f amily ! The princes of the age paid
great respect to him, and Hümâyûn was devoted to him. When
Sher Shah's turn came, he gave him the title of Şadru-1-Islâm.
They say 6 that one day Selîm Shah saw him in the distance and
said, " Bâbar Pâdishâh had five sons, föur went away and one

1 Shatârat mean a fearlessness, and
Şhâjjir means a courier.

» Beale says he died in 809 or 1406,
and refers for an account of the
Shattâri» to J.A.S.B. for 1874, p. 216.
There is an account of 'Abdullah
Shattâri in the Khazina Aşfiyâ II. 306,
and it is stated there that ho died in
832(1429).

3 B. VII. 172 and 644. The family
originftlly came from Herat. For
other npticea see Badayüni III. 70.
Darbârî Akbari 311, Khazina Aşfiyâ
I. 448-49 of ed. of 1894, and Tabaqât

Akbarî, end of account of Akbar's
reign.

* B. 644, copying Baday&ni, says
his works were the 'Aşmatu-l-Anbiya,
and a commentary on the ShamSîlu-n-
nabî. The Mullâ referred to in text
is perhaps the Tirmîzî referred to by
D' Herbelot under the heading of
Schamail-Al-Nabi. But possibly the
work of Jamâlu-d-din Ata Ullah is re-
ferred to, as 'Abdullah said he had
written scholia on it ; Badayüni I JI.
71.

6 Badayüni. Banking 634.

94 THE MAASIBrtn>UMABA.

remained." Sarmast K. said , ' ' Why keep such an intriguer 1 " He
replied " I can't find a better man." When the Mullâ came near
him Selim Shah placed him on his throne (takht) and gave hım a
rosary of pearls worth Rs.20,000 which he had just received. As the
Mullâ was a great bigot-which people called being a defender of
the faith-he under the guise of holding the Faith displayed great
animositv. For instance, the putting to death of > S. «Alto was
brought 'about by the exertions of the Mullâ. S. 'Alâi was the son
of Şhaikh Hasan who was one of the great shaikhs of Bengal. He
acauired exoteric and esoteric knowledge from his father, and af ter
visiting Mecca he settled in Bîâna, and undertook the practıce of
what was right and the rejection of what was wrong. At thıa time
S ' Abdullah » Niyazi settled in Bîâna. He was one of the follow-
ers of Selim Chistî, and after returning from Mecca joıned hım-
self to Saiyid Muhammad of Jaunpür who claimed to oe the
Mahdî. S. «Alfü approved of his methods and took from hm .the
practice of holding the breath, which is A rule among the Mah-
davîs, an(İ acquired the fame of workin g miracles. He spent hu
day S ,withagreatnumberoffollowers, in trusting m God. At
night he wouldleave the household vessels-even the ™***-W-
empty, and in the morning there was a new supply. Mulla
-Abdullah accused him of innovations in rebgion and heresy, and
induced Selim Shah to summon him from Bîâna and to order hım
to hold a conference with the Ulama. S. 'Alâi was victorıous.
As in that conference S. Mubârak (Abu-1-fazl's father) took his
part, he too was aceused of Mahdîism.

Selim Shah was impressed by 'Alâi and whispered to hım to
deny Mahdîism, and then he would make him religious censor m
his kinadom ; otherwise he must leave the country, as the Ulama
had given judgment for putting him to death. The Şhaikh went
ff to the Deccan. When Selîm Shah went towards the Panjab to
put down the Niyâsîs, Mullâ 'Abdullah represented that S.
'Abdullah was the Niyâzî's Pîr. Selim Shah sent for hım m 955,

1 B. VIII. 1.

* He was of Sirhind. See Badayünî
III. 45. I* »*» on the-eite o£ *"• °* U

th»t Akb«r made hig 'Ibâdat^hâna.
See also Badayünî I. Ranking, p.
608.

THB MAASIEr-UL-TJMAEA.

1548, and had him so scourged 1 and kicked and cuffed that he
fainted. They say that as long as his senaes remained, he kept
saying, " Lord, forgive us our offences."* When his senses were
restored, he renounced Mahdîism, and in the year 993, 1585, en-
tered the service of Akbar who was proceeding towards Attock. He
received some land in Sirhind for his maintenance in the names of
his sons, and he died at the age of ninety in the year 1000,* 1592.

When Selîm Shah had disposed of the Niyâzî affair, Mullâ
'Abdullah again instigated him, and he summoned S. 'Alâi İrom
Hindia. Selîm Shah repeated what he had formerly said, but the
Şhaikh would not agree. Selim Shah said to the Mullâ, ' ' You
and he know (what to do)." The Mullâ ordered him to be scour-
ged. At the third stroke of the whip he died, and his body was
tied * to the leg of an elephant and publicly exposed. They say so
strong a wind blew that day that men thought it was the Judg-
ment-day. So many flowers were scattered on the Shaikh's body
that it became as it were entombed. After this Selîm Shah's
reign did not last two years. When Hümâyûn came again to
India and took Qandahar he gave the Mullâ the title of Shaikhu-1-
Islâm. Afterwards, when the sovereignty of India came to Akbar,
the Mullâ received the title of Makhdümu-1-mulk, and Bairâm K.
gave him a rich parçana B as ianktoâh with a rental of a lac of rupees
and raised his honoür above ali the great notables. He became one
of the chief pillars of the State. After the lapse of some months
and years the disposition of the sovereign became alienated by
sundry occurrences from the learned men of the age, and in the
24th year, 987, he sent off him and S. 'Abdu-n-Nabl the Şadr — be-
tween whom there had long been strife and enmity — to the Hijâz
as lf they were to be companions to one another. in spite of that,
there never was concord between them, either on the journey, or
in the exalted stations (at Mecca) , nor was the dislike removed.

As the Makhdümu-1-mulk had been honoured from the time of

1 B. VIII. The Darbârî Akbarî has
a notice of him at p. 311. See also
Badayünî I. Banking, 508, ete.

* Qoran III. 141.

S Badayünî I. Banking 520.

* Badayünî I. 408. Banking, 524.

6 pargana-i-tânkwâla. The D, Ak-
barî say s it w as near MSnkot. it
seerns to be tânkmâla in ali the M8S.

THE MAASIR-UIi-TJMAEA.

the Afghans to that of Akbar, and was famed for his good
judgment and experience of affairs, and the report of his wisdom
had spread everywhere, the §haikh Ibn Hajar ' known as the Muftî
of Mecca came out to welcome him and showed him much respect,
and opened the door of the K'aaba for him, out of season. When
the agitation of M. Muhammad Hakîm the (half) brother of Akbar
washeardof, 'Abdullah believed that the untrue account of the
confusion in India was correot, and from a desire of pre-eminence
and a love of glory he returned with 'Abdu-n-Nabî, the Şadr, to
Ahmadabad. When the king learnt that they had spoken im-
properly about him in assemblies, owing to secret malice, he
privately appointed some persons (to arrest them) as the Begams
of the Harem were siding with them and interceding for them.
Makhdümu-1-mulk died of fright in 991.* They say he was poi-
soned at Akbar's insfcigation. His body was secretly brought to
Jâlandhar and buried there. Qâzî 'Alî was appointed to confiscate
his effects. Much buried treasure was found in Lahore. Among
it some chests containing bricks of gold were taken out of his tomb
whic"h had been buried on the pretence that they contained corpses.
On this account his sons suffered severities for some time in the
search for property. Three krors of rupees were found.

S. 'Abdu-1-Qâdir Badayünî wrifces 3 in his history that
Makhdümu-1-mulk gave an opinion (fatwa) to the effect that at this
time the pilgrimage was not lawful for the people of India, as
security was a condition thereof , and the journey had either to be
made by sea — and this could not be effected without Feringhi pass-
ports, which bore the figures of Mary and Jesus, which was an
infringement of the law and a şort of idol-worship, — or it was by
the roufce of Persia, where there was unsuitable society (the Shias
of Persia). They say that Makhdümu-1-mulk, on account of his
bigotry, burnt the third volume of the * Rauzat-al-Ahbâb, as it

J Apparently this was a title of the
Şharif of Mecca.

* Should be 990, 1582. The 8ta te-
raent ihat he was poisoned is also
made in the Khazîna-ul-Aşfiyâ.

S B. 172 and Badayünî, Lowe, 206.

Badayünî does not say that he heard
'Abdullah say this.

* "The Garden of Lovers " by
Jamâlu-d-dîn 'Ata Ullah. Rieu I.
147a. See Badayünî III. 71. Bada-
yünî ezpresses the opinion that the

THE MAASIR-UlrTTMARA.

contained some deficiencies and mistakes in the account of early
timeSj and that on this account this volume is scarce.

'ABDULLAH K. FlRÜZ JANG.

His name was Khvvâja 'Abdullah, and he was a descendant of
Khwâja Obed Ullah Nâşîru-d-dîn Ahrâr, May his grave be holy ! —
and a sister's son of Khwâja Hasan Naqshbandî. in the latter
part of Akbar's reign he came from a foreign country (Wilayat) ' to
India, and for some time served with Sher Khwâja (a relation of his)
in the Deccan. Wherever there was fighting he disfcinguished him-
self. Afterwards he lef t the Khwâja and joined prince Sultan
Selim in Lahore and was made one of the Ahadis When the
prince was in Allahabad, and from independence and presumption
began to distribute manşabs and titles, and to give fiefs to his ser-
vants, he received a manşab of 1500 and the title of İÇMn But
as he could notjget on with Sharîf K., who was the prince's
manager, he in the 48th year (of Akbar) proceeded * to court, and
the king (Akbar) petceiving his good qualities, gave him the rank
of 1000, and the title of Şafdar Jang. His brothers Khwâjas
Yâdgâr and Barkhürdâr also received suitable posts, and after
Jahangir's accession he got a drum and a flag.

As the matter of the Rânâ (of Udaipür) did not make progress
under Mahâbat K., 'Abdullah was in the 4th year appointed to
the command of the army, and in that affair he acquired 3 a name.

third volume was not by Jamâlu-d-
dîn.

1 He came from Hişâr in Transoxi-
ana in 1000 A.H. along with his two
brothers Yâdgâr and Barkhürdâr.
Najîbu-nisâ, daughter of M. Hakîm,
was married to his uncle Khw5ja
Hasan Naqshbandî. See M. Hâdî's
preface to Tüzük J., p. 6, and A.N.
III. 823.

* Khâfî K. , 220, 227. Tüzük J. , 1 1 ,
where Jahangir comments on the im-
propriety of his leaving his service

8 The account here given does not
agree with Jahangir's account in
the Tüzük J. According to him
13

'Abdullah was for a iong time
unsuceessf vıl , and though the Rânâ
was ultimately obliged to submit,
tlıis was not till the 8th year and
then it was Prince Kharram, t.e. ,
Shah Jahan, who was the chief
Cornmander. The elephant 'Alam
Gumân, or 'Alam Kaman, was
not sent in tül the beginning of the
9thyear: see Tüzük J. 127. Tod
calls the Rânâ Umra Singh. See
Elliot VI. 336 for the statement that
'Abdullah was unsuccessful until Ja-
hangir left Ajmere. Mihrpür is not
mentioned in Khâfî K. as the Rânâ's
seat. Udaipür is mentioned there,

THE MAASIR-TTL-UMARA.

He attacked Mihrpür, which was the place of refuge of Rânâ
Amar Singlı, and got possession of the elephant 'Alam Gumân
which had no equal. in Kombalmîr he establiahed a station and
routed and plundered Bairâm Deo Solankhî who was a leader
among the Rajputs. in the 6th year, 1020, 1611, he was made
governor of Gujarat and an auxiliary force was also given him
from the court. The arrangement made was that he should march
to the Deccan with the Gujarat army oy the route of Nâsik and
Trimbak, and that the Khân Jahân along with Rajah Mân Singh,
the Amlru-l-Umarâ and M. Rustum should go by the Berar route,
and that the two armies should keep in touch with one another,
and on a fixed day should surround the enemy. it was probable
that in this way the enemy would be annihilated.

Abdullah' K. had with him 10,000 well-mounted cavalry, and
in his pride and presumption he entered the enemy's territory
without having any tidingsof the second army. Malik 'Ambar,
who was much afraid of him, chose out men and sent them to
extirpate him. Every day they skirmished (barglgarl mlkardand)
round his camp, and they did this from night till morning . As he
approached nearer to Daulatabad the numbers of the enemy in-
creased. When he got there no sign could be seen of the second
army. He thought it proper to retreat, and marched tpwards Ah-
madabad viâ Baglâna. On the mareh the enemy pressed upon him ,
and there was a battle every day. 'Alî * Mardan Bahâdur did not
approve of having the stain of flight put upon him and fought
manfully and was made prisoner. As to the report 3 that Malik
'Ambar colluded with the Khân-Khânân and detained him by
wiles, it is not tnıe, for at that time the Khân-Khânân had lef t

I. 278, as his capital. For the account
of the Rânâ' s submission see Elliot
VI. 339. 'Abdullah's appointment in
the 4th year is mentioned in Tüzük J.
74, and it is stated there that he got
the title of Fîrüz Jang.

l Khâfî K., I. 273, ete.

« B. 496. KhSfî K., I. 275.

8 Apparently the author has con-
fıısed two events. and he has repeat-
ed this at î 718 în the account of

Khân JahânLodî. The charge against
the Khân-Khânân was not that he
had colluded with Malik 'Ambar at
the time of 'Abdullah's disaster. On
the contrary , Jahangir sent nim to re-
trieve affairs. The charge lwas that
he colluded with Malik 'Ambar in the
4th year wheh Khân Jahân was sent.
Jahangir believed this and recalled
the Khân-Khânân. 'Abdullah's »ffair
was later

THE MAASIB-UL-UMARA.

the Deccan and göne to court. Whenthe Khân-Khânân heard the
sadnevvs he returned and in 'Âdilâbâd joined PrinceParvez.

They say that Jahangir had portraits taken of 'Abdullah K.
and the other officers, and that he took them into his hand, one by
one, and made comments on them. Referring to 'Abdullah's por-
trait hesaid, "To-day no one equals you for ability and lineage,
with such a figüre and such abilities, and lineage, and rank
and treasure, and army you should not have run away. Your
title is Garez Jang (the fugitive from battle)." When in the
llth year (of Jahangir), 'Abdullah' sent for 'Âbid K., the son of
Khwâja Nizâmu-d-din Ahmad Bakhşhl (the author), and who w as
Wâqa' Nigâr (reporter) of Ahmadabad, and insulted him on acount
of his reports, Dîânat K. was sent from the court to bring 'Abdul-
lah on foot to court. He, before the order reached him, went ofî
on that way (on foot) and by the intercession of Prince Sultan
Kharram was pardoned his offences. When the heir-apparent
Prince Shah Jahan went to the Deccan for the second time, 'Abdul-
lah was sent with him , but he lef t the Deccan without permission
and went to his fiefs. On this account he was censured and de-
prived of his jagir and I'timâd Rai was made the sezâıval to
carry him to the Prince. When the Prince was summoned from
the Deccan to the court for the affair of Qandahar and, on account
of the rains, stopped in Mândû, and the king, on account of the
instigations of make-strife people, became alienated from such a
son, and the matter came to fighting, 'Abdullah came from his
jagir and waited on the king in Lahore. When the Princo retired
from opposing his father and left his army under Rajah Pikrftmâjît
facing the royal army, so that he might eheck a force if it was
sent after him, it was contrived by Khwâjah Abu-I-Hasan that

1 See Maasir I. 663 in account
of Niıâmu-d-din's son, where he
is called the bakhshî of Gujarat.
The story seems to be wrongly told
there. See my note 3. Perhaps the
apparent mistake is only due to the
author 's confused style, or to the
omission of a clause by a copyist.
See Khâfî K., I. 286. The story of
'Abdullah's coming to sue for pardon

and his walking 60 mtl«8 oıı foot is
told by Sir Thomas Roe. There is
also a reference. to 'AbulUh's acts of
tyranny in the Tûzuk J. 208. There
it is said that he cut down the trees
<ıf a garden tlıat Nizâmu-d-d'in had
planted at Ahmadabad in order to
spite the son 'Abid For this his
allowances for horses were reduced.

ıoo

THE MAASIR-ÜI.-UMARA.

' Abdullah should be appointed to the vanguard of the rayal army.
As soon as the two sides met, 'Abdullah 1 galloped off and joined
the Prince's army By chance, at that time a bullet frora an un-
known hand killed Rajah Bikramâjît. Bofch armies fell out of
order and weııt off to their own places. As the Rajah had held
the government of Gujarat, the Prince gave it to 'Abdullah, and
he appointed a eunuch named Wafâ 2 as his deputy with a small
force there. M. Safî Saif K. assumed the part of a wejl-wisher of
the king and with the nelp of people appointed there arrested the
eunuch and took possession of the cifcy. 'Abdullah took leave
from the Prince in Mândü and vvithout looking for auxiliaries went
off there in hot haste . When an encounter took place between the
parties, 'Abdullah was defeated," and he had to come to Baroda
and then to Surat. He collected a force and joined the Prince at
Burhanpur. Af ter that he was always in the van in that time of
struggle and contest.

When in the 20th year the prince returned from Bengal to
the Deccan, and taking Yâqüt K. Abyssinian and other Nizâm
Shâhî servants with him attacked Burhanpur, 'Abdullah vowed
that whenever he got possession of that city he would make a
general massacre. When the prince, without attaining his object,
withdrew from the siege, 'Abdullah perceived that the prince was
not favourably inclined towards him, and shut his eyes to «,1i the
kindnesses he had received and went off, and joined Malik 'Ambar.
As the latter did not patronise him as he had expected, he, by
means of Khân Jahân, entered the king's service. They say that
vvhen he came to Burhanpur, Khân Jahân went as far as the
garden of Zainâbâd to welcome him, and received him with res-
pect. He adopted a fawning and humble attitude, wore a farjl*
like the Uzbeg darvishes, had a beard hanging down to his navel
and came unarmed, and vvhen an hour of the night was remaining,
to the Khân Jahân 's divvânkhâna and sate dovvn. When the
Khân Jahân vvent, according to orders, to Junair he accompanied
him(?)and wrote to Malik 'Ambar bhat if he now fell upon the

THE MAASlK-UIrUMARA.

101

1 Khâfî K. I. 335-36.

2 WafS-dar, Khâfî K., I. 337

8 Do. 339. There isa fuller account

of 'Abdullah's defeat in the Tüzük J.
364, ete.

* See B. 89.

Khân Jahân he would get the better of him. By chance they
intercepted the letter. The Khân Jahân put it into his hand and
he confessed. According to orders he was imprisoned in Âsîr.
Ikrâm K. of Fathpür, the governor of the for t, treated him badly
and at the instigation of Mahâbat K., who was then in power, re-
peated orders came to blind him. The Khân Jahân would not
consent. He wrote in reply that he had come in upon his word
and that he would bring him to court.

When the sovereignty came to Shah Jahan, he was pardoned at
the intercession of that distinguished member of the Naqshbandî
order, 'Abdu-r-Rahîm Khwâja,' who was the successor of Khwâja
Kilân Khwâja Jûîbârî, who was thirty removes from Saiyid 'Alî
' Arîa's, the Great imâm (imâm Hamam) J'aafar Şâdig,*— Peace be
upon him,— and was one of the glorious Saiyids of Türân, and an
object of faith and reverence with the Uzbeg Khâns who are en-
tirely devoted to this family. 'Abdullah K. then wore in his men
tal ear the ring of discipleship to Khvvâja Kilân. in the time oi
Jahangir he ('Abdu-r-Rahîm) came from imâm Qulî K. therulor of
Türân as an ambassador, and was received with great honour. He
was allowed to sit by the side of the throne and was treated with
great respect by ali the nobles and grandees of Persia, Türân and
India. in the beginning of Shah Jahan 's reign he came from
Lahore to Agra and received more honour than ever. it was
because 'Abdullah was conneeted with the Naqshbandf order that
he was pardoned 3 and raised to the high rank of 5000 with
5000 horse, and had the gift of a flag and a drüm, and had Sar-
kar Qanauj given to him in fief .

When, in the same first year Jujhâr Singh Bandîla fled from
court to his home in Uııdcha (Orcha), a force under the command
of Mahâbat K. was appointed. The Khân Jahân Lodî from
Mahva and 'Abdullah K. from his jagir with the officers of various
quarters entered his country an d opened the hand of violence.
When Jujhâr was hard pressed he approached Mahâbat and ex-
pressed a wish to kiss the threshold. 'Abdullah and Bahâdur K.
and a number of other officers with 9000 cavalry came to the
ı Khâfî K..I. 400. " ~ "

« The 6th Tmâm. He died at Mediııa in A. H. 148> 765. Jarrett III , 359n
S Khâfî K.,1. 400.

102

THE MAASIR-HI/-UMARA.

fort of Irij which is thirteen kos from Undcha, and was in the
eastern part of the country and in the possession of Jujhâr. By
alacrity and energy they took the fort. When Shah Jahan came
to Burhanpür in ordef to extirpate Khân Jahân Lodi, 'Abdullah
went to the Deccan from his fief of Kâlpî and joined with the army
which had been put under the command of Shaista K. When
he had recovered from a swelling which he had in his abdomen he
came to the Presence and was appointed to chastise Daryâ K.
Rohilla who was making a distıırbance in the neighbourhood of
Châlîsgâon. An order was given that he should s+ay in Khandes
and pursue without delay Khan Jahân and Dariyâ K. wbichever
way they had göne.

VVhen in the 4th year Khan Jahân and Dariyâ K. went off to
Malwa from Daulatabad, he followed close af ter them and gave
them no rest anywhere. At last, on the bank of the Sehonda l
(tank) Khân Jahân stood firm and was killed. in reward of this
great service he received the rank of 6000 with 6000 horse, and
the title of Fîrüz Jang. in the 5th year he was made governor
of Bihar.' 'Abdullah resolved to chastise the zamindar of Ratn-
pür 3 and went to that quarter. Bâbü Lachmî the zamindar there
got frightened and was admitted to quarter through the media-
tion of Amar Singh , the ruler of Bândhü. in the 8th year he
brought tribute and did homage in company with 'Abdullah.
When 'Abdullah went off to his lands, Jujhâr Bandîla again
rebelled. in accordance with orders 'Abdullah turned back on
his road and proceeded to chastise him. Khân Daurân joined
from Malwa, and Saiyid Khân Jahân Bârha did so also.
When they were encamped one kos from Undcha, that miserable
wretch got frightened, and went out of the fort with his family
and his servants and some sil ver and gold, and went off to the
fort of Dhâmüni which his father had made very strong. The
royaltroops, af ter taking Undcha, pursued him and when they
came to within three kos of Dhâmüni they learnt that he had

1 Text Sindhiya, but see B. 505,
and Maasir, I 729, in account of KhSn
Jahân Lodî.

1 İt would appoar from an inscrip-

tion mentioned by Buchanan that
'Abdullah built or repaired the Patna
fort in 1042, 1633.

8 in Sarkar Rohtâs J., II. 157.

THE MAASIR-ULr UMARA.

103

gone off vvith his goods and chattels to Cüragarh, and was wait-
ing for a letter from the zamindar of Deogarh. If the latter
would give him a passage through histerritory he would go to the
Deccan. The royal forces took Dhâmüni, and Saiyid Khân Jahân
chose to remain there to settle the conquered country. 'Abdul-
lah went on with the vanguard of Khân Daurân Bahâdur. Juj-
hâr fled by the route of Lânjî, which belongs to the territory of
the zamindar of Deogarh. 'Abdullah marched every day ten
Gordah kos and sometimes twenty, which are about double the
ordinary kos, and came up with him on the borders of Cândâ and
fought with him. The wretch took the road to Golconda. 1 Af ter
much marching 'Abdullah came up with him (again), and the father
and son in fear of their lives fled to the jungle. There they gave
up their lives at the hands of some Gonds. Fîrüz Jang cut off
their heads and sent them to court.

When in the lOth year Rajah Pratâp * Ujjainya— who had re-
ceived the rank of 1500 with 1000 horses-got leave to go to his
own country-as had long been his desire— he withdrew from obedi-
ence and took the path of ruin. ' Abdullah K. , in accordance with
orders, went off from Bihar to punish him. He first besieged the
fort of Bhojpür which was the zamindar's seat, and where Pratâp
had taken refuge. He, after struggles, became terrified and had
recourse to supplications. He put on a lungî (waist-cloth) and
took his wife in his hand, and through the mediatıon of one of the
eunuchs of Fîrüz Jang made his appearance. The Khân ımprı-
soned him and his wife and reported the matter to the Presence.
An order came to püt the scoundrel to death and to take possession for
himself of the wife and the property. Fîrüz Jang^ave some of
the spoil to his brave men, and made the wife a Muhammadan
and married her to hisgrandson. in the 13thyear he was appoint-
ed to chastise Prithîrâj, the son of Jujhâr Singh, and Campat
Bandîla, who were making a disturbance near Undcha. Though
bv the efforts of Bâqî K.-whom Abdullah had sent-Prithîrâ, was
made prisoner, yet » Campat-who was the orjginator of the commo-

1 A mistake for Gondwâ„a. See Padi 8 hâhnâ m a_ I Part İL, p. 262, and
„, „ „ K , 9 _ t „ The name of the son was Bıkramajıt.
KhafiK., 512, ete ™enam s PidirtıShnSma. II. 138.

4 B. 513 n° te - Kh»fî K., 1. &44 *o.

104

THE MAASIK-UL-UMARA,

tion — managed to escape. This was ascribed to Fîrûz Jang's neg-
ligence and love of comfort, and so he w as deprived of his fief of
Islâmâbâd and censured. in the 16th year he was made gover-
nor of the province of Allahabad in succession to Saiyid Shujâ'at
K. Aftersome time Shah Jahanremoved him from his rank, and
gave him a lac ' of rupees by way of support. At the same period,
he again became favourable to him and restored him to his rank.
He was neariy 70 years of age when he died on 17 Şhawâl of the
18th year, 1054, 7 December 1644.

in spite of his cruelty and tyranny men believed that he could
work miracles, and used to make offerings to him. He spent 50
years as an Amîr. He was often removed from office and then
restored and had the same magnifieenee and power as before. To
aerve him had something lucky about it. in his life-time many
of his servants became panjhazârls and cârhazârîs (5000 and 4000).
They say he looked well after his soldiers but that they did not
get more than three or four months' pay in the year. But com-
pared with other places this three months' pay was equal to a
year' s. No one was able to represent his case to him personally;
he had to speak to the diwân and the bakshî. If the latter de-
layed to report the matter, he cut* off their beards (?). His regü-
lar prac tice was that when engaged in a diffieult 8 expedition he
marched 60 or 70 kos a day. He kept a trustworthy reaıvguard.
If any one lagged behind, his head was cut off and brought to
him. Fifty Moghuls— who were yesâmals (lictors) of the Mîr Tüzük
(Provost-Marshal) — were dressed in unif orm and hadadorned staves
and kept order. They say that in the affair of the Rânâ he had
with him 300 troopers with gold-embroidered dresses and deco-
rated arnıour, and 200footmen oonsisting of khidmatgars^ jilaudârs
(runners) , and cobdârs dressed in the same style. He was very
pleased to see any one who had a wounded face. He was very
dignified in manner. At the end of his life he used to begin his
diwân in the last watch of the night. He also had-by this time
ceased to be cruel.

1 it was an annual allowance.
Pâdishâhnâma II. 348.

2 Şafâi reşh mî bakhehid. Thephras.6
is not given in the dictionaries.

3 Text dar yüra$h u souıâri, " Tn ex-
peditions and ridings." But I.O. MS.
628 has yürahh duşhwâri, which seems
preferable.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

105

S. Farîd 1 Bhakari says in the Zakhîra-ul-khwânîn that, "At
the time when Abdullah was kept under surveillance by Khân
Jahân Lodî the latter sent through me 10,000 Rs. for hisexpenses.
I said to 'Abdullah, ' The Nawâb has done much as a holy warrior
in the path of God. How many infidels' heads have you caused
to be cut off?' He said, ' There would be 200,000 heads so that
there might be two rows of minarets of heads from Agra to Patna.
I said, ' Certainly * there wo;üd- be an innocent Muhammadan
among these men.' He got angry and said, ' I made prisoners of
five lacs of women and men and sold them. They ali became
Muhammadans. From their progeny there will be krors by the
judgment day. God's apostle used to go to the house of the cot-
ton-carder 3 (naddâf) and beg him to become a Masalmân. I at
önce made five lacs of people Masalmâns. If justice were done,
there would be even more followers of islâm." When I reported
this conversation to Khân Jahân he said, " it is strange in this
man that he boasts of his evil deeds and his non-repentance ! "
His sons did not do well. M. 'Abdu-r-Rasül was appointed to the
Deccan.

(MIR) ABU-L-BAQÂ AMÎR KHÂN.
The best son of Q.âsim 6 K. Namakîn. By knöwledge of his
duties and of affairs he was superior to ali his brothers. He dis-
tinguished himself during his father's life-time and attained the
rank of 500. After his death he attained high rank. in the time
of Jahangir he rose to the rank of 2500 with 1500 horse and was
appointed governor of Multan as deputy for Yemenu-d-daulah.
in the 2nd year of Shah Jahan when Murtazâ K. Anjü the Şub-
âhdâr of Tatta died, he got an increase of 500 horse and was
raised to the rank of 3000 with 2000 horse, and made governor of

1 If this is the author of the book
he must be identical with the S. M'a-
rüf mentioned in Shah Newâz's pre-
face. Perhaps it is to this man that
Stewart refers in his histoı'y of Ben-
gal, p. 177, as Fereed Addeen Bokhary.

* One MS. has ' O God ' (Allah) in-
stead of albatta, and neknâml " res-
peotable," instead of begunah.
14

S Naddâf. I do not know what
convert is referred to here.

* Perhaps " If a eorrect caleulation
were made." 'Abdullah's remark
reminds us of the boasts of the Por-
tuguese pirates about the numbor of
Christians they had made.

6 B. 470 and 472.

106

THE MAASIR-TJL-UMARA.

THE MAASIR UL-UMARA.

107

that province. in the 9th year at the time of the return of
the prinoe (Shah Jahan the king) from Daulatabad to the
capital he was appointed to the fief of the Sarkar of Bîr
in the Deccan and for some time was among the auxiliaries
(hamaktan) in that territory. in the 14th year he was sent off to
Sivistan in suecession to Qazâq ' K. in the 15th year he was for
the second time put in charge of the province of Tatta in suecession
to Shâd Khân. He died there in the 20th year of the reign, 1907,
1647. and was buried in his father's tomb called the Şafa-i-Şafâ
(dais of purity) on the hill whieh is opposite to Bhakar fort and
on the south side. He was more than one hundred years old and
there was no decline in his intellect or strength. in the time of
Jahangir he was known by the name of Mir Khân. Shah Jahan,
by the addition of an alif to his title, took one lac of rupis from
him as peshkash, and gave him the title of Amîr 2 Khân. He like
his father had many children. His eldest son 'Abdu-r-Razzâq was
of the 900 elass under Shah Jahan. Fn the 26th year he died.
Another was Ziyâu-d-dîn Yûsuf who at the elose of Shah Jahan 's
reign held the rank of 1000 with 600 horse, and afterwards had
the title of Ziyâu-d-dîn K. His grandson Mir Abû-1-Wafâ in the
elose of the reign of Aurangzeb held s the office of darogha of the
oratory along with other offices. and was known to the appreciative
monarch for his intelligence and honesty. Another son who per-
haps was the ablest of them ali was Mir ' Abdu-1-Karîm Multaf at
K. , who was an intimate associate of Aurangzeb and had his
father's title. His biography is given separately. The daughter
of the deceased Khân was married to Prince Murâd Bakhsh, but
this conneetion took place long after the Khân's death. On ac-
cofunt of the prince's having no child by the daughter of Shâh
Newâz K. Şafavî, Shah Jahan in the 30th year gave this chaste
lady, who was worthy to be married to a prince, a lac of rupees in
jewels, ete, as a marriage present, and sent her to Ahmadabad to
be married to the prince who was then the governor of the pro-
vince (Gujarat).

1 B. 472. Qarâq.

2 See the story in the life of his aon Abd ul-Karîm.
* Maaşir. A. 450,

ABU-LrFATH.

1 Hakim Masîh-u-d-dîn Abû-1-fath, s. Maulânâ 'Abdu-r-Razzftq
of Gîlân, who had great insight in matters of contemplation and
devotion. For years the Şadârat (chief ecclesiastical authority) of
that country was in his charge. When Gîlân came into the pos
session of Shah Tahmâsp Şafavî in 974, 1566-67, and Khân Ahmad
the ruler of that country fell into prison on account of his want of
tact, the Maulânâ from his truthfulness and orthodoxy ended his
life. in imprisonment and torture. The Hakim and his two
biothers Hakim Hamam and Hakîm Nuru-d-din— -each of whom
was distinguished for quickness of apprehension and ability in the
current sciences and for external perfeetions — chose departure from
their natıve land and came to India. İn the 20th year they en-
tered into Akbar's service, and ali three brothers received suit-
able promotion.

As Abü-1-fath possessed unusual excellence and had tact and
knowledge of the world he obtained promotion at court and in the
24th year was made Şadr and Amîn of Bengal. Afterwards, when
the şedit ious officers of Bengal and Bihar united, and got rid of
Mozaffar K. the governor, Hakîm and many others of the loyalists
fell into prison. One day he saw his opportunity, and threw him-
self down from the top of the fort and reached safety with difficulty
and blistered feet, and went on pilgrimage to the Presence. When
he kissed the threshold, he surpassed ali his equals in influenceand
intimacy. Though his rarik was not higher than 1000 yet in de-
gree he was more than a vizier or vakil. When in the 30th year
Rajah Bîrbar left to reinforce Zain K. Koka, who had been ap-
pointed to chastise the tribe of the Yûsuf zai, Hakîm was also made
leader of a separate auxiliary force. But they did not take account
of one another and did not act with concord. The result of conceit
and duplicity was that the Rajah was killed and that the Hakim
and the Kokaltâsh escaped with great difficulty and presented
themselves at court. For some time they remained under censure.
in the 34th year, 997, 1589, at the time when Akbar was marehing
from Kashmir to Kabul, Hakîm died a natural death in the neigh-

ı A.N. III., 144.

108

THE MAASIR-TTL TJMAftA.

bourhood of Damtür. in accordance with ordere, Khwâja Shamsu-
d-dîn Khwâfî carried his body to Hasan Abdal and committed it to
the dust under a dome which he had built for himself. As soıne
days before this, the very learned Amir Azdu-d-daula of Shiraz
had died, Sarfî ' Savajî found this chronogram.

Verse.
This year two scbolars departed from the world,
One went before and the other went after
üntil both agreed (i.e., met) together.
The chronogram " both went together " did not arise.

Akbar, who was exceedingly gracious to him, visited him du-
ring his illness, and after his death expressed his sorrow by saying
the fatiha for him at Hasan Abdal. The Hakîm was an acute,
wise and active-hearted man. Faizi says about him in his elegy :

Verse. 1
His writings were an exposition of fate's decrees,
His thoughts an exposition of fortune's records.

in studying and managing the dispositions of men he did not
spare himself. Whatever came from him was found of weight in
wisdom's balance. He was generous, and the beauty of the age,
and for perfections he was the unique of the world. He was the
subject of panegyric by the poets of the dav. Especially did

1 The words of the chronogram are,
Har dobaham rajtand, which raake 997,
1589. The Darbârî Akbarî quotes
the linesvvith some differences of read-
ing (apparently iraproveraents) at p.
679. The text has HarB, but Şarfî is
the right name and means grammati-
oal. See Badayünî III. 260, where he
is callod Sarfî Savajî and is stated to
have been for a time with Nizâmu-d-
dîn Ahmad in Gujarat. He lived fora
time in Lahore and was a man of
dervosh mannere. He went with Faizî
to th» Deocan and died there. Ac-
cordüıg to Nuâmu-d-din, Lucknovv

ed. 400, his name was Harfi Savahjî
and he went on pilgrimage to Mecca.
See also B. 586 and note. Savahji
means that he came from Savah (in
Persia). See Sprenger, Çat. 382, who
oalls him Salâu-d-dîn Şarfî, and re
fere to the Maaşîr Rahîmî about him.
There was also a Harfî of Sawah, do.
30. Perhaps the second line of Şarfi's
quatrain means that one seholar wae
higher in rank or abler than the other,
but that now they havo met together.
Abül Fath's tomb stili exists at Hasan
Abdal.

a See A.N., III., 563, line 14

THE MAASÎR-TJL-TTMARA.

109

Mullâ 'Urfî of Shiraz write many brilliant odes in his praise. The
föllovving lines are from one of them.

(Here follow eight lines of poetry.)
His (youngest) brother Hakim Nüru-d-dîn with the takhallaş
of Qarârî was an eloquent man and a good poet.
This verse is his

Verse. '

What reck 1 of death ? A shaft from thine eyes hath pierced
me

And shall aye torture me though i die not for another century.

An extraordinary * perturbation seized him, and by Akbar 's
orders he was sent to Bengal where he died without obtaining
advancement.

The following are among his sayings : 3 To show off your
ability before another man is to shew off your ambition (?)."
' ' To watch över a rude servant is to make yourself ill-mannered. ' '
" Whomever you trust, he is trustworthy " (i.e., none is really
trustworthy). He called Hakim Abü-1-fath a man of the world,
and Hakîm Hamam a man of the other * world and kept aloof
from them both. A separate account has been given of Hakîm
Hamam. Another brother, named Hakim Lafcf Ullah, who
had come from Persia (afterwards) was, by the influence of
Hakîm Abü-1-fath, enrolled among the royal servants and attained
the rank of 200. He soon died. Abü-l-fath's son Fath Ullah was
an able man. As Jahangir was unfavourable 6 to him, one day
Diânat * K. Lang charged hini with disloyalty and said that

1 B. 587 who translates : "I doubt
Death' s power ; but an aırow from
thine eye has pierced me, and it is this
arrow alone that will kili me, even if I
were to live another hundred years. "
The lines and their context occur in
Badayünî, III., 313. They are more
vigorous than most of his quota-
tioııs.

* This is takenfrom theAîn, 1. 252
but the Maasir has separated the ex
pression from its context. See B. 586
and note 4. Badayünî seems to say,
l.c, that (jarârî was sent off to Ben-

gal as a punishment because he would
not conform to the rules about mili
tary service. See Darbârî A. , 671, ete.

3 The sayings are obscure. Soe
Darbâri A., 666 and 672.

* mard-i âkhirat. "A man of th<
end of things. See B., l.c, line 2.

6 Tqb«lnâraa 28.

6 Tüzük J. 58 where it is stated
that his former name was Qâeim 'Alî.
B. 465 (?) but B., l.c, note says QSsim
'Ali should according to the Maasir
be Qâsim Beg. See Maasir, II. 8. The
Iqbâlnâma J. 30 calls him Q5sim K.

110

THE MAASm-UtrUMABA.

at the time of the rebellion of Sultan Khusrau, Fath UllaL
had said to him that the proper thing was to give Khusrau
the Panjab and so stop the contention. Fath Ullah denied he
had said so, and the parties were put to their oaths. Fifteen
days had not elapsed when he reaped the result of his false
oath, for he had joined Nüru-d-dîn ' — the cousin of Aşaf K Ja'afir —
who had arranged with Khusrau that he would bring him out
of prison on a fitting opportunity. By chance, in the secönti
year when Jahangir was returning from Kabul to Lahore the
plot was revealed to the emperor. Af ter enquiries, Nüru-d-dîn
and others were capitally punished and Hakim Fath Ullah was
pilloried, being made to ride on an ass backwards and so conveyed
from stage to stage. After that he was blinded.*

ABÜ-L-MAKÂRAM JAN nişâr khân. 8
He was Khwâja Abü-1-makâram. At first he was one of the
confidential servants of Prince Sultan Muhammad M'uazzam.
When Sultan Muhammad Akbar had prepared the materials of re-
bellion, and was, in conjunction with ignorant Rajputs, about to
march with a large force against his father, as information about
his army had not fully reached the emperor, Khwâja Abü-1-mak-
âram went aa a scout on the part of the prince (M'uazgam) and fell
in with the scouts ot Prince Akbar. A fight ensued and the
Khwâja escaped with wounds. İn this way he became known to
the emperor and afterwards obtained the rank of 900 and the
title of Jân Nisar K. in the campaign of Râmdara * he was ap
pointed to accompany the said prince (M. M'uazzam afterwards
Bahâdur Shah) , and in the siege of Sampgâon h he distinguished
himself, and stamped the diploma of bravery with the inscription

1 Iqbâlnâma, J. 27.

2 B. 425 say s he was put to death,
and refers to the Tüzük 58, but it is
not said there that he was kılled.
Jahangir says he intended to do ao,
but refrained and contented himself
with imprisoning Fath Ullah and put-
ting to death some others. The
IqbSlnâma 29, last line, says that Fath
Ullah was pilloried, ete. He does not
say he was blinded. From KhSfî K. , I.

233, line 7, where mention is nıade of
a plot to makhül u mazbut (blind and
imprison) Jahangir, it is clear makhül
does not mean to kili. —

3 Apparently he was sun of If-
tikhâr K. 'Alamgîrnâma , 247.

♦ Khâfî K., II. 280, 291.

* Text Sâtgâon, variant SSpgâon.
The real name appears to be Samp-
gâon. See Khhâfi K., II. 291. it is
deseribed there as a strong fort and

THE MA ASIR UL-TJMARA.

111

of wounds ! When the prince returned from there , he was appoint-
ed to attack Abü-1-hasan Qutb Shâh, and Jân Nigâr accompan-
ied him. in accordance with direetions from the prince he pıoceed-
ed to take the fort of Saram ' and established a thâna. He re-
pulsed a sally of Abü-1-hasan's troops, and he distinguished himself in
the siege of Golconda and was wounded. in the 33rd year he was
presented * with a dagger with a hilt, ete. (u sâz) of jade and sent
off to chastise the vile foe. Next year he received a robe of hon-
our and an elephant. As he had repeatedly distinguished himself
the emperor used to sho\v him favour. Aftenvards when there
was a battle between Santa Ghorpura and the imperialists in a
vîllage of the Garnatic , the latter were def eated by the evil assist-
ance of fate. The Khân was wounded but managed to escape.
After that he became faujdâr and çil' adar of Gwaliyar and chose
the corner of contentment.

When Aurangzeb went.to paradise, though the Khân was an
old servant of Bahâdur Shah and was hopefm of promotion from
him, yet as he saw that A' «im Shah was at hand he, from incon-
sideration, 3 wrote petitions to A'zim Shah and Sultan Muhammad
'Azîm (Bahâdur Shah's son) to the effect that he wished to join,
but that the opposite party had appointed a force to carry him
off, and that he woüld come in as aoon as he had got carriage, ete,
Meanwhile he learnt that Bahâdur Shah had arrived at Agra. and
went off posthaste to join him. As the emperor had previously
expected that Jân Nişâr K. would have göne över to Muhammad
'Azîm * with 4 or 5000 horse, he was displeased. But after Muham-
mad A'zim Shâh was killed, he, on perceiving signs of penitence
in Jân Nişâr, after some delay admitted him into his service. He
received the rank of 4000 with 2000 horse and the gift of drums.

After Bahâdur Shah had göne to paradise, the Khân served
on the right wing of Jahândâr Shah in the battle with Farrukh
Siyar. Afterwards he served Farrukh Siyar. When Husain 'Alî

Jân Nisar was vvounded at the taking
of it. See EUiot, VII. 314.

1 Sairam in Khâfî K., U. 302.

2 M. Aalamgiri, 331.

8 Text beparwagi but the variant
bepardagi " effrontery " seems rnore

likely to be correet. He wrote to
both sides.

+ There is the variant A'ışim, but
apparently the text is right. BahS-
dur Shah thought that JSn NisSr
shoııld have joined his son earlier.

112

THE MAASIR-UL-TTMARA.

K. the governor of the Deccan came to the taluqs ' and made
peace with the enemy on the'agreement to grant one-fourth of the
revenue and ten percent. desmukhi, and this arrangement was not
approved of by the sovereign, Jân Nisâr — who was vexed (mizâj
girifta, qu. " tactful "?) and was a man of the world (sahbatdîda) ,
and the adopted brother of 'Abdullah * K. Saiyid Miyân took
leave in the 6th year to go as governor of Burhânpur, in order that
he might make Husain 'AÜ K. listen to reason and bring him
into the right way. After coming to the ferry of Akbarpür (on the
Narbada), Husain 'Ali after perceiving that he would not be of his
party (?), senr. a body of troops and summoned him to his
presence at Aurangabad. Though in appearance there was much
cordiality, and food was sent every day and he was always treated
with respect, and he was addressed as 'Ammü Şâhib " Sir Uncle, "
yet he put off admitting him to Burhânpur. After the harvest of
the cold-weather crop he was admitted on condition that he should
send his eldest son Dârâb K. to Burhânpur, and himself accompany
him (Husain 'Alî). When Husain 'Alî K. showed a design to go
to the capital, as he was pot confident about Jân Nisâr, and the
people of Burhânpur complained about Dârâb K., he appointed
Saif u-d-d-din 3 'Alî K. in his room, and took him (Dârâb?) with
him. it is not known what finally became of Jân Nisâr. He had
two sons. One was Dârâb K. and the other was Kâmyâb K.
Both were with Nizâmu-1-mulk Âşaf Jâh in the battle with 'Alam
'Ali K. The second son was wounded, and the eldest— who was
son-in-law of Khân Jahân Bahâdur Kokaltâsh 'Alamgîrî, and whose
sister (Jân Nişâr's daughter) was married to I'timâdu-d-daula Qam-
aru-d-dîn K. — was addressed by his father's title and in Muham-
mad Shâh's time became faujdâr of Sarkar Karra Jahânâbâd in the
Allahabad province. He remained there for seven years and in the
14th year was killed by the hand of Bhagwant Singh the zemindar
of that place.

1 ba taahıga rasîda. Apparently
this means the territories of Rajah
Sâhû the Mahratta. See Maajir, I.
330, line nine from foot.

5 The father of the two Saiyids.
See B. 392. He is also called Tilıaıı-

pürî. Perhaps the meaning of mizaj-
girifta is that Jân Nisâr had under-
stood the feelings of Farrukh Siyar
about the convention.

S A younger brother of Husain 'Alî,
B. 332.

THE MAASIR-tTIrTTMARA.

113

ABÜ-I^FATH K. DECCANl AND AN ACCOUNT OF THE
MAHDAVl RELIGION.

He was descended from Mir Saiyid Muhammad of Jaunpür.
On account of his being connected by marriage with Jamâl K —
the Abyssinian (he waş his son-in-law), he rose to high rank in the
world. He was distinguished for courage and generosity. They
say that when in the reign of Murtaza Nizâm Shâh, Sultan Hasan.
B. Sultan Husain of Sabzawâr, who was a native of Ahmadnagar,
received the title of Mîrzâ Khân and became the Peshwah öf the
dynasty, he, from wickedness and folly, brought Miran Husain the
son of Murtaza Nizâm Shâh af oresaid from Daulatabad to Ahmad-
nagar and made him king. He also put ' Murtaza Nizâm Shâh to
death by torture and became more powerful than ever. After some
time intriguing persons alienated Mîrzâ K. and Mîrân Husain from
one another^ As Husain Nizâm Shâh (i. e., the Mîrân Husain
af oresaid) from carelessneas and inexperience uttered menacing
words, Mîrzâ Khan observed the maxim of " remedy a fact before
the fact occurs," and so he imprisoned Husain Nizâm Shâh in
the fort and raised to the throne Ismâîl, the son of Burhan Shâh,
who (Burhan) at that time had fled from his brother Murtaza
Nizâm Shâh and had become a servant of Akbar.

On the day of the accession Mîrzâ K. summoned the other
Moghul officeTs to the fort and held rejoicings. Suddenly Jamâl
K. the Abyssinian, who was the eenturion * (Şada) mamabddr ,
joined with the Deccanis and the Abyssinians and made a tumult at
the gates of the Ahmadnagar fort. They said that for some days
they had not seen Husain Nizâm Shâh, and that he should be
shown to them. Mîrzâ Khân from exceeding arrogance replied by
engaging in battle. When this did not ansvver, he, being desperate,
had the head of Husain Nizâm put on a spear and stuck above the
fort. He then proclaimed, "Here is the head of the man for

J The history of theae oocurrences
is fully given by Ferishta who was an
eye-witness. it was Mîrân Husain
who put his own father to death.
See also A.N., III. 539 and 587.

1 Şada means " one hundred ", and
it would seem from Ferishta that there
were a ııumber of officers so styled.
Originally perhaps it meant the cap-
tain of a hundred men.

114

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

115

whom you are clamouring, our king is ismail Nizâm Shâh." Some
on seeing this wished to turn back , but Jamâl K. said that now he
would exact retribution from this man (Mirza Khân) and put the
reins into the king's own hands, otherwise their fortunes and their
honour would be ruined. By his endeavours there.was a general
riot, and fire was set to the gate of the fort. Mîrzâ K. became
helpless and fled to Junair. fhe rioters entsred the fort and pro-
ceeded to slay the foreigners. M. Muhammad Taqî, Nazîrî Mîrzâ,
Şâdiq"Urdübâdî, 1 Amin A'zzu-d-dîn Astrabâdi — every one of whom
had acquired court office and rank, and had not their equals in the
seven climes in that age lor the customary excellencies — and many
of the Moghuls, high and lovv, servants as vvell as merchants, were
slain. Mîrzâ K. too was brought from Junair, cut to pieces, and
his limbs hung up in the bazaar.

Jamâl Khân was a follower of the Mahdavî religion. When
he arrived at power, he made ismail Shâh — who was young 1 — a
member of the same faith, and abolished the proclamation in the
name of the twelve Imâms and exerted himself to promote the
Mahdavî 3 sect. He gathered together nearly 10,000 horses of this
party, and at this time the latter flocked from every qu arter to
Ahmadnagar. Saiyid Ilahdâd — who was a descendant of the Mîr
Saiyid Muhammad of Jaunpûr who had proclaimed Mahdavism —
came to the Deccan with his son Saiyid Abü-1-fath. As Saiyid
Ilahdâd was renowned for hisausterities, and the purity of his life,
Jamâl Khan gave his daughter in marriage to his son Saiyid Abü-
1-Fath. That son of a Saiyid at önce attained to great fortune
and became master of goods and of undertakings. When Burhan
Shâh heard of the confusion in the Deccan, and of the accession of
his aon, he took leave of Akbar and came to his hereditary country.
With the help of Rajah 'Alî Khân Fârüqî and of ibrahim ' Âdil
Shâh he fought a battle with Jamâl K. in the neighbourhood of
Rohankhîra,* and gained the victory. it happened by fate that

l Urdübâd is a town in Azarbaijân
and is on the Araş, a tributary of the
Kur. The pro vince is now known as
Erivan.

& Ferishta says he was only 16.

1 For an accouiıt of the Mahdavî

religion see Blochmann, Âîn, Preface,
p. iii, ete.

* Ferishta calls the place Ghat
Rohangir and says that when Jamâl
K. found that pass elosed against him
he went by another and more difficult

Jamâl K. was wounded by a bullet and killed. ismail Nizâm
Shâh was made prisoner. The verse " The curreney of religion
seized the head of Jamâl " enigmatioally 1 gives the date of the event,
999.

Burhan Nizâm Shâh revived the Imâmiya religion and put fco
death the Mahdivies and plundered their property. in a short time
no trace of them remained. Saiyid Abü-1-Fath together with his
wife's brother, who was Jamâl K.'s son, was seized and for a long
time kept in prison. Afterwards he escaped and colleeted Jamâl
K.'s scattered troops and took possession of the territory of Bija-
pur. ibrahim * 'Âdil Shah sent ' Ali Âqâ Turkoman against him. it
chanced that 'Ali Âqâ was killed and that Aböl Fath got possession
of his horses and elephants and became master.

'Adil Shâh was helpless and conciliated him by bestowing high
offi.ee on him and assigning to him the revenues of pargana Gokâk. 3
Af ter some time 'Âdil Shâh meditated treachery against him, so
he put his wife and mother on horseback and fled to Burhânpur.
The Khân-Khânân ('Abdu-r-Rahîm) regarded his arrival as an
honour, and procured him the rank of 5000 and the gift of drums.
After that he was given Mânikpür in fief and the government of
Allahabad, and acquired a name there for courage. in the 8th
year of Jahangir he was appointed to march with Sultan Kharram
(Shah Jahan) against the Rânâ, and in 1023, 1614, he fell ili

route to attack Burhan. See also
A.N. III. 587 where the scene of the
battle is called Fardâpür. it is near
the Ajanta caves. The battle was
fought on 13 Rajab 999, 27 April,
1591. it is desoribed in Majör Haig's
Historie Landmarksof the Deccan, p.
167. The place is there called Rohan-
khed, and the date given is May
18, 1591.

1 The tvfo words ı-*AıV» rpj* Mur-
aumaj mazhab yield the date 996, and
they ' ' take the head " , that is , add the
first letter z of Jamâl whioh gives 3,
and so the whole becomes 999, 1591.
Apparently there are several puns in
the line. Mazhab means religion, and

muzhab means gilded, i. e. , flowery, and
muruj is the plural of marj, a meado w.
Muraunoaj also means a dealer, and so
Muravnoaj mazhab nıight mean dealer
in the current religion. Further Sir-i-
Jamal may mean both ' ' the head of
Jamâl" and "a beautiful head."
The line therefore rnight be translated
" The golden meadows put on a
beautiful appearance. " The ehrono-
gram is given by Ferishta at the end
of his accoıınt of lsm'ail of Ahmad-
nagar's reign, and he says it vras cöm-
posed by Muhammad Sharîf Karbalâi.

2 Când Bîbî's nephew.

8 in the Belgaum district 1.6. xü,
306.

116

ÎHB MAASIBrtTL-TTMARA,

tP^

THE MAASIBrUL-TJMARA.

117

at the thâna of Kombhalmîr, 1 and died in the city of Pür
Mandal*

Mir Saiyid Muhammad of Jaunpûr was the fountain of the
Mahdavî movement. He was an Avîa, 3 and from his abundant
spirituality became possessed of esoteric and exoteric learning.
Many regard him as a disciple andsuccessor of ghaikh Daniel, who
tu the successor of Râjî Hâmid Shah of Mânikpür. He wâs a
Hanafî in religion. in the end of 906,* 1501 , he, owing to confused
brain and the influences of the age, proclaimed Mahdism. Many
persons became his adherents and displayed their eccentricities.
They say that when he became convalescent he repudiated his
doctrines, but many who did not attain to sanity remained
in the same ideas. Some maintain that his statement ' ' I
am the Mahdî" meant that he was the forerunner of the Mahdi
and not that he was the Mahdî promised in the Law. 6 Some say
that in fact God made a revelation to the Saiyid by a secret
voice, which said, " Thou art the Mahdi," and that consequently
he knew that he was the promised Mahdi. He held this belief
for a long time, and then went from Jaunpür to öujarat. Sultan
Mahmüd the elder (Sultan Mahmüd Bigarha) received" him gra-
ciously. On account of envious people he could not go to India,
and set out for Persia, in order that he might go by that route to
the Hijâz. On the way it was made plain to him that his idea
of being the Mahdî was a complete delusion, and he said to his

1 J. II. 258. Kumalgarh of Raj-
putana Gazetteer, III. 52.

s POr Mandal, in the Bajputana
Gazetteer, Pur and Mandal are des-
cribed as two separate towns, about
10 miles apart. They He N.E. Udai-
pur. Tlıere is also a Mandalgarh, l.c,
53. 8ee also J. II. 274.

Abfl-1-Fath is mentioned in the
Tûzuk J. III as having become loyal
to Jahangir two years before the 7th
year.

8 That is, apparently, a follower
of the order of Avis, the Aweis Qarâhî
of Beale, and the Ghiy5şu-l-lojjhat and
Avis Alkouni of D'Herbelot, asaint of
Yemen, who was killed in A. D. 557.

See also Khazina Aşfiy a II. , p. 118, and
Nioholson's ed. of the Tazkîra Aulîya,
I. 15.

* Text 960, but this must be a
mistake, for he died in 910. Probably
shast has been written by mistake for
thath. See Blochmann V., Bayley's
Gujrat 240 et seq., MirSt Sikandan
lith. 136 and Badayûni I., Ranking
420, 21. Ferishta however has 960.

6 B. III.

« According to the MirSt Sikan-
dari the Sultan wished to see him,
but was dissuaded by his officers on
the ground that the Saiyid 's eloquence
might raake him forsake seoular busi-
ness.

disciples, " Almighty God hath wiped the drops of Mahdism from
my heart. If I return in safety, I shall retract ali I have said."
When he came to Farah ' he died, and vas buriedthere. Ignoranr
people, especially of the Afğhan Panî tribe, and some of other
tribes, regard him as the promised Mahdî, and have adopted this
fictitious religion. The writer of these sheets (ajzö) chanced to
be in company with one of these believers, and it was clear that
besides matters* which were disputable (?) they had extracted some
rules and principles from the traditions whiçh were contrary to the
tenets of the four religions. 8

ABU-L-FÂZL 'ALLAMI FAHAMÎ (gHAIKH).
Second son of Mubârak of Nâgör. He was born in 958
(6 Muharram =14 January 1551), and by his quickness, ability,
lofty genius, and fluency of speech soon became the unique and
unequalled one of the age. By his fifteenth year he had aequired
the philosophic sciences, and traditionary learning. They say*

) Farah or Farrah is in Afghanis-
tan on one of the main routes from
Herat to Qandahart it is 164 m. S.
Herat, I. G. I. 36, and is in Sistan

î Siwâî Masila-i-Mâ Nahn Fîh, an
Arabie phrase which I do not fully
understand. Perhaps it means, some
queştions which we do not discuss or
describe.

8 Meaning the four orthodox sects
of the Sunnis described by Sale in his
Preliminary Discourse. Blochmann
gives 91 1 as the date of Saiyid Muham-
ıııad's death. Bayley and Badftyûnî
have 910, and the Mirât Sikandarî
Lith. has 917. According to one ac-
count he was killed, and according to
another he died a natural death. This
biography is by Shah Newâz, and the
remark at I he end would seem to imply
that he was a Sünnî. But possibly he
really was a Shîa. He certainly was
not a bigoted Sünnî or Shia. The
four sects of the Sunnîs.are also des-
cribed in Hughes Dict. >of Islâın.

* Apparently the autlıor did not
know that the account was A. F. 's

oto. See Jarrett, III. 444. and Per-
sian text of Aîn, II. 278. By the Ispa-
hânî seema to be meant Şhamsu-d-dîn
Muhammad Al Ashârî who wrote a
gloss on the comnıentary of Baizavt
on the Koran. He died in Egypt in
749, 1348-1349. See D'Herbelot, art.
Espahani. See also B. XI, where by
mistake the manuscript is said to
have been damaged by fire. The
passage in the toxt is a copy, though
apparently not at frrst hand, of A. F. ;
and in the 5th line of p. 609 the word
aih has been omitted after du. Col.
Jarrett's translation is, ''When both
were compared, in two or three places
only were there found differences of
words, though synonymous in mean-
ing, and in three or four others (differ-
ing) citations but approximate in
«ense. " B. explains that the i olios had
been destroyed from top to bottom,
half of each having been eaten away.
This vrould affect the last half of each
line on one side of the folio and the
first half on the other. The story
seems apocryphaL

118

THE MAASIR-TTL-UMARA.

that in the eafly daya of his instrüction and when he was not
yet twenty the gloss of .Sifâhâni (or Ispahânî, i.e., an inhabitant of
Ispahan) came into his hands, but with more than half of it eaten
by white-ants so that it could not be understood. He removed
the worm-eaten portion and joined on blank paper. Then af ter
a little meditation he understood the beginning and ending of each
line, and by conjecture filled up the blanks. Afterwards when
another copy was procured, and the two were compared, it was
found that they agreed, exeept in two or three places where
there were şynonymous expre8Sİons, and three or four places
where there were (differing) citations (Irâd) but approximate in
sense. Ali were astonished. As his dispositipn was retiring, and
loved solitude, he shook off society and sought to lead an
independent life. He did not try to öpen the door of a profes-
sion. At the'mstance of friends, he in the nineteenth year of the
reign of Akbar presented himself before the sovereign at the time
when the latter was about to proceed to the eastern districts, and
tendered a commentary which he had written on the Ayatu-1-kursî,
"The Throne- verse " (v. 256 of the second chapter of the Koran,
p. 45 of Sale ed. 1825). Afterwards, when Akbar returned to
Fathpür, he presented himself a second time, and as the fame of
his ability and learning had on several occasions reached Akbar,
he became the object of his boundless favour. When Akbar became
alienated from the bigoted Ulama, the twobrothers, vvho, along with
their eminent knowledge and ability, werenot devoid of tact and
servility, again and agahı disputed vehemently with Shaikh Abdu-
n-Nabî and Makhdümu-1-mulk, — who from their sciençe and
possession of the current learning were pillars of the emp're, —
and assisted Akbar in putting them to silence. Day by dây their
influence and iritimacy with the king increased, and as the Shaikh's
disposition and that of his ekler brother Shaikh Faizi harmonised
with Akbar's, Abü-1-fazl cameto be an Amir. in the 39th year
he became an officer of 1000, and in the 34th, vvhen the Shaikh's
mother died, Akbar came to his house and condoled with him and
comforted him. He said, " If men were immortal, and did not die,
one by one, there would be no need for sympathetic hearts prac-
tising resignation. As no one long abides in this caravanserai,

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

119

why should we bring upon ourselves the reproach of impatience."
in the 37th year he was raised to the rank of 2000.

When the Shaikh had acquired such sway över the king that
the princes were jealous of him, not to speak of the officers, and
was always in contiguity, like the setting to a jewel, and that
nothing was concluded without his approval, several of the discon-
tented induced Akbar to send the Shaikh to the Deccan. it is
also notorious that Sultan Selim one day went to the Shaikh's
house and found forty clerks employed in copying the Koran,
and a commentary thereupon. He took them ali, together with
the chapters of the books, to the king, who became suspicious and
thought, 1 " He incites us to other kinds of things,and then when
he goes to the privacy of his home he acts differently." From
that day there was a breach in their intimacy and companionship !

in the 43rd year he was dispatched to the Deccan to bring
away Prince Murâd. The order to him was that if the officers who
had been appointed there to guard the country were doing their
duty, he was to return with the prince. Otherwise he was to send
off the prince, and to conduct the administration with the assis-
tance of Mîrzâ Shahrukh . When he arrived at Burhânpur , Bahâdur
Khân the ruler of Khandes, whose brother was married to Abü-1-
fazl's sister, wished to take him to his house and entertain him.
The Shaikh said, " If you will go along with me in the king's busi-
ness, I shall be able to accept (your invitation)." When this road
was stopped he sent some clothes and other presents. The Shaikh
rejoined, ''I have made a covenant with Almighty God that until
four conditions be fulfilled, I shall take nothing from any one.
"The first condition is Love; the second is that I shall not over-
estimate the gif t ; the third that I did not ask for it ; the f ourth ,
that I was in want of it." Here, the first three conditions are ful-
filled, but how can the fourth be got över for the graciousness of
the Shahinshah has obliterated desire ? "

Prince Murâd, who had fallen into chronic melancholy owing
to his having returned unsuccessful from Ahmadnagar, and to this

1 See B. XVI who takea the words
as having been ^>oken by Selim.
But A. F. never was Selim' s teacher,

and I think the words are intended as
an expres8İon of Akbar's probable
thoughts.

120

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

THE MAASIH-UL-UMABA.

121

cause had been superadded the death of his son Rustum Mirza, —
had with the connivance of sycophants, taken to drinking, and
become epileptic. When he heard of his being summoned, he went
off to Ahmadnagar in order that he might make this expedition an
exouse for not repairing to the presence. He reached Dlhârî on
the banks of the Pûrnâ and died in the year 1007, 1599. On the
same day the Shaikh arrived after a rapid journey at the camp.
There was an extraordinary commotion. High and low wanted to
go back. The Shaikh considered that to return at this time when
the enemy was close by, and they were in a foreign country, was to
play into their own loss. Though many got angry and went off,
he addressed himself with a strong heart and true courage to
soothe the leaders and to keep together the army, and marched on
to subdue the Deccan. in a short time he collected the wander-
ers, and guarded in an excellent manner the whole territory.
Nâsik, which was far off, was not retaken. But many places such
as the forts of Batiâlâ, Taltum, and Sitünda were added to the
empire. He encamped on the bank of the Godavery and appointed
fit armies in every direction. On receiving a message he made proper
agreements and promises with Chând Bibi to the effect that when
Ahang Khân the Abyssinian, with wbom she was at feud, should
be chastised, she would take Junair as her fief and surrender
Ahmadnagar. The Shaikh moved from Shâhgarha in that direc-
tion.

At this time Akbar came to Ujjain and found that Bahâdur
Khân the ruler of Âsir had not paid his respects to Prince Daniel.
The prince resolved to punish him. As the king intended to come
to Burhânpur he wrote to, the prince to address himself to the cap-
ture of Ahmadnagar. Accordingly, letter after letter came from
the prince to the Shaikh telling him that his energy was known to
every one far and near, but that Akbar wished that he (the
prince) should conquer Ahmadnagar. Abü-1-fazl therefore should
refrain from the enterprise. When the prince moved fron
Burhânpur, the Shaikh, in accordance with orders, lef t Mirza
Shahrukh with Mîr Mürtaza and Khwâja Abü-1-hasan in the camp
and went off to kiss the threshold. On 14 Ramzân, 1008 A.H., 19
March 1600, and in the beginning of the 4flth year, he paid his

respects to the king at Kargaon in the Bijapur territory. There
came on Akbar' s lips the verse —

A fine night and a glorious moon ' fit well
For my talk with thee on every topic.

The Shaikh was appointed, along with Mîrzâ 'Aziz Koka, Âşaf
Khân J'afar, and Shaikh Farîd Bakhshî to besiege the fort of Âsir,
and the government of the Khandes was assigned to him. He
sent his own men with his son and his brother and established
İhânaa in twenty-two places, and exerted himself to put down the
contumacious. At the same time he displayed the flag of a manşab
of 4000.

One day the Sbaikh went to inspect the batteries. One of the
besieged, who had joined the men in a battery; pointed out a
path by which they could get upon the wall of Mâlîgarha. For
in the waist of Âsir on the west by north side there were two
noted forts called Mâlî and Antarmâli. Whoever wished to enter
the strong fortress (Âsir) had first to get through these two forts.
Separate from them and in the north and north-east side there
was another fort called Jünamâlî. Its wall was not completed.
From east to south-west there were amaller hills, and in the south
there was a high hill called Kortha. On the south-west was a
lof ty hill called Sapan. As this last had come into the hands of
the imperialists, the Shaikh arranged with the officers of the
battery that when they heard the sound of the drums and
trumpets every one should come out with ladders and should beat
loudly the great drum. He himself in a dark and cloudy night
came with his men to the top of Sapan and sent off the men.
They broke öpen the gate of Mâlî and when they had entered the
fort they sounded' the drums and trumpets. The garrison resist-
ed, and the Shaikh followed and arrived when it was near morn-
ing. The garrison were confused and entered Âsir. When it was
day the besiegers poured in from every side, some by Kortha and
some by Jünamâlî. A great victory was gained. Bahâdur Khân
asked for quartef, and through the intervention of Khân A'zim
Koka he was permitted to do homage. When Prince Daniel

The 14th would be a full moon.

122

THE MAASIR-TJL-tTMARA.

arrived at the Presence durirıg fche congratulations for the victory
of Âsîr there arose a disturbance caused by Rajü 1 Manâ and the
attempt to raiae to the throne the son of Shah 'Alî the patemal
uncle of Nizâm Shah. The Khân-Khânân came to Ahmadnagar,
and the Shaikh got leave to go and subdue >iâsik. But as many
men were making a disturbance about the son of Shah Alî, the
Shaikh, in accordance with orders, returned from that auarter and
went to Ahmadnagar along with the Khân-Khânân.

When in the 46th year Akbar returned to Upper India from
Burhanpur, Prince Daniel remained in the latter place. The
Khân-Khârtân took ııp his abode in Ahmadnagar so that the "îom
mander-in-chiefship and the prosecution of the war fell to ine
Shaikh. Af ter fightings and struggles the Shaikh made a treaty
with the son of Shâh 'Alî and then proceeded to chastise Râjü
Manâ. After takmg Jâlnapür and its neighbourhood — which had
been held by the enemy — he hastened to Ghâtî Daulatabad (i.e. ,
the approaches to Daulatabad) and the Rauza 2 and marched down
from Katak 8 Catwâra and repeatedly fought with Râjü and was
always victorious. Râjü * took shelter for a time in Daulatabad
and again made a disturbance. After a short engagement he fled
and was nearly captured. He flung himself into the moat of the
fort. His baggage was plundered.

in the 47th year when Akbar became displeased with Prince
Sultan Selim on account of certain occurrences, hej because of his
servants' having sided with the prince, and because there was no
one who was equal to Abü-1-fazl in truthfulness and reliability,
summoned him to court. He ordered him to leave his establish-
meırt and to come unattended, and with haste. Abü-1-fazl lef t
his son ' Abdu-r-Rahmân with his establishment and with the
auxiliary officers in the Deccan, and came on rapidly. Jahangir,
who suspected him on account of his loyalty and devotion to his
master, regarded his coming at this time as an interruption to his

Râjü is
He was a

1 Akbarnâma III. 784
also called Râj û Deceani.
rival of Malik 'Ambar.

5 Rauza is another name for Khul-
dâbad where Aurangzeb is buried.

8 A.N. III. 795. Katak means an
army , and also a fort, and perhaps here
a camp. The A.N. merely has Cat-
wâra.

* AN. III. 797.

THE MAASra-ITL-UMABA.

123

plans, and considered his coming unattended as a gam. Rather,
from inappreciation, he considered that the getting rid of the
Shaikh would be the first step to the sövere ignty, and by various
promises instigated Bir Singh Deo Bandîla — through whose terri-
tory the Shaikh must necessarily pass — to kili him. He waited in
ambush. When this news came to the Shaikh in Ujjain, men said
that he ought to go by the route of Ghâtî Cândâ (by Malwa).
The Shaikh said, " What power ha ve robbers to block my path ?"
On Friday 4 Rabî-al-awal 1011, 12 August 1602, halfa kos from
the serai of Bir ' which is six kos from Narwar, Bir Singh Deo
assembled with numerous horse and foot. The Shaikh's well-
wishers tried to bring away the Shaikh from the- field of battle,
and Gadai Afghan, one of his old servants, said that in the town-
ship of Antrî which was near at hand there were the Rai Rayan
and Rajah Süraj Singh with three thousand horse. He should
take them with him and put down the foe. The Shaikh did not
approve of incurring the disgrace of flight and manfully played
away the coin of life.

Jahangir himself writes that Shaikh Abü-1-fazl had persuad-
ed his ( Jahangir's *) father that because His Excellency , the seal and
asylum (of prophecy)— the peace of God be upon him and his
family — was poşsessed of perfect eloquence, he composed the
Koran (i.e., it was not a Divine revelation) . Consequently he, at
the time of the Shaikh's coming from the Deccan, told Bir Singh
to kili him, and after this his father's views changed.

in accordance with the customs of the Caghatai family that
the deaths of princes are not openly announced to the king, but
that the prince's vakil binds a blue handkerchief on his arm and
makes his reverence, and that in this way the fact becomes known ;
so as none of the attendants had the courage to announce the
death of the Shaikh, the above custom was followed. Akbar was
more grieved than for the deaths of his sons, and after hearing the
details he said that if the prince aimed at the kingship he should

1 Called Bar by Blochrnann XXV. it seems to be the Barquisera (Barke
Serai) of Tavernier II. 39, ed. 1676. İt was between Narwar and Antrî and abont
6 miles S. of the l»tter. The Trie of Tavernier is Antri.

* Price's Mem, of Jahangir, p. 33. it doea not occur in the genuine Memoirs

124

T?HE MAASlBrUTi-UMAfcA.

ha ve kflled him, and güarded the Shaikh. He also uttered this
verse eîtempore. 1

Verse.

When our Shaikh came towards us with eager longing
A desire of kissing our feet lost him, head and foot.
The Khân 'A,zim enigmatically gave the date of the Shaikh 's
death thus- —

Verse.

The wondrous sword of God's Prophet severed the rebel's
head. 1 (1011) (».e., 1602 A.D.)

They say the Shaikh appeared in a dream (to him) and said,
' ' The date of my death is ' Banda Abü-l-fazl ' , ' The slave (servant
of God) Abü-l-fazl ', " for in God's workshop, His bounty is exten-
sive to the erring. No one should despair."

it is related of Shâh Abü-1-m'aâlî Qâdirî, î who was one of the
leading Şhaikhs of Lahore, that he said, "I objected* to the
doings of Abü-l-fazl. One night I saw in a dream that Abü-l-fazl
was produced in the assembly of the Apostle. His Majesty cast
his blessed glance upon him and gave him a place in the assembly.
He condescended to observe, " This man during part of his life did
evil things, but this prayer of his of which the beginning is ' O
God, reward the good for the sake of their goodness, and comfort
the evil for the sake of Thy graciousness ' beeame the cause of his
salvation."

The assertion that the Shaikh was aninfidel is upon the lips
of high and low. Some reproach him with being a Hindu in
religion, and some cali him a fire-worshipper, and entitle him a
secularist. Some even carry their disgust so far as to cali him
impiousand an atheist. Others in whom justice prevails ând who,
like the followers of mysticism, give good nam es to those who
ha ve a bad name, rank him among the followers of " Peace with

I The removal of the first letter of bâg&î, "a rebel ", yieids 1011, ».e., Sarir
öâji* burid miauB b=l011.

t Saf ina u4-AuliyS and Khazîna Aşfiyâ I. U9. He was born in 960, 1553,
and died in 1024, 1615.

3 Or perhaps, "I refused to have anything to do with him, »'.e., I refused
to say prayers for hini. ' '

THE MAASIB-ÜL-UMAfeA.

125

ali," and with those who are of a wide disposition, and aecept ali
religions, and are relaxers of the Eaw, and are free-thinkers. The
author of the 'Alam Arâi 'Abbasî • says that Shaikh Abul-faşl was
a Nuqtavî (Blochmann 452), as is shown by an edict {manahür)
which was put into the form of a letter and sent (by Abü-l-fazl)
to Mir Saiyid Ahmad Kâshî— who was one of the leaders of this
sect, and the author of treatises on the Nuqta doctrine, and who,
in the year 1002, 1594, when there was a slaying of heretics in
Persia, was killed* in Kâshan by Shâh 'Abbâs with his own hand.
The Nuqta doctrines are impiety and infidelity, and license and
broad churchism, and the Nuqtavis, like the philosophers, con-
sider the universe to be eternal. They deny the Resurrection, and
the Last Day, and the retribution for good and evil, and make
Paradise and Hell to consist in prosperity and adversity in this
world! May God preserve'us (from sueh doctrines.)

With ali this, the Shaikh was an able man, and had a great
intellect and critical disposition, and an aoute glance which over-
looked nothing, however minute, in worldly affairs, and current
questions. How was it that he did not enter into agreement with
the wise, and that he abandoned the excellent way ? Man in the
affairs of this world — which is unenduring — does not devise his
own evil and does not approve of injüring himself ! in the affairs
of the final world, which is stable and enduring, why does he
knowingly and intentionally choose destruction ? "Those 8 whom
God permits to go astray are without aguide."

What appears upon investigation is that Akbar, from the
beginning of his years of understanding, had a great love for the
manners and customs of India. Afterwards, he observed the
precepts of his honoured father whö had accepted the advice
of Shah Tahmâsp the king of Persia. The latter, in conversation
with Hümâyun, discussed the question of India, and the loss of
sovereignty. He said, " it appears that there are in India two

1 'Alam Ârâî, Tahran ed., p. 325.
Sikandar Munshî says this on the
faith of statements of people who had
oome from India, and of a letter or
reecript which was found in Ahmad
KSghî's house.

2 'Alam ArSî 325. 'AJabaa out him
to piecee in Naşrâbâd Kâshân.

3 Sûra 7, v. 185, " He whom God
shall cause to err, shall have no Diree-
tor"(Sale).

126

THE MAASlR-trL-TJMARA.

parties who are distinguished f or military qualities and leadership ,
the Afghans and the Râjpüts. At present you cannot get the
Afghans on your side for there is no mutual confidence. Make
them traders instead of servants, and arrange vtdth the Râjpüts
and cherish them." Akbar recognised that the winning över of
this body of men would be one of the great political achievements ,
and strove for it to the uttermost. So much so that he adopted
their customs, such as the prohibition of cow-killing, shaving the
beard, wearing pearl earrings, Dussarah and Diwâlî festivals, ete.
Thoııgh the Şhaikh had influence över the king, yet perhaps
from love of glory he could not hold the reins in this matter. Ali
these connexions recoiled upon himself.

it is stated in the Zakhîra-al-Khwânîn that the Şhaikh used
to go to the houses of dervıshes at night-time and distribute
a^hrafts (gold coins) and beg them to pray for the preservation
of Abü-1-fazl's faith. The burden of his plaint was, "Alas! What
is to be done ? " And then he would place ' his hands on his knees
and heave a deep sigh. He never used bad language, nor was
there fining* for absenee, or the confiscation 3 or stoppage of
wages in his establishment. Whomsoever he önce employed he
never, if possible, diseharged him even if he did his work badly.
He would say, " Men will impute it to my want of intelligence
and will say , ' Why did he take him on without knowing what

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA

127

l LU. "strike his hands upon his
knees." it is an attitude in prayer.
See Bahâr-i-'Ajam and Hughes' Dict.,
art. Prayer. See also B. XVI, XVII.
The phrase " to strike one's hands on
one's knees " is also used in Maasir I.
7*5, üne 6. Apparently it is a gestuı»
of enıotion.

">■ ghair lıüzirl See Irvine A. of
M. 25.

3 bâzyâfl u faroghi. Farogh nıeans
splendour or a star, and furugh means
bringing to an end. But 1 think
there i» a migreading and 'that the
word ıs gurughi. See Vullers s.v.
quruq. Steingiss gives gıtrug as a
Mongolian word meaning confiscation.
it has been adopted into Bengali as a

legal term meaning attaehmant of
property, e.g. , Kürfik Amîn, " an
attaching officer. " The j uxta-position
of the word bazyâft seems to shev» that
a word meaning stoppage of wages
was intended. The MSS. might be
read as giving gurııghi as well as
faroghi, for thero is only a dot ot
dilıe rence between them. Blochnıann
houever has arcepted the word as*
furugh , for his rendering at p. xxvii»
is ' absenee on the part of his er-
vants . ' ' Perhaps the word means
siraply dismissal. The expreflsion
oceurs again at p. 408 of vol. III
in thenotice of Mahâbat, and is made
with reforence to KlıSn Jahân Lodi's
establishment.

he was V " On the day tha^ the Sun entered Aries, he had ali
his household goods brought before him and he wrote down the
details and kept the üst. He burnt his account-books (dafâtir)
and gave ali the clothes he had worn to his servants on New
Year's Day, except the trousers (fpâjâma) which were burnt in
his presence. He had a wonderful appetite. They say that,
exclusive of fuel and water, his daily ration \veighed two and
twenty sirs. His son S. ' Abdu-r-Rahmân was his table-attendanfc
(safarel, "waiter"), and sate as such. The superintendent of
the kitehen (mashrif-i-baıvarchtkhâna) was a Muhammadan and
stood by and looked on. Whatever dish the Şhaikh put his hand
into twice, was prepared again next day. If anything was taste-
less, he gave it to his son to eat, and he went and admonished the
cooks, but the Şhaikh himself said nothing.

They say that his arrangements and establishments during the
Deccan campaigns were beyond anything that could be imagined.
in a cahal rawat% (a large tent) a divan (masnad) was spread
for the Şhaikh , and every day one thousand plates of food were
prepared and distributed among ali the officers. Outside a
nuhgazl 1 ("a nine-yard canopy " ?) was set up, and cooked kichiri
was distributed ali day long to whoever wanted it — high or low.

They say that when the Şhaikh was Prime Minister (vakti
matlaq), the Khân-Khânân one day came to see him, in compan}'
with M. Jânî Beg, the (former) ruler of Scinde. The Şhaikh was
lying at ful] length on a bed and looking at the Akbarnâma. He
did not rise up at. ali, but, just as he was, said, " Come in, Mırzâs,
and be seated." Mîrzâ Jânî Beg, who had princely ideas, wa.s
disgusted anddeparted. On another occasion the Khan-Khânân
prevailed by entreaties on the Mîrzâ to go to the Şhaikh's quarters.
The Şhaikh came to the gate to welcome him and paid him
great attention, and said, " We s are your fellow-citizens and your
servants." The Mîrzâ was astonished and said to the Khân-
Khânân, " What is the meaning of the wh"lome hauteur and

1 Possibly gazi is the same as gazinah
mentioned in B. 95 and in Vullers as a
coarse cotton eloth.

2 Alluding to the fact that his
ancestors settled in Scinde when they
nrst came from Arabia to India.

128

THE MAASIR-TTL- UMARA.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

129

of the present humility ? " The Khan-Khânân replied, " On
that day he had the canons ' of viziership in view, he conformed
the shadow to the substance. To-day he adopted fraternising
manners."

To leave aside ali such matters, the Shaikh had an enchanting
literary style. He was free from secretarial pomposity and
epistolary tricks of style, and the force of his words, the colliga-
tion of his expressions, the application of single words, the
beautiful compounds, and wonderful splendours of his diction were
such as would be hard for another to imitate. 4 As he strove to
make special use of Persian words, it has been said of him that he
put into prose the Quintet of Nizamî, it is owing to his consum-
mate skill in this art that he has written many things in praise
of his sovereign, and in preambles whic,h seem strange and which
cannot be understood without close attention. 8

(KHWÂJA) ABU-L-HASAN OF TURBAT,

WHO HAP THE TITLE OF

RUKNU-S- SULTAN AT.

Turbat is a district 4 of Khurâsân. Qutbu-d-dîn Haidar, who
was a doer of wondrous deeds,and from whom the Haidarians derive
themselves, came from there. The Khwâja entered the service of
Prince Daniel during the reign of Akbar and was made Diwân of

l toragi. Perhaps the Khan-Khânân
was referring to A.F.'s having been
then reading the Akbarnâma and so
been imagining hinıself at court.
Perhaps we should read tüzagi. See
II. 851 eight lines from foot.

* The part of this eulogium which
refers to A.F.'s freedom from "the
technicalities and flimsy prettinesses
of munshis (B. XXVIII) ' ' is taken
from the Haft Iqlîm, the author of
which saye in his account of Agra and
its ■«rriters, that Abul-fazl considered
it right to refrain from such tricks of
style. The passage is quoted in the
Darbâri A, p. 494.

8 According to Ghulâm 'Alî's pre-
face the life of A.F. had not been
written by the author of the Maasir.
But probably he made this statement
because he had not found it. Pre-
sumably 'Abdıı-1-Hayy afterwards
found it.

* Turbat Haidari, Reclus IX. 226.
Eighty-eight miles N.W. Khâf (Conol-
ly) and S. W. Mashad. Perhaps the
Haidarians are the Haidar Zai of
Conolly. D'Herbelot mentions Haid-
hari as the name of a doctor called
Qutbu-d-din, but he was a native of
Syria.

the Deccan. When Jahangir ascended the throne, the Khwâja
was summoned from the Deccan to court. in the second year when
Aşaf K.M. J'afar became Vakil, he requested (Tüzük 50) that he
might have him as an associate for the purpose of regulating
the establishment. Af ter that, when Âşaf K. engaged in the
affairs of the Deccan, and the Diwânî fell into the hands of I'ti-
mâdu-d-daula, the Khwâja acquired influence and intimacy in
attendance on the king, and in the 8th year, 1022, 1613,
attained the high office of Mir Bakhşhl. When I'timâdu-d-daulah
died, the Khwâja was made Chief Diwân and had the rank of 5000
with 5000 horse. in the affair of Mahâbat K., the Khwâja along
with Âşaf Jâhî and Irâdat K. were in front of Nür Jahân Begam's
elephant-litter, and with a small force they sıvam their horses and
opposed Mahâbat, with thelr arms wet. Suddenly the enemy
drove off the Begam's men with a shower of arrows, and every
one of the officers went aside. At this crisis the Khwâja got
separated from his horse, but with the help of aKashmirî boat-
man ' escaped with his life. in the 19th* year he was made gover-
nor of Kabul, and his son Zafar K. was sent off from court to be
his deputy. in the reign of Shah Jahah he attained the rank of
6000 with 6000 horse. When on the night of Sunday 26 8 Şafr
1039, 4 October 1629, Khân Jahân Lodi fled from Agra, Shâh
Jahân appointed the Khwâja and other officers to pursue him.
Though some officers pressed on and fought, and Khân Jahân
Lodi crossed the Cambal and went off, the Khwâja arrived at the
bank at the close of the day. As without boats he could not
cross, he had to stay there till noon * of next day. Khân Jahân
thereby got a start of seven watch.es and entered the Bandila
country. Jagrâj the son of Jujhâr gave him protection and passed
him out of his country. He intrigued with the guides of the
imperial army so that they direeted it wrongly, and took it by
vvrong roads. Accordingly, the Khwâja and the other leaders
uselessly traversed the jungles, and gained nothing but giddiness.

1 Iqb51nâma 264, and Elliot VI.
427.

s Mahâbat's rebellion was later
than this, viz., in the 21st year.

8 The Maasir has 27th at p.
account of Khân Jahân Lodî.
* Khâfi K. I. 418.

725 in

THE MAASrR-TJT-TJMARA.

131

130

THE MAASIR-ÜL-UMARA.

When Shâh Jahân arrived at Burhânpür in order to put an end to
Khân Jahân, the Khwâja and the other auxiliaries waited upon
him, and were sent off to free the country of Nâsik and Trimbak. 1
After settling that country and the jagir of Sâhü Bhonsla the
Kbwâja, according to the king's orders, went to help Naşîrî K.
who was besieging the fort of Qandhar. While on the way he
heard of a victory * and returned. He came to the town of Pâtür
Şhaikh Bâbü s — which is a pargana of the payinghât (Lovvlands)
of Berâr— and to the bank of a stream which had little water in it.
He intended to spend the rains there when suddenly a great flood
from the hills came down upon the camp. The men got confused
on account of the darkness of the night and the force of the water,
and ran off on every side. The Khwâja and other officers got
upon unsaddled horses and extricated themselves from that
dangerous position. Nearly 2,000 persons, and ali the Khwâja's
property, including a lac of rupees in cash, were carried off by the
vvater. in the 5th year he was made governor of Kashmir, but
as he was a grey-beard of the State, Shah Jahan did not think it
proper that he should go far off, and sent off his son Zafar K. to
manage the business of that country as his deputy. The Khwâja
died in the 6th year, 1042, 1632-33, at the age of seventy. Tâlib
Kalîm* found the date of death.

' ' May he rise with the Amîru-1-müminîn ( 'Alî). ' ' ( 1042.)
The KJıwâjah was a straight-forward and able man, but he
was of a sour countenance and harsh 6 manners. His heir was
Zafar K. of whom a special account has been given. Another son
was M. Khurshed Nazr.

1 West of Nâsik. it is a hill fort
and place of pügrimage. Elliofc VII.
10. Text has *S*J as in Khâfi K.
I. 426.

* That is, the fort was taken.

Pâdshâhnâma I. 396.

3 See account in Pâdshâhnâma I.
396 and Khâfi K. I. 461. The
oecurrence was in the first month of
1041, ,Tuly— Augııst, 1631. Pâtür is

the PStar of Jarrett II. 234, but is
Pâtür in I. G. XX. 76. it is in the
Akola district of Berâr.

* Shâh Jahân's poet-laureate. Rieu
I, 686a. He was a native of Hama-
dan and died in Kashmir in 1062, 1652.

s See a speciraen of his harshnes
in his remarks about Gaur Dhan and
Harkarn, II, 159.

ABUL KHAIR K. BAHÂDUR İMÂM JANG.
He was descended from the Fârûqî ghaikhs, and his lineage
aecends to Şhaikh Faridu-d-dîn Shakrganj. The native place of
his ancestors was Mlrpür İn the Sarkar of Khairabad , Oudh. As he
lived for some time in Shikohabâd (in the Mainpuri dıstnot), he
became known as Shikohabâdi. His father, S. Bahâu-d-dîn, was
in the time of Aurangzeb an officer of 2000 and was Şadr and
Ihtisâb (sunervisor of market) of Shikohabâd. Abul-Khaır held
first a mantab of 300 and for a while was assistant to Marhmat K.
in the citv of Mândü in Malwa. in the year that Nizâmu-1-mulk
Aşaf Jâhproceededfrom Malwa to the Deccan he accompanıed 1
him As he was an experienced soldier, and had good judgment
in such matters he was approved of and consulted. He obtained
the rank of 2500, the title of Khân, and the gift of a suıtable
jagir, and was appointed faujdâr of Nabî Nagar, otherwise Utnur
(Uttur or Ötür in Poona district). When in the year 1136, 1724,
that unequalled Amîr (Aşaf Jâh) returned from the capital to the
Deccan , he took with him Khwâjam Qulî K. , the governor of the fort
of Dhâr and faujdâr of Mândü, along with him, and left the Khan
there. Aftervvards, when Qutbu-d-dîn Âli K. PanchkaurT was ap^-
pointed to these offices by the court, the Khânwent to Aşaf Jah
and was attached to Hafeu-d-dîn K., who had been made gover-
nor of Khandes. He did good service against the Mahrattas, and
o-radually rose to the rank of 4000 with 2000 horse, the title of
Bahâdur, and the gift of a flag and drum. He was also for a>me
faujdâr of Gulshanâbâd,* and for a time Naib of Khandes and also
for a time faujdâr of Sirkâr Baglâna. in the time of Naşir Jang
he 1 had the title of Shamsher Bahâdur and became Naıb of Au-
rangabad in the time of Mozaffar Jang he became. governor of
Khandes, and in the time of Şalâbat Jang he held the rank of
5000 with 4000 horse and had the gift of a fringed palanquın and
the title of imâm Jang. He commanded the van-guard m the
battle with the Mahrattas, which took place during the dıwanshıp
of Rajah Roghanâth Dâs. They say that in the battle he sought

1 Khâfi K. II, 848.

* " in Baglâna near Junîr." Elüot VII. 337.

132

THE MAASIR-UL-ÜMAfcA.

yt^

death from a desire for martyrdom, but by the decree of fate he
dıed after the battle of a slight ailment in 1166 1753 He was a
vahantmanandboldofspeech. He also had learning. Intheyear
when Bâbû Nâîk, a Mahratta Ieader, had collected a large force for
the purpose of levying the ehavt in the Haidarabad Carnatic and
had come there, he was appointed with a force from the Sarkar in
order that he might, in concert with Anwaru-d-dîn K., taluadar
of the sa.d Carnatic, and <Abdu-n-Nabî K. ; faujdâr of Cuddapah
and BahâdurK., faujdâr of Karnül, oppose Bâbü Nâîk His
attackıng the enemy, seizing his baggage and inflicting a dis-
graceful defeat upon him, so that Sardâr did not make any more
dısturbances, are known to high and low. He left two sons The
eldest, Abü-1-barkât K. Bahâdur Tmâm Jang, possessed the jewel of
courage and died young. The second is Shamsu-d-daula Abû-1-
Khajr Khân Bahâdur Tegh Jang who, at the time of this writing
ıs a favourite with Nizâmu-d-daula Aşaf Jâh (s. Nizamu-l-mulk!
and holds the rank of 5000 w ith 5000 horse, and has a flag and a
drum and the fief of Ilgharab in the province of Bîdar He has
praıseworthy qualities and a good reputation. 1

ABU-L-M'AALI (MIR SHAH).
One of the Saiyids of Tarmiz. He was introduced in his
early youth to Hümâyûn in Kabul through Khwâja Muhammad
Samı . Ab he was handsome and had external graces he became a
favounte and arrived at the dignity of being an Amîr, and re-
oeıved the title of farzand (son). He distinguished himself in the
e^pedıtıon to indis, and after the victory was sent with some
other Amirs to the Panjab. If Sikandar K. Sür, the ruler of India

1 I. O. M. S. 628 adds to this notice
the following statement : —

" On the 25th day of the month of
Rabîu-s-s5ni 1205, 1 January 1791
he died of dysentery in the camp at
the fort of Pankul (?)* and after
three months his bier was conveyed in
the month of Rajab to Haidarabad
and he was buried in the sepulchre of
Shah Hasan Barhana - May his grave
be holy — to the east of Haidarabad.

■7

May God have mercy upon him!'
(This note must have been inserted by
a reader or copyist, for 'Abdu-1-Hayy
dıed in 1782.) ' *

•Probably Pâlakollu or Palcole in
the Kigtna district, Madras Presi-
dency. it i s an ld Dutch settlement.
it is on the Narasapür oanaL See
Cotton's Inscriptions of the Madras
Preeidency, p . 222, and I. G. XIX. 334.

THE MAASIR-UI/-UMARA.

133

— who had escaped from the battle and withdrawn to the hills —
should come out and make a disturbance, he was to chastise him.
But his immoderation and his haughty demeanour to the Amirs
were the cause that Prince Akbar and his guardian Bairam K.
were sent there, and that he was appointed to the Sarkar of
Hisşâr . When he waited on the prince at the bank of the Beas , the
latter had regard to the favour shown him by Hümâyûn and
invited him to sit in the assembly, and behaved with much kind-
ness towards him. He, who did not understand positions, went to
his quarters and sent a message to the prince to the effect that
every one knew how he stood with Hümâyûn, and especially was
the prince aware of this, for on a certain day he had eaten along
with the king at one table, while the prince had had his food sent
to him. " Wby then, when I came to your house, were a separate
divan and pülow assigned to me." The 'prince, in spite of his
youth, replied : " The laws of sovereignty are one thing and the
laws of love another. You have not the connection with me that
you had with the king. it is strange that you have not understood
the difference and have made a disturbance." Afterwards when
Akbar mounted the throne, Bairâm K. peroeived in him the marks
of rebellion and arrested him in the assembly on the third day
after the Accessibn and sent him to Lahore. He made him över to
the Pahlwân Gulgaz, the 'asas (police-officer). One day he, owing
to the negligence of his guards, escaped and went to the country
of the Gakhars. Kamâl K. Gakhar confined him. From there too
he escaped and wanted to go to Kabul. When Mun'im K., the
governor there, heard of his flight, he by stratagem got his
brother, Mîr Hâsham, who was jâgîrdâr of Ghorband, ete, into
confinement, and Abü-1-M'aâlî did not go there, but in Naushahra
joined the Kashtnîris who had been oppressed by their ruler, Ghâzî
K. He won them över by oraft and flattery and fought with the
ruler of Kashmîr. He was defeated. Some have written ' that
when he joined Kamâl K. the (Gakhar) country was then in the
hands of Adam Gakhar the uncle of Kamâl. and that Kamâl K.
showed belief in Abü-1-M'aâli and raised an army, and they two

l Ferishta saye that he settled mattere with Kamil.

134

THE MAASIfc-TTL-TTMABA.

went together to Kashmir. Af ter the defeat he apologised.
Abu-1-M'aâlî went secretly to pargana Dîpâlpür, which was in the
fief of Bahâdur Shaibânî, and hid himself in the house of M. Tülak
who was a servant of Bahâdur, but who had formerly been a servant
of Abu-l-'M'aâli. it chanced that one day Tülak had a quarrel
with his wife and severely punished her. She went to Bahâdur
and revealed the facts, and said, " They have resolved to kili
you." Bahâdur immediately went off on horseback and put Tülak
to death, and imprisoned Abü-1-M'aâlI and sent him to Bairâm K.
He put him in charge of Walî Beg to take him to Bhakar. He
went off to Gujarat in order that he might go from there to Mecca.
in Gujarat he committed an unjust slaughter and fled to Khân
Zaman. He, in accordance with a summons, sent him back to
Bairâm. This time Bairâm detained him with honour for some
days and then imprisoned him in the fort of Bîâna. At the time
of his own downf ali he from Alwar* released Abü-1-M'aâlî, and sent
him to court with other Amirs. Ali the Amîrs did homage in the
town of Jajhar (in the district of Rohtak). The Shâh (Abü-1-
M'aâll) too came and paid his respects on horseback, which dis-
pleased the king. He was again pttt into chains and made över
to Shihâbu-d-dîn Ahmad in order that he might send him to
Mecca. Two years afterwards, he in the 8th year returned from
the holy places, and with evil intent came to Jalaur and had an
interview with Sharîfu-d-dîn Husain Ahrârî— who had become a
rebel. He gave him a body of troops and he went to the territory
of Agra and Delhi and raised the dust of strife. He first went to
Nârnol and took possession of the king ' s treasure. He came to
Jhanjhanün and from there went to Hişşâr Firüza. He saw that
things were not succeeding and that the royal aTaies were pur-
suing him on alî sides. So he went to Kabul. He wrote an
account of himself to Mâh Cücak Begam the mother of M.
Muhammad Hakim — who had the management of affairs in
Kabul. Abü-1-M'aâlî put this verse into his letter.

ı Apparently to Abu-1-M'aâlî.
•î This is a ınistake. Bairâm was
prooeeding towards Alwar, but it

wag from Bîâna that he released Abul-
M'aâli. See A. N. II. translation. p.
152.

THE MAASIB-tTL-UMAEA.

135

Verse.

We've not come to this door in quest of honour and glory.

We've come here for protection against the hand of fate.

People told the Begam that Shâh Abü-1-M'aâlI was a young

man of distinguished rank and courage and that Hümâyûn had

betrothed her eldest daughter to him. If she cherished him, it

vrould be an advantage to her. She was deceived and wrote in

reply — „ ,

r Verse. 1

" Show kindness, and alight, for the house is thy house."

She brought him with honour into Kabul and gave Fakhru-

nisâ Begam (her daughter), the sister of M. Muhammad Hakim, in

marriage to him. When by this connection he became master of

the situation, he, from his wicked nature, and the evil suggestions

of some persons ho the efîect that while the Begam lived his posi-

tion would not be secure, in the middle of Sha'bân 971, April 1564,

entered the Begam's chamber with two ruffians and killed her.

He also killed many leading men, and among them Haidar Qâsim

Kohbar, whose ancestors had held high ofnee in the family, and

who was then Vakil. M. Sulaimân, who always was wanting to

get Kabul, came there from Badakhşhmân at the secret request of

M. Muhammad Hakim and some Kabul officers. Shâh Abü-1-

M'aâlî took M. Hakîm with him and came out to fight. An en-

gagement took place near the Ghorband river. When the conflict

was beginning (Ut. was in the balance), the well-wishers of M.

Hakîm carried him över to M. Sulaimân, and ali the Kabulis.

dispersed. Shâh Abü-1-M'aâlî became confused and fled. The

Badakhşhis pursued him and seized him in the village of Chârî-

kârân (Charikar). in Kabul on the day of the 'Idu-1-fitr in this

year, 13 May 1564, he was hanged by orders of M. Hakim and

received the retribution of his deeds.

Verse*
With my own eyes I saw in a thoroughfare (gazargâh)
A bird take the life of an ant.

1 The Darbâr A. gives another line
besides this one. See p. 746. I do
not know where the Maaşir got the
statement that the Begam's advisers
told her that Hümâyûn had betrothed

her eldest daughter to him.

s Taken from Akbarnâma II. 207.
The lines come from Nişjâmî Khusrü
and Şhîrîn, near the end,

136

THE MAASIR-UL-UMABA.

His beak was not withdrawn from the prey
Before another bird came and finished him.
Be not secure when you have done wrong,
For retribution is according to nature.

Shah Abü-1-M'aâli had a pleasant wit and wrote ' poetry
His takhallas was Shahîdl.

(MİRZA) ABU-L-MAALI.

Son of the well-known ' M. Wâlî who was married to Bolâqî
Begam the daughter of Prinoe Daniel. Af ter his father's death
he received the rank of 1000 with 400 horse, and in the 6th year
of Shah Jahan his rank was 2000 with 1500 horse and he had the
jâgîrdârî and faujdârî of Sîwistân. Afterwards he had an increase
of 500 horse, and in the 31st year, on the death of Sazâwâr K. Mash-
hadî, he was made faujdâr of Tirhut in Bihar. Afterwards, when
the wondrous workings of fortune disorganized Shah Jahan's
sovereignty, and the intrigues of his sons produced confusion in
affairs, and things ended in civil war, and Dara Şhikoh, who had
the management of affairs, was defeated by Aurangzeb and took
to flight, and the capital was brightened by the arrival of Aurang-
zeb's army, it appeared to Aurangzeb * that the most important
thing was to secure for Shujâ' from his father the inclusion of the
township of Monghyr and the provinee of Bihar and Patna in the
wide country of Bengal. Prince Shujâ' had always been desir-
ousof this, and now Aurangzeb took his part. Consequently
the other jâgîrdârs and faujdârs, wilîingly or unwillingly submit-
ted to him (Shujâ'), and M. Abü-1-M'aâlI also was obliged to join.
Shujâ, who had previously been defeated near Benares, and whose
affairs had f ailen into disorder,was pleased at the defeat of Dârâ
Şhikoh and the conveyance to him of Bihar, and expressed his
gratitude very warmly. But when Aurangzeb proceeded towards

l Badayüni III. 248. There is a
notice of Abu-1-M'aâlî in the Dar-
bar A. 743. The M. Wâlî who mar-
ried Bolâqî B. was a son of Khw5jah
Hasan Naqshbandî and Fakhranisfi
B. thehalf-sitter of AkbarB. 310. He

is also mentioned in the Tüzük J.
272.

î After DârS's first defeat Aurang-
zeb endeavoured to propitiate Shujâ.
Khâfi K. II. 42, 43.

THE MAASIR-TTL-UMARA.

137

the Panjab in pursuit of Dârâ Şhikoh, and it seenıed likely that
the enterprise would take a long while, Shujâ' formed greater
desires and advanced into the provinee of Allahabad. On receiv-
ing this news Aurangzeb withdrew from following Dârâ Şhikoh
and turned his rein in order to fight with Shujâ'. Before a battle
took place, Mir Abû-1 M'aâli by the guidance of auspiciousness left
Shujâ's camp and joined ' Aurangzeb. He was rewarded by the
present of an elephant, ete., and the title of Mirza K., a present
of Rs. 30,000 and an increase of 1000 with 500 horse so that his
rank became 3000 with 2000 horse. After Shujâ' fled, and Prince
Sultan Muhammad was appointed to pursue him, Abü-1-M'aâlî
was made his auxiliary. Afterwards, he received the faujdârî of
Darbhanga. in the 6th year he was ordered to proceed with
Ilahvardî K., the faujdâr of Gorakhpur, to punish the zamindar
of the Morang. in that quarter he died a natural death in 1074,
1663-64. His son 'Abdu-1-Wâhid K. in the 22nd year received
the title of Khân. He did good service at the siege of Haidarabad.
The pargana of Anhal * in Mahva— which had been assigned to
this family from the time of M. Walî— was made his jagir and
deseended to his sons When the Mahrattas took possession of
Mahva, they dispossessed them. Hisgrandson is Khwâja 'Abdu-
1-Wâhid K. Khvvâja Himmat Bahâdur, who in the time of the
Nizâmu-1-mulk Aşaf Jâh came to the Deccan. When the rule
came to Şalâbat K., he got his grandfather's title, and gradually
attained high rank and the title of Aminu-d-daulah Bahâdur
Saif Jang and the diwânî of the establishment of 'Alî Jâh,s the
heirof Nizâmu-d-daula Aşaf Jâh, and died in 1189, 1775. He
was unequalled as a faithful friend.

ABU-L-MANŞÜR K. BAHÂDUR ŞAFDAR JANG.
His name was M. Muqim and he was the sister's son and
son-in-law 6 of Burhânıı-1-Mulk. His father had the title of
Siyâdat K. After the death of his father-in-law he (Ş af dar)

1 'ÂlamgîrnSma 240. 2 J. II. 198.

3 'Ali Jâh was the eldest son of
Nizâm 'Alî K. and died in 1795, before
his father. (Beale).

* dar pâs âshnâi be misal bûd. The
18

author of the Maaşir says somewhere
that the Deccanis are unequalled for
the constaney of their friendships.

6 See Siyaru-1-M. III. 303 note. for
a reference to Şafdar's widow.

138

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

139

W as appointed governor of Oudh by Muhammad Shah and he,
after chastising the rebels there, brought them into subjectıon
in 1155 1742 he, at the emperor 's order, went to Patna to assıst
'Alî Verdî K ' the governor of Bengal, where the Mahrattas were
making a disturbance. As a reward he received charge of the
forts of RohtâB and Chunar, but as 'Alî Verdî suspected some
thing he procured an order from the emperor directing hım to
desist from helping him, and he returned to his own provmce. in
1156 he came to court in obedience bo a summons and was made
superintendent of the artillery. in 1159, 1746, the province of
Allahabad was made över to him on the death of 'Umdatu-1-
mulk Amîr K, in 1 1 61 when the Durrânî Shah (Ahmad) marched
from Qandahar to attack India, and passed beyond Lahore, he
to support the emperor's orders, proceeded to Sirhindalong wıth
Sultan Ahmad Shah, and after I'timâdu-d-daula Qamaru-d-dm
was killed he stood firm and displayed vigour until the Durranı
Shah retreated. When, one month aftenvards, Muhammad Shah
died on 27 Rabîu-s-sânî of that year, 16 April 1748, and Ahmad
Shah sate on the throne, and shortly afterwards news came of the
death of Âsaf Jâh, Şafdar Jang put on the Vizier s robes. As he
was displeased with 'Alî Muhammad K. Rohilla he «tured^up
Qâîm K. Bangash against S'aad üllah K., the son of the saıd
Rohilla, When Qâîm K. and his brothers were killed, as has been
detaüed* in the biography of his father, Muhammad K. Bangash,
Safdar Jang stirred up the emperor against Ahmad K. Bangash,
the brother of Qâîm K., and demanded the latter's property.
The emperor halted in Alîgarh (Kol), and Şafdar Jang marched to
the Ganges from which Farakhabad was twenty kos distant. The
mother of Ahmad K. came and settled the mat! er for sixty
lacs of rupees, and the emperor returned to the capıtal. Şafdar
Jang in order to collect the promised money atayed for some time
and set about confiscating the properties of Ahmad K. He placed
Qanauj Newal 3 Rai of the Kayath caste, who had formerly held

l See Siyaru-1-M. III. 287.
« Maasir III. 772.
8 Siyaru-1-M. IH. 290. Irvine's
Pangash Nawab», J. A. S. B. for 1879,

pp. 60 and 64. Nawal or Neval Bai
was killed in the battle of Khudâgaon
in August 1750.

a lovv office on his establishment, but had been gradually promoted,
and was now Naib of Oudh , and went himself to court. Newal
Rai was killed in a battle wifch the Afghans, and Şafdar Jang set
about collecting an arrny, and in concert with Sûraj Mal the Jat
marched against Ahmad K. Bangash. A battle ensued in which
he was disgracefully defeated, 1 and in 1163, 1750, he went to the
capital. Meanwhile Ahmad K. Batigash stirred up strife in
Allahabad and Oudh and failed not to plunder and burn every-
where. Next year Şafdar Jang joined with Mulhar Holkar and Jai
Âpâ (Jyâpa) Scindiah — who were two influentiâl Mahratta leaders—
and addressed himself to confronting Ahmad K. This time the
Afghans were defeated/ and they went off and took refuge on
the slopes of the Madârih hills, which are a branch of those of
Kumaon. At last they were reduced to make supplications, and
to make a peace on ternıs satisfactory to Şafdar Jang. Meanwhile
news came of the approach of Ahmad Shah Durrânî from Lahore
to Delhi, and Şafdar Jang in accordance with the emperor's order
took Holkar with him by the promise of a large subsidy and came
to Delhi in 1165, As Javîd K. Bahâdur the eunuch, who was the
centre of affairs, had made an agreement with Qalandar K. the
ambassador of Shah Durrânî, and then sent him back, Şafdar J.,
who did not like the eunuch, invited him one day to his house, and
put 3 him to death, and took charge of the business of the sover-
eignty. Afterwards. the emperor, at the instigation of Intizâmu
d-daula, the Khân-Khânân, son of Qamaru-d-dîn K., sent him a
message that he should give * up the superintendentship of the
ghusUçhâna and the artillery. He understood the object, and
stayed in his house for some days and then applied for his dis-
missal. As it was not granted he went off without leave and
halted at two kos from the city. Every day there was an increase
of disturbance till at last Şafdar Jang raised up a fictitious prince.
Ahmad Shah appointed Intizâmu-d-daula vizier in his room.

1 InSeptember 1750. Irvine l.c. 74.

i Siyaru-l-M.III.306. Irvine l.c. 98.
The defeat was in April — May 1751.
The Madârih range is mentioned in the
Siyar M. Persian text.

s Siyar M. 328, Elliot VIII. 133
and 317. The raurder was on 28
August, 1762.

* Siyaru-1-M. III.*330.

140

THE MAASIR-UI/-TTMARA.

'Imâdu-1-mulk engaged in fighting with Şafdar Jang, and the
contest went on for six months. At last by the mediation of
Intizâmu-d daula peace was made on the agreement that Şafdar
should retain the provinces of Allahabad and Oudh. Şafdar Jang
set out for his government and died ' on 17 Zîlhajja 1 167, 5 October
1754. A separate account has been given of his son Shujâ'-u-d-
daulah.

ABÜ NAŞR KHÂN, SON OF SHAISTA KHÂN.

in the 23rd year of the reign of Aurangzeb he was appointed *
to the service of *Arz Mukarrar (Revision of petitions) in the place
of Latîf ' Ullah K. in the 24th year when Sultan Muhammad Akbar
showed signs of rebellion, and there was only a small force in
attendance on the king, Asad K. was sent in advance to the tank
Püshkar, 3 and Abü Naşr was sent along with him. Afterwards he
becarae Qürbegî, and in the 25th year was removed from office.
Afterwards he was made governor of Kashmir. and in the 4 İst
year he was removed from there and appointed to the government
of Lahore in the room of Mukarram K. For some cause he lost
his mariiab and in the45th year he was again received into favour
and made governor of Malwa in the room of Mukhtâr K. and had
a manşab of 3000 with 1500 horse. Af ter that he was for a time
attached to Bengal. in the 49th year he was made governor of
Oudh and held a commission of 3000 with 2500 horse. Nothing
is known of him after that.

l He died at PâparghSt (Beale).
The Siyar M. III. 339 has. Mahdîghât.

s Maaşir 'Âlamgîri, 188.

3 Text tâlâb-i- Bhakar; but the
place meant is really the famous
saered tank Püshkar, described in
the Rajputana Gazetteer II. 67. and
which according to the Khulâşat
Tawârîklı and the Araish Mahfil is
three kos from Ajmere. in the Bib.
Ind. edition of the Âîn the place is
also \vrongly spelt Bhakar, and henee
we have in Jarreft II. 267 Bhakar
with variants, none of which is right.
Aurangzeb waş theıı in the city of

Ajmere and preparing to encounter his
son Muhammad Akbar who had joined
the Rajputs and was meditating re-
bellion. He afterwards fled to the
Mahrattas and eventually went to
Persia and died there. He left his
wives and children behind him. in
the Maaşir 'Âlamgîri the Püshkar tank
is apparently called the Rânâ'stank
Tâlab-i-Pvânâ. Here too, p. 200, Püsh-
kar is misspelt as Bhakar. Apparent-
ly Asad K. and Abü Naşr were_sent
to Püshkar to intorview Shah 'Alanı
(afterwards Bahâdur Shah).

THE MAASIR-TJL-TJMABA.

141

( MİRZA ) ABU S'AID.
Grandson of I'timâdu-d-daulah and brother's son of Nür
JahânBegam. He was f amous for his beauty and princeliness, and
he had great taste both in dress and food. He looked after
carpets, ete, and in ornamentation and style and in ali worldly
matters he was distinguished, so that in those respects none of his
equals or rather of his superiors could come up to him. He had
such nicety and sueh lofty ideas that sometimes he was stili
arranging his turban when news came that the darbâr was broken
up, and sometimes when he was not contented with the arrange-
ment of his turban he put off his riding. By the favour of his
grandfather he arrived at high dignities and held his head high.
He was so haughty and mighty that he regarded neither the
earth nor the heavens (fulk-u-mulk).

As his handwriting resembled that of I'timâdu-d-daula, he,
in the time of the viziership (of the latter), signed most of the
grants and cheques. After I'timâdu-d-daula's death he from in-
experience and youth quarrelled with his (paternal) uncle Âşaf
Jâhî and made a league with Mahâbat K. He also became inti-
mate vvith Prince Sultan Parvez and attained to a high position.
He went to the Deccan in company with the prince , and after his
death came to court. in the 22nd year of Jahangir he was made
governor of Tatta (Sind), and when Shah Jahan came to the
throne he, on account of disagreement with Yemenu-d-daula Asaf
K., was degraded from his office and influence and was allowed an
annual pension of Rs. 30,000. For a long time he lived in retire-
ment with comfort and tranquillity. İn the 23rd year, at the
request of the Begam Şâhib he was made faujdâr of Ajmere and
had the rank of 2000 with 800 horse. As he had the dâu-ş-ş'alab
(the fox's disease) he could not attend to business. in the 26th
year he received an allowance of Rs. 40,000 and again lived in
retirement in Agra and spent the rest of his life in careless ease.
He died in the beginning of Aurangzeb's reign. He had a
poetical vein and earnestly desired to compose eloquent divans.
He made a seleetion of many poems and called it the Khulâsa-
i-Künîn (the cream of two vvorlds). His son Hamîdu-d-din K.
was successful by being the companion of Prince Aurangzeb.

142

THE MAASIR-TJIi-UMARA.

Afterthe battle with Rajah Jeswant Singh-which was the first
crowning victory— he had the title of Khânazâd K. Af ter that his
name became Khânî. in the 26th year, on the death of Kurram
Ullah, he was made faujdâr of Müngî Pattan which is 20 kos froin
Aurangabad, and on the barıks of the Godavery. in the 29th
year he was governor of the fort of Qandhâr in the Deccan.

(MIR) ABÜ TÜRÂB 1 GUJRÂTl.

He belonged to the Salamı Saiyids of Shiraz. His grandfather
Mir 'lnayatu-d-dîn Sar Ullah— who was also called Hibbat Ullah,
and wascommonly known as Saiyid Shâh Mir-had attained great
proficiency in the acquired sciences, and was a school-fellow of
Amir Sadru-d-dîn. » He came to Gujarftt in the time of Sultan
Qutbu-d-dînthe grandson of Sultan Ahmad-from whom Ahmada-
bad derives its name. After some time he returned to his home,
and again at the time of the disturbance of Shah Ism'aîl Şafavî
(the first) came to Gujarât during the reign of Sultan Mahmûd
Bîgarah , with his son Mir Kamalu-d-dîn , who was the f ather of Abu
Turâb. 'üe-took up his abode in Campânîr— Mahnıüdabad, the
former capital of the Sultans. He set up as a teaeher, and he also
wrote useful books. He left good sons. The best of them was
Mir Kam&lu-d-din, who was distinguished for outward and ınward
perfections When he died, leaving a good name behind him , Abü
Turâb remained as the eldest of the brothers and cousins. The
family of these Saiyids is connected with the Maghrabıh order,
the lamp of which order was S. Ahmad* Khattû. Tbey are
called Salami because apparently it happened that oneof theır
aneestors had heard the sound of a reply to his greetjng when he
visited the tomb of the Prophet; Peace be upon hım and his

family !

Mır Abü-Turâb acquired influence in that country by his up-
rightness and akili, in the year when Akbar unfurledhis standards
there the Mir appeared before him sooner than the other Amırs

1 B. 500. The grandfather 's name
is there given as Ghiâşu d-dîn as in
A/N. IH- 217.

î One of Sultan Husain Baıqrâ's

officers. See Habîbu-s-siyar. The
account of A.T. is taken fronı A.N.
III. 217.

3 Bayley's Gujrat, 90.

THE MAASTR-ÜL-UMABA.

143

of Gujarftt. At the station of Jotftna, Khwâja Muhammad HaravI
and Kh&n 'Alam reo«iw©d him and introduced him, and he was
ezaited by performtng the prostration. When, before the royal
standarda halted at Ahmadabad, an order was given that every
oûe of the Gujar&t officers who had gathered together in the royal
aroy, should ' give bail, so that there might be no mistake made
in eaotiousness, I'timad K., who had held supreme sway in that
country, became security for ali except the Abyssinians, and Mîr
Abü Turâb went bail for I' timâd. Af terwards when nearly half of
the country had been assigned to I'timad and the other officers of
Gujarftt, the royal retinue proceeded towards Cambay to see the
ooean, and Ikhtiyâru-1-mulk Gujarâtî from şhort-sightedness and
turbulenoe fled from Ahmadabad. I'timad and ali the others who
had taken the oath were on the point of going off when Mîr Abü
Turâb arrived and engaged them in talk. They were near im-
prisoning him and oarrying him off with them when Shahbâz K.
came from the king, and so theirevil intentions did not result in
action. The loyalty of Abü Turâb was again conspicuous, and he
reoeived royal favours. From that time he was always in favour.
in the 22nd year, 985,* 1577, he was appointed to the high
post of leader of the pilgrims' caravan, and five lacs of rupees and
10,000 robes 1 of honour were given to him for distribution to the
needy at Mecca. in the 24th year (987) news came that he had
aooomplished the journey and that he was brînging with him an
impression of the Prophet's foot. On him be the benediction of
purity ! He repofted that this was the fellow of the one that
Saiyid Jalâl Bokhârî had brought to Delhi in the time of Fîrüz
Shah. Akbar ordered that the Mîr should halt with the caravan
at the distance of four kos from Agra. There, in accordance with
commands, the court- officers prepared a pleasure-house, and the
king with the great officers and learned men came and placed that
piece of stone — which was dearer than life — on h' 8 shoülders and
walked some paces. The nobles, by relays, respectfully carried

1 A.N. UI. 7.

* Test 989, but both this and the variant 982 are wrong.
was 985. See A.N. III. 217.

S khil'at, but probably in this case ordinary süite of clothes,

The 22nd year

144

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

it to the city, and by the king's direction it was placed in the
Mir 's lodging. Khair alqadam, Hail to the footsteps, is the
chronogram (987).

The explanation given by inquirers is that a report was cur-
rent at the time that the king claimed the gift of prophecy
and asserted that he was an apostle, and that he had a low
opinion of the Muhammadan religion— which will endure to the end
of the world— and that he was trying to set it aside ; God preserve
us! Accordingly in order to muzzle men's mouths, this respect
and honour took place out of artificiality. And the words of
Abü-1-fazl support this view, for he says that although H.M. knew
that the relic was not genuine, and though cognoscenti had pro-
nounced it to be spurious, yet he, in order to retain the veil andto
preserve the respect (for the Prophet) and not to disgrace the
simple-minded Saiyid, and to prevent the sarcastie from sneering,
showed snch reverence to the relic. Many who from wickedness
had indulged in slanders were put to shame by this behaviour ! '

in the 29th year when the government of Gujarât came to
I'tlmâd K.— who for year s hadruled it — Mir Abü Turâb was made
Amîn and went off to Gujarât with his two brothers' sons Mîr
Muhibb Ullah and Mîr Sharafu-d-dîn. Up to the year 1005, 2
1596-97, the lamp of his life remained burning. He is buried in
Ahmadabad. His son Mîr Gadai had a place among Akbar's
officers, and under the guise of service he did not abandon the
character of Saiyidship and Shaikhship.

1 The passage purports to be a
quotation from the A.N., but it is not
exact. See Vol. III. A.N. 281.

* As pointedout by RieuHL 968a,
the Mirât-i-Ahmadî states that Abü
Turâb died in 1003. At p. 41 of Part
II. of that work, lith. ed., it is stated
that the date of death is 13 Jamâda-
al-awwal 1003 (14 Jamıary, 1595).

Abü Turâb is. the author of a history
of Gujarât B.M. MS. Or. 1818. Ac-
cording to Rieu, his grandfather's
name was Ghiyâsu-d-dîn , and his
father's Qutbu-d-dîn. His son Mir
Gadai is mentioned in Blochmann,
506. The text of Abu Turab's history
was publishedby Dr. Denison Rosa in
the Bib. Ind. in 1 909.

THE MA ASIR-rtr UMARA. 145

PART II.

ADHAM KHAN KOKA.

Younger ' son of Maham Anaga, who by the abundance of her
understanding and the straightness of her loyalty had much in-
fluence över Akbar. From the cradle to the throne she was a
favourite, from her length of service and her reliability. She
took aleading part in the overthrow of Bairâm Khân, andconducted
the political and financial affairs.. Though Mun'îm Khân was the
Vakil of the State, she managed everything. Adham Khân was
a Panj-hazâri. He first acquired a name by his heroism during the
siege of Mânkot when he was in attendance on His Majesty.
That fortress was in the Siwaliks on the summit of a lofty hill,
and consisted of four forts built in a wonderfuI way on the top
of small hills, so that the whole seemed to be one fortress.
Selim Shah laid the foundations of it at the time he returned from
the Ghakar campaign, in order that it might be a protection to the
Panjab. He wished to depopulate Lahore and to develop
Mânkot. For the former was a great city and the habitation
of divers traders, and men of various classes. it could easily
produce a large and well-equipped army. As it was on the
route of the Mughul army (from Kabul) the latter might come
there and get much assistance, and things might pasa beyond
the power of remedies. While occupied with those thoughts he
died. in the second year Sikandar Sür took refuge there, but
at last was admitted to quarter, and delivered över the fortress.
in the thirdyear Bairâm K., who was always suspicions of Adham
Khân, gave him as his jâgîr Hatkântha near Agfa, which was
inhabited by Bhadûriyas, who were notorious for their rebelliousness
and turbulent opposition to kings ; so that both might the rebelli-
ous be punished and also Adham be kept away from the Presence.
He was sent there along with some other officers, and he by
his energy reduced the district into order. After Bairâm's fail
Akbar sent him along with Pir Muhammad K. Shirwftnî and
others, in the end of the fifth year and begjnning of the sixth

1 Blochmann 333.

■ril

146

THE MAASIR-TTL-TTMARA.

(968, 1561), to conquer Mâlwa, as the injustice and folly of Bâz
Bahâdur had been repeatedly reported to H.M. When Adham
reached Sârangpür, which was Bâz Bahâdur's capital, the latter
came a little to his senses and prepared to fight. There were
gallant contests on both sides, but at last Bâz Bahâdur was
defeated and fled to Khandes. Adham rapidly marched to
Sârangpür and took possession of ali Bâz Bahâdur's property,
including his dancing girls and songtresses, who were famous
throughout the world. These successes made him presumptuous , in
spite of Pir Muhammad Shirwânî's eounsels. He divided the
territory of Mâlwa among the officers and sent a few elephants
by Şâdiq Khân to H.M. He himself indulged in pleasure. Akbar
was displeased. He regarded his correction as the most important
matter, and made a rapid journey from Agra and arrived in sixteen
days, viz., on 27th Shabân of the sixth year, 13th May 1561.
Wheû Adham had marched out two kos from Sârangpür in order
to take the fort of Gâgraun, H.M. suddenly appeared. On
learning this Adham paid his respeots. H.M. proceeded to
Adham's quarters and alighted there. They say that Adham
had evil designs, and sought for a pretext (for killing Akbar).
Next day Mâham Anaga arrived with the ladies. She roused her
son from his slumber of neglect and caused him to pay the res-
pects of offering presents and holding feasts, and to produce
for H.M. 's inspection whatever of Bâz Bahâdur's had come
into his possession, whether animate or inanimate, as well as
ali the dancing girls. H.M. returned some of the things to
him, and after a halt of four days, set out again for Agra. They
say that when he was returning, Adham Khân induced his
mother-^who was in charge of the harem— at the first stage
«ecretly to make över to him two beautiful dancing girls of Bâz
Bahâdur. He thought that no one would notice this, but by
chance H.M. came at önce to know of it, and ordered them
to be searched for. Adham Khân became alarmed and let the
girls loose to wander in the fields. When they were caught and
brought back, Mâham Anaga put those innocent women to death.
Akbar winked at this, but in the same year committed Mahva to
the charge of Pir Muhammad K. and recalled Adham K. to court.

THE MAASlB-ULrPMARA.

147

Adham K. was tilled with envy when Skamsu-d-dîn Muham-
mad K. Atka obtained the chief control of affaira, and Mun'îm K.,
who had similar feelings, was alwaya stirring him up to wrath.
At last on 12th Ramzân of the 7th year, 16th May 1582,
when the Atgah Khân and Mun'im K. and other officers
were in the Hail of State, engaged in public business, Adham K.
came in with a number of ruffians. The Atgah Khân raised
himself half up, and ali the others stood up to do him honour.
Adham laid his hand on his dagger and went towards the Atgah
Khân, and made a signal to his companions. They wounded and
slew the Atgah, and then Adham audaciously took his sword İn
his hand and went towards the female apartments and got
up on the raised verandah which went round the harem. A
great uproar ensued, and Akbar awoke and putting his head
out över the wall inquired what had happened. Then he came
out in wrath, sword in hand. As soon as he saw Adham K. he
said, "Son of a bitch, why have you slain my Atgah? (foster-
father)." Adham ran forward and seized Akbar's hands and said
" Your Majesty, consider the matter, there has beeh (only) a"
httle scrimmage." • The king withdrew his hand from his clasp
and struck him in the face with his fist with such foroe that he feU
to the ground. To Parhat Khân Khâşa Khail and Sangrâm
Husnak, who were standing there, he said, " What are you
gazmgat.bindthis madman." They obeyed and bound him
Akbar bade them fling him down from the terrace, head föremost
lhey d!d this twioe, and his neck was broken. in thîs manner
the ımptous shedder of blood received the retribution of his deeds
in the year 969, 1562. I n accordance ™th orders both bodies
were conveyed to Delhi, and the chronogram Dü khün shud,
(Ihere vvere two murders), 970, was composed. They say Mâham
Anaga, who was then on a bed of sickness, heard that Adham K
had committed such an outrage, and had been imprisoned by the
king. Maternal love made her get up and come to the king, think-
ıng that perhaps he would release her son. The king on
seeing her said, «Adham küled our Atgah, and we have Jalled

andaki talüih. Ci: the phrase tal&sh-u purlcâsh ia BâdshShnSm» n, «el.

1 48 THK MAASlSrTJIr-irMA&A.

him. " That prudent lady said , " Your Majesty has done well.' '
But she did not know that her son had been capitally punished.
When she came to be certain of this, she out of respect did not
utfcer any laments, but the oolour lef t her cheeks and her heart re-
ceived a thousand wounds. H.M. out of regard for her long ser-
vice spoke comfortably to her and dismissed her to her home.
There she sate in sorrow, and her illness grew worse. Forty days
af ter the occurrence she departed to the other world. H.M. show-
ed his pity by escorting the body for some distance and sent it off
to Delhi with ali reverence, where a grand building was erected
över the tombs of Mâham Anaga and Adham Khân. 1

AFZAL KHAN.
His name is Khvrâja Sultan 'Alî. His first employment was
as ashrâf-i-khazâna (accountant) in the establishment of Hümâyûn.
On account of his straightness and ability he was the recipient of
favours and in 956 (1549) he was made the head of the Diwân-i-
Mjarch (the offiee disbursements, i.e., he was made mashraf-i-
buyütât). When in the year 957 Mîrzâ Kâmrân the younger brother
of Hümâyûn became opposed to his elder brother, who was kinder
to him than a father, and established himself in Kabul, he treated
the royal clerks and servants with severity and put the Khwâja
in prison, and extorted money and goods. When the king
(Hümâyûn) resolved to march to India, the Khwâja was taised
to the rank of Mîr Bakhshî (chief paymaster). When Hümâyûn
died, Tardı Beg Khân, who claimed to be Amîru-l-Umarâ , under-
took, in conjunction with the Khwâja, the management of Delhi.
The Khwâja in the battle with the notorious Hemû had the charge
of the centre assigned to him, along with other officers, and when

tWB MAASra-tTIı-UMARA.

149

1 İt serana probable that Adham
was the son of Nadim Koka, or at
least that the latter was MSham
Anaga' 9 husband. See B.A.S.J. for
January 1889, p. 99, and Addendum
50, and second Addenda No. 67 to
m y translation of the Akbarnama.
Adham's eldef brotheı wae BSqî K.
See B. 323. in the original edition of

the Maaşir Adham's was the first life.
As regards Adham's parentage, refer-
ence may be made to the similar case
of liangtosh whom Manuoci supposes
to have been an illegitimate son of
Aurangzeb, Manueci, Irvine II. 43.
The account of Adham's murder of
the Atgah K. , ete. , is taken from Akbar-
nâmah II. 175.

Hemû attacked the oentre, the Khwâja gave way together with
Ashraf Khân Mîr Munshî and Maulânâ Pîr Muhammad Shirwânî—
who were seeking an opportunity for ruining Tardî Beg the
oommander-in-chief — and took to flight. When the officers arrived ,
ashamed and disgraced, at the camp of Ak bar — who had come
from the Panjab to Sirhind with the intention of giving battle to
Hemû — Bairâm Khan at önce put Tardî Beg to death, and kept
the Khwâja and the Mîr Munshî— who were suspected of treachery
and bribery— under surveillance. After that the Khwâja and the
Mir Munshî took to flight and went off to the Hijâz. in the fîfth
year of Akbar's reign they had the felicity of paying their respects,
and the Khwâja was received graciously and raised to the rank .of
3000. The compiler l (stiteher) of the scattered pages has not
ascertained what finally became of the Khwâja or when he died.

AFZAL * KHAN 'ALLÂMl MULLA 8HÜKRULLAH SHÎRAZl.
After acquiring learning in Shiraz, the abode of knowledge, he
for a time occupied himself with teaching the ordinary sciences.
When he came by sea to Surat and thence proceeded to Bur-
hânpûr, the Khân-Khânân, who was a magnet for the attraction
of hearts, captured him and took çare of him, and chose him for a
companion. After that he attached himself to Prince Shah Jahan,
and became the law-officer (Mîr 'Adil) of his army. in the affair
of the Rânâ (of Udaipür) he was his secretary and confidant.
When by his good counsels peace was made with the Rânâ, his
reputation inereased and he became the prince 's diwân. After the
campaign was över he received at the request of Shah Jahan
the title of Afzal Khân. in the Deccan he went on behalf of the.
Prince to Bijâpür in company with the 'Adil Shâhî vakils and
brought 'Âdil Shah to the highvvay of sincerity and obedience, and
conveyed to the. prince as tribute 50 elephants, rare curiosities
adorned weapons, and money. in the 17th year the prince

1 it would appear from this sen-

tence that this biography, or at least

this remark, was made by Abdu-1-

Hayy, but it is not signed Q. There

of Afzal in B. 376. He iş

batî by A. F. , which means

either that he came from Turbat, or
that he was of the Turbat elan. See
Blochmann, 348, No. 37. The last
mention of Afzal seems to be at p.
lllof A.N. II.

* PSdshâhnâma II. 339-40.

150

THÜ MAASIR-tTL-UMARA.

obtained pargana Dholpür as his fief and sent Darya K. to take
charge of it. Before this a request had made that the pargana
should be assigned to Sultan Shahriyar, and Sharîfu-1-mulk took
possession of it on his behalf. it came to * âght 1 between
the two, and it chanced that a gun-shot entered the eyes of
Sharîfu-1-mulk and blinded hini. This suppüed the teaven for a
disturbance. Nür Jahân Begam, who espoused the cause of
Shahriyar, became angry, and Jahangir, who had handed the
bridle of his power to her, became alienated from, his heir. The
prinee who had been summoned to the presence from the Deocan
for the affair of Qandahar stayed his progress and Shahriyar was
appointed to the campaign under the guardianship of M. Rustum.
An order was giyen to the Prinee that in lieu of his old jagirs he
should take from the Deccan, Gujarat, or Mâlwa, whatever plaoe
he wished and should settle there, and that he should send
ofl the auxiliary officers for the purpose of the Qandahar
campaign. The object was that if the prinee submitted to
yield up the jâgîrs and to par t with the men, there would then
oocur another rift in his consideration and establishment, and
that if he made a disturbance, and became disrespeetful, there
would be a pretext for punishing him. Af ter that what other
strange things might not happen ?

The prinee sent Afzal K. to court in order that he might cori-
vince Jahangir by arguments that the plan was ali wrong, and that
to take a light view of such an important business could only bear
the fruitof evil to the State. He ought not to make över everything
to women/ but apply his own far-seeing mind to affairs. Ifc
would be a sad thing if there should be any breach in the devotion
of this faithful follovver (Shah Jahan). İf Jahangir ordered, at
the word of the Begam, that his jâgîr should be taken away, how
could he live among enemies ?

Herequested that the fief s of Mâlwa and Gujarat should also
be taken from him and that the port of Surat, which was the
gate of Mecca, might be granted to him ; n order that he might go
there and became an anehorite.

1 Cf. Elliot VI. 383.

» KhSfi K. 1.331.

TKB MAASnUTL-TTMARA.

151

The sole desire of the prinee was that perhaps the dust
of disturbance which had been raised might be laid by the
sprinkhng of soothmentand moderation, ajıd that the veil of res-
pect and reverence might not be rent. But the intriguers and
ill-wishers had not prepared the materials of strife in order that
things might be put right by Afzal Khân. Though Jahangir
was touched and made suggestions to the Begam, she only became
more insistent, and her enmity inereased, and Afzal was dis-
missed without gaining his object. 1 When the prinee became
convinced that whatever submissions he might make would be
imputed to weakness, and wouId encourage his enemies to go
further, he perceived that it was necessary to hurry off before the
royal army was gathered together ; possibly the veil (between
himself and his father) might hereaf ter be removed. As this story
has been told elsewhere in these pages, we shall not repeat
it, but proceed with the biography of Afzal.

Af ter the prinee turned his rein and, without visiting his
father, wentto Manda and then established himself at Burhanpûr,
Afzal K. was sent off to Bijapur to dispose of some business.
When the prinee did not, on account of the approach of the
imperial troops, think it âdvişable to remain in Burhanpûr, he
decided to go to Bengal by the route of Telingâna. Many of his
servants became unfaithful and M. Muhammad the son of Afzal
K. also fled with his family, and chose separation. The prinee
sent Saiyid J'aafar* known as Shuja'at K. with Khân Qulî Uzbeg,
the elder brother of Qulîj K. Shahjahânî, af ter him with orders to
bring him back if possible. Otherwise they were to bring his head.
He was bold, and stood and fired his arrows. Though they used
soo thing words it was of no avail. He got rid of Khân Qulî and
wounded Saiyid J'aafar. He himself bfavely gaye up his life. As
the prinee was always trying to amend the past, and sought to
please his august father, he after returning from Bengal sent Afzal
K. with suitable presents in 1035, 1626, the 20th year of Jahangir 's

1 ÇhSfi K. T. 332.
* See KhSfi K. I. 343 who oalls
him Muhanmıad J'aafar. He killed

Saiyid j'aafar and was killed himself.
He was the son of the Afzal who
is the subject of this biography.

152

THB MAASIB-TTL-tJMARA.

reign, to court, but Jahangir unkindly detained ' Af çal K. and
exalted him by making him his Khânsâmafi (steward). in the
22nd year when Jahangir proceeded to Kashmir Afzal remained in
Lahore on account of the difficulties of the journey and the
work connected with the household. On the way back the in-
evitable event (the death of Jahangir) occarred. Shahriyâr made
himself be nominated to the sovereignty in Lahore and made
Afzal his vakil and the centre of ali his affairs. As he in his
secret heart was a well-wisher of Shah Jahan, on the day
when Shahriyâr drew up an army and appointed it under com-
mand of Sultan Bâîsanghar to oppose Âşaf Khan, and himself
mounted and went af ter it, Afzal represented that Şhahriyâr's
going was not advisable, and that he should wait tül news came
from the army (lashkar, perhaps it means camp here). By
his arguments he delayed him till men without substance (Ut.
without hands or feet) who had been gathered merely by a waste
of money and were without a leader, dispersed without any
real contest, and Shahriyâr crept helplessly into the citadel. When
in 1037, 1628, Shah Jahan ascended the throne of India, Afzal
came from Lahore on 26 Jumâda *-al-akhir of the fîrst year, 22
February 1628, and did homage. He was promoted to the office
of Mir- Saman (major-domo) and had an increase of 500 with 500
horse, and so had the rank of 4000 zât (personality) with 2000 horse-
in the second year he was made Chief Divvân 3 (Diwân^i-kull)
in the room of Irâdat M. Sâwajî, and had an increase of 1000
with 1000 horse. The chronogram * is Shud Flâtûn rvazir-i-Iskaridar.
"Plato beoame the vizier of Alexander " (1038, 1628-29). in the
6th year he begged that Shah Jahan would hohour him by visit-
ing his house which was called and dated Manzal Afzal's
" House of exaltation " or " House of Afzal " (1038, 1628-29). From
the place of mounting to the house itself — a distance of twenty-

1 The Iqbâlnâma 248 says that in
the 20th year the rank of 1500 trith
1500 horse, &c, and sent him haok.
it looka as if the two oecasions of
Afzal's coming to Lahore had been
mixed up. Perhapa ne came agahı

when Shah Jahan aubmitted to his
father and was reeeived into favour
and made steward.

* Pâdshâhnâma I. 176 sayş 23rd.

* do. 257.

* do. 495.

THE MAASIR-UL-ITMABA.

153

five jartbs, 1 varieties of carpets, were laid down. in the llth
year his head was raised as higb as Satürn by his obtaining the
manzah of 7000. in the 12th year, when his age was 70, bodily
illness prevailed över him, and the appearance of departure were
visible on the cheek of his condition. Shah Jahan visited him and
shevved him the kindness of inquiries. On 12 Ramzân 1048, 7th
January 1 639, in Lahore, he departed from this sad world. The
date of his death was found to be Z khûbt bard gol niknâmi, 1048.

"He carried off the bal! of a good name for excellenoe "
(that is, he surpassed ali in the goodness of his reputation).

The excellent man was irreproachable in conduct. Shah Jahan
frequently said that in eight and twenty years of service he had
never heard from Afzal Khan a bad word against anyone. He
was the admirable of the age for e!oquence, and he was skilfui
in astronomy and mathematics and in accounts. What they say,
viz., that with ali his acience and learning he never put anything
on paper, and that he did not know figures, is probably based
upon his dignity and indifference. Indeed he put everything
upon his peshkar, Dîânat Rai Nâgar * Gujarâtî. it was he who
conducted ali the examinations. So that a wit said in an elegy
af ter his death that when the angel put the quesfcion in the tomb, 8
the Khan replied, " Ask Dîânat Rai, he will answeryou." His tomb
is ori the other side of the Jamna at Agra. He lef t no children-
His brother's son 'rnâyat Ullah K. who had the title of 'Âqil K.
w as brought up by him as a son.

AGHR (AGHÜZ)*KHAN PIR MUHAMMAD.

One of Aurangzeb's officers. His tribe was connected with the
Aghuz (Oghuz, who was one of the descendants of Japhet, the son

< A jarîb- is about 55 yarda in
length, and so the distanoe would be
nearly 1400 yds., about three quarters
of a mile.

2 A tribe, PâdshâhnSma I. 365.
They ar» brahmans.

8 Afzal's tomb is the famous Chîni
kâ Rauza on the left bank of the
Jamna between I'timâdu-d-daulah's
tomb and the Taj. it is the subject of

a no tice in the Archsological reports.
See Beale. Afzal was a poet and
wrote under the name of 'Allâm-i
His coming to Jahangir in the 1 7th
year, 1030, 1621, with the spoils ob-
tained from the Rânâ is mentioned
in KhâB K. I. 322. The Chînî kâ
Rauza is noticed in Keene's Guide to
Agra.

+ Text Aghar. See A.N. I. 171 trans-

154

THK MAASIK-UL-TTMAEA.

of Noah , — Peace be upon him ! Hence they are called by this name.
Many of them havebeen renovvned fpr courage and have devot-
ed their lives in every oountry. in the time of Shah Jahan one of
them, by name- Husain Qulî, who joined the king's service with
his troop (tuman) attained the rank of lf>00, with 800 hoTse,
and the title of Khân, and died in the 25th year. Aghuz K.
in the first year of 'Âlamgîr Aurangzeb) became the head of his
tribe and went in company with pf inces Muhammad Sultan and
M'uazzam K. in pursuit of Shujâ' towards Bengal. in the battles
there he gave proof of courage. They say that one day the army
had to cross the Ganges while on the other side Muhammad
Shujâ's men were ready to offer opposition. Aghuz, who was the
scout, and was in front of Diler A., the head of the vanguard,
pufc his horse into the river and, on arriving at the other side,
engaged in a hand-to-hand çombat. A warlike (mast) elephant
which was in the enemy's van lifted him and his horse with his
trunk and flung them to a distance. Aghuz immediately killed
the driver with his sword and took his place on the elephant.
Just then Diler K. came up after having seen with his own eyes
what had happened. He praised him and went round and round
jıim. Aghuz. said: "I have taken the elephant for your lordship,
be good enough to give me a horse out of the spare (kot&l) ones.
Diler said : "Be the elephant also bleşsed to you," and sent him
two good horses. 1

in that year Aghuz received the title of Khân and went
with the Khân-Khânân on the Assam oampaign and did great
deeds. The Khân-Khânân (Mîr Jumla) was pleased with him,
but as his Moghuls oppressed the villagers and were wanting in
discipline, nor was prohibition effectual, the Khân-Khânan came
to pass him över. On this account Aghuz became disgusted and
in the 5th year he got his 2 discharge from the Khân-Khânân,
nolens volens, and set off to courfc. Though the Khân-Khânân

ation. The Oghuzsn are referred
to in tire 'ÂfeHngîrnamabkö21, top line.
See also note to aocovuıt of EkatSz !£•
in Maasir.

l The story is told in Khâfî K. II.
95. Diler waa on an elephant at the

time. The river was the Mahananda
in the Maldah district. See the
biography o( Diler K. Dâödıai II. 46 .
« See the details in Khâfî K. II. 167-
160.

THE MAASIB-UL-UMAfcA.

155

wrote about this to his son Muhmmad Amin A. Mîr Bakhşhi,
and A^uz was for a time in disgrace and without an office and
excluded from court, yet aftervvards he was restored and received
into favour, and appointed to the Kabul auxiliaries. Thefe he
exerted ' himself to punish the Khyber Afghans who are always tur -
bulent, and did not fail to attack and kili them, and to destroy
their dwellings. in the 13th year he was summoned to court and
named for the expedition to the Deccan where Sivâ Bhonsla was
giving trouble. There too he distinguished himself, and repeatedly
attacke 1 and defeated the Mahrattas. Aftervvards in accordanee
with a summons, he went to court, and in the 17th year again
went to Kabul. On this occasion too he behaved with courage.
in the 18th year he was thânadâr of Jagdalak, and in the 24tlı — he
had charge of the roads in Afghanistan and was given a kettle-
drum. For years also he carried on the work of the State in the
capital (Kabul?), in the 35th year, when the king summoned him
to the Deccan, and when he arrived near Agra, the Jâts— who at
that time were turbulent and practised highway robbery , attacked
a caravan, and plundered some carts which had f ailen behind and
made the men prisoners. When Aghuz heard of this he attacked
their fort and rescued the prisoners. He rashly proceeded to
attack another fort, and a bullet struck and killed him in 1102,
1691. Aghuz K. 2nd was his son. He gradualîy got his father's
title and was living in the time of Firdüs Ârâmgâh , Muhammad
Shâh. He rose to great fame and died at the appointed time

AHMAD BEGKHAN.
Nephew(brother's son) of ibrahim K. Fath Jang. When his
uncle was governor of Bengal he was governor of Orissa. in the
19th year of Jahangir he was sent against the Zamindar of Kokra*
who had become rebellious. Suddenly nevvs came that Shah
Jahan was coming to Bengal viâ Telingâna. Ahmad Beg vva» forced
to abandon his expedition and to go to Piplî which vvas the capital

1 See 'Alamgirnama 10ü9, and
Khâfî K. II. 237, ete. it appears from
Khâfî K. II. 232, ete, that a poem
waa composed about Agbuz or Aghar
whioh was called the Agharnâraa.

8 Text Khurda, but see notice of
Ibrâhîm Fath Jang. This notice re-
peats a good deal of vvhat has been
aftid in the biography of Ahmad's
uncle Ibrâhîm.

166

THE MAASÜl-UIi-trMABA.

of the province. As he had no power to resist, he carried off his
property to Cuttack, which was twelve kos distaut in the direction of
Bengal. There too he could not protect himself and went off to
Burdwan to Şâih Beg the faujdâr of that place. From there too he
came away and joined his.uncle. On the day of the battle which
ibrahim K. waged against Shah Jahan's troops, Ahmad formed the
reserve with 700 horse. When the engagement became hot, Ibrâhîm's
vanguard gave way and became mingled with Ahmad's force. He
f ought manfully and was wounded. After ibrahim had been killed
on thefield, Ahmad in spiteof his wounds went bravely off toDacca
where were the family and possessions of his uncle. But the army
of Shah Jahan followed at his heels, going by the river, «nd Ahmad
had no resource but to submit. By the intervention of the prince's
courtiers he entered into service. When Shah Jahan became
ruler of India he conferred on Ahmad the rank of 2000, with 1500
horse, and made him faujdâr and tuyuldâr (fief-holder) of Siwistan
(Sehwân). Afterwards he was made deputy of Yemenu-daulah and
made governor of Multan. When that connection came to an end,
he waited on the king and was appointed jâglrdâr of parganas
Amethî and Jâîs appertaining to Lucknow. in the 25th year
he was made faujdâr of Baiswâra (in Oudh) in süccession to
Mukarram Khân Şafavî with an increase of 500, and 500 horse.
in the 28th year he was set aside, and on aocount of some acts was
for some time without a manşab or a jagir. in the 30th year he
was reinstated. 1

AHMED BEG KHÂN KÂBULl.
He was a Caghatai, and his ancestors, generation after genera-
tion, had served the family of Timur. His ancestor Mir Ghiyâşu-
d-dînTarkhân was one of Timur 's amirs. He' himself spent a long
time in Kabul in the service of M. Muhammad Hakim, and he
was classed among the îkatâz * of the Mirza. For the young men
who were distinguished for bravery and were near companions of
the Mirza were known by this name. After the Mirzâ's death he

1 B. 611 supposes that Ahmad
was the son of Muhammad Sharîf
whom Jahangir executed for high
treason.

* Lit. riding or attacking singly, _
and applied to men who singly charged
the enemy (cavaliers seul), (monoma-
chi). Irvine, Army of theMoghuls43.

THB MAASrft-r/L-tTMAKA.

157

came to the court of Akbar and obtained the rank of 700. in the
year 1002, 1594, when Kashmir was taken from M. Yûsuf K.
Reşavi and distributed ' among various nef-holders, he was at
their head. Afterwards when M. J'afar Aşaf K. married his
sister, Ahmad Beg* s importance and influence increased. in
the time of Jahangir he became one of the great officers and had
the rank of 3000, the title of Khân, and the right to a flag. He
was also made governor of Kashmir. in the 13th year he was re-
moved and came to court and died some time aftemards. He
was full of courage, and was also able, and maintained 700
chosen troopers. His sons were ali soldiers and brave men.
The foremost of them was S'aîd K. Bahâdur Zafar Jang who rose
to the highest rank and became the glory of his family. He kept
alive the name of his ancestors. Up to the present day many
things are connected with his name in India. High and low speak
of him. A separate aocount of him has been given. His eldeşt
son Muhammad Mas'aüd was killed * in the Tîrah campaign against
the Afghans. Another son Mukhlaş Ullab K. Iftikhâr K. in the
beginning of Shah Jahan's reign by increase of rank by 500 with
250 horse rose to the rank of 2000, with 1000 horse, and had the
title above mentioned. in the 2nd year he had the increase of
1000 horse and was made faujdâr of Jamü. He afterwards had
another increase of 500 and died in the 4th year. Another son
Abü-1-Baqâ kept company with his elder full brother S'aîd K.
Bahâdur. in the 5th year he was thânadâr of lovrer Bangaah,
and in the 15th year when Qandahar fell into the imperial pos^
session, S'aîd K. as a reward for the battle he waged against the
Persians, obtained the title of Bahâdur Zafar Jang and got the
rank of 1500, with 1000 horse, and the title of Iftikhâr K.

(MIR) AHMAD 3 KH AN.
Son-in-law of Khwâja 'Abdu-r-Rahim Khân-i-biyutât. He
was an honest man of military tastes. in the time of Aurangzeb he
was made bakhshî and wâq'anavis of the army of Shah 'Alî Jâh

ı A.N. III. 664

* Bakar âmida B. 466 has, "He was
killed in the war with the Târîkls,"
and this is the meaning of the phrase

though not given in the dictionaries.

Cf. Khâfî K. I. 345, line 13, andB. 465.

3 Khâfi K. II. 381 uses the phrase

Khân-i-Biyutât and speaks of Mir

158

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

Muhammad A'zim Shah who had the charge of Gujarât. Though
he had a name for harshness and severity which are fit concomi-
tants of truth and honesty, yet in this duty the prince was
pleased with him and favoured him, though he disliked most
writing men. Af ter this, he was made diwân of the army of
Muhammad Bidâr Bakht, and in the 48th year he was made the
prince's deputy in the province of Khandes. At the time when
Shah 'Alam returned after the battle with Kam Bakhşh and
encamped at Burhânpür, he wished to visit and hunt in the
park (ramna) of Karâra, which is a delightful place and a hunting
oround. it ' is three kos from Burhânpür and has a stream of un-
paralleled purity. İn former times a dam had been placed in
the stream opposite Karâra, it was one hundred yards broad
and two yards high and formed a cascade. By the orders of
Shah Jahan who, when he was a prince, had charge of the
Deccan and had beautified the spot, another dam was made in
front of (above?) the former one and at a distance of eighty
yards. Between the two dams there was a lake 100 yards
by 80, and there vvas another cascade from the second dam.
Rows of buildings were erected on the two sides of the lake,
and a small garden vvas made near it. But when the distur-
bance of the Râjpüts and the sedition of the Sikhs came to the
hearing (of Bahâdur Shah) he without delay marched off in the
beginning of Sh'abân of the third year 1121, September 1700, and
left the°Khân to protect the city. By chance, in the 4th year
Tulsî Bai, the wife of one of the Mahratta Sirdârs, made an
attack with a large army, and after plundering the town of
Rânwir -which is seven kos from Burhânpür— besieged the governor
of the fort, who had not power to fight in the field, and had shut
himself up. As the fort was not strong he was nearly being made
prisoner. The Khân in his pride and excessive sense of honour
did not approve of preserving his life in preference to martyrdom,
or of withdrawing from opposing a female *. foe.

Ahmad as being the brother of 'Âbdu-
r-Rahîm.

1 Copied from Pâdshâhnama 1. 331-
332. it is said there that the

stream was as olear as an Aleppo

mirror, and that its breadth in places

waa 100 yards (bâdshâhî, i.e., royal).

* zan lıatViya. Perhaps ' ' a warlike

THS MAAStR-TTL-UMARA.

159

Ver 8e.

What is the/ manliness that is ' less than wömanhness ?

He absolutely cast aside the reins of şelf -con trol and without
gathering an army or making arrangements for attack and retreat
(karr u farr) came to Bahâdurpüra and sallied forth. He sent
yesâıoals and messengers (naqbâ) to summon the manşdbadârs
and servants. The men, who had had a taste of the Khân 's
intensity and impetuosity preferred their honour to their self-
preservation and collected their followers — most of whom were
piadas (footmen) or carriage people* (gardün-sumâr). Next day
the Khân — whose foroe was not more than 700 s troopers — formed
his right and left wings and set off. On the way an encounter
took place, and the flames of combat blazed forth. Though the
leader's grandchildren and other kinsfolk set their hearts upön
dying and slew many of the loe, yet the banditti wounded and
killed many of the heroes with their long lances. The leader
too waş twice wounded in the leg by bullets. Meanwhile S.
Ism'ail Zafrmand K. the faujdâr of Jamûd* — who oommanded the
reserve — came to assist and quenched the victorious flames of
the infidels by the water of the sword. The army of İslam
reached the precincts of the fort of Rânwîr. The battle of arrows
and muskets went on for two days and nights. When the robbers
perceived that the firmness of the combatants could not be
shaken, they went off to the city. Though the Qâzî and the
headmen of the city exerted themselves to protect the city, yet
the suburbs were swept clean by the broom of plunder, and were
consumed by the flames of injustice. On the night 6 of the lOth

woman." Two B. M. MSS. have zan
jarîda "a single woman.'^ But
harbiya is probably right for it cor-
responds to the zanjangi of Khâfî
K. II. 6, where also Ijarbl ocoürs.

1 Perhaps ke shonld be gar " if ".

2 From the mention of mateadiân,
i.e., clerks, in KhSfI K. I.C. I con-
jecture that the phrase gardûn vuıeâr
means here people accustomed only
to ride in carts or carriages.

8 KhSfî K. II. speaks, p. 666, of

800 or 900 troopers besides Mir
Ahmad's own men. But the Mahrat-
tas far outnumbered them. The
battle was fought on 9 Muharram
1122 = 27 February 1710 See Elliot
VII. 422.

* A pargana in Sarkar Dandes.
J. II, 224, 225.

6 Khâfî K. says nothing of this
second attack. Surely Şafr is a mis-
take for Muharram.

160

THE MAASIR-UL-TTMARA.

Şair the Khân went off at night to make a night-attack, and
moved off from the foot of the fort of Rârıwîr. Though some
experienced men said from well-wishing that it was not advisable
to go by night, he did not listen to them. When he came near the
oity, the wicked enemy became aware and stopped his path.
The flames of war burst forth. The brave on both sides shewed
their courage. Mir Ahmad K. with most of his sons and relatives,
and two-thirds of his army, drank the goblet of martyrdom in the
field, Zafrmand K. surpassed the wind in swiftness, and in a
situation in which the dust could not by the path of the wind
reach the city, arrived at the city with one son of the martyred
Khân and a few others. Of the remainder some were wounded
and some were made prisoners. Two sons survived the Khân.
One was Mir Saiyid Muhammad who lived like a darvesh, and was
much respected in that character. The other was Mir Muhâmid
who received his father's title. A separate account of him has
beengiven. (Maaşir III, 760.)

(MIR) AHMAD K. THE SECOND.
Son of the martyred Mîr Ahmad K. wno bravely lost his
life while governor cf Burhânpür in fighting with the Mahratta
ihfidels. At first he had the title of Muhamid K. and afterwards
he had his father's title. For some time he was faujdâr of
Chakla Eminabad 1 in the Panjab. By decree of fate, his wife,
of whom he was exceedingly fond, died there, and he gave himself
up to weeping and lamentation. This heart-rending wound was
like the scar of the tulip on his mind. He applied himself to
building and adorning her tomb and laid out a garden. After-
wards as deputy of 'Inayat Ullah K. Kashmirî, he became
governor of Kashmir. it did not answer, and his lif e ended'in
disgrace. The account of this is as follow&: Mahtavî K. Mullâ
'Abdu-n-nabi *— who was one of the learned of the age and was
one of the officers— was always waiting, under cover of protecting
the islam, to grafcify his own selfish desires. From bigotry

1 A town in Gujranwala. I.G. IV.
352. The UmiaâbSd of J. II. 319.

s SiyarM.I. 57, ıKhSfi K. II. 867,
»Iso calls him Mahbüb Khân.

THE MAASIB-TTL-UMARA.

161

and a quarreisome disposition he occasionally made investiga-
tioris among the Hindus of that country in the way of censorship.
As misfortunes and the disorganized state of the sovereignty
give rise to outbreaks of presumption and disörder, that mischief-
maker in the second year of Muhammad Shah's reign (1720)
led away the base and foolish of the city by theolögical ques-
tions and made them his adherents. Gradually he attacked the
Naib Şubâhdâr and the Qâ?I and urged that the rules of the
Law about Zimmîs, 1 such as forbidding them to ride on horses or
to wear armour, ete, should be put into force, and that they
should be restrained from publicly praetising their superstitions.
They answered that the praetice in the capital and other cities
of India must be followed. How could new rules be introduced
wjthout the order of the reigning sovereign ! That turbulent fel-
low turned aside from urging the rulers, and came out with
the help of his followers and insulted the Hindus whenever he
saw them. Bychance at this time Majlis 4 Rai, who was one
of the leading men in the city, came with brahmans to visit a
garden and was occupied in holding a feast. That light-headed
fellow came there and raised the cry of "Seize and lay hol d"
and immediately began to smite and to bind them. Majlis Rai
fled and came to Mir Ahmad's house thinking that he would be
safe there. The unjust fellow turned back and set fire to the
Hindu quarter s and destroyed the Hindus. Not s tisfied with that
he surrounded the Khân' s house. Whomever he caught he dis-
honoured. The Khân on that day by stratagem preserved him-
self from his violence. Next day he having colleeted a body of
men went with the royal 4 bakhshi and the manşabadârs to put
matters to rights. The turbulent fellovv gathered together his men
and took to diseharging arrows and smiting with the sword.
And at his instigation the Muhammadans of the city also rose
up. A number set fire from behind to the bridge which the
Khân had erossed. From both sides of the road and market

1 Non-Muslim subjects. Hughes'
Dict. s.v. See also B. 237 n.

2 Şâhib Rai in Siyar M. But it
is Majlis in Khâfî K.

8 Lawrenoe in his Valley of
21

Kashmir 195 says it was the Kalâsh-
püra quartor that was burnt. He
calls the fanatic 'Abdu-1-Ghanî.

♦ Bakkal PSdish&hi Klıâfi K. has
Mir Shâhwar K. Bakshi,

THE MAASm-UL-ÜMARA,

163

162

THE -MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

there was a discharge of arrovvs and muskets and stones, and
bricks were thrown. The women and children threw whatever
they could find from the roofs arid doors. During this dread-
ful uproar Saiyid Walî, the Khân's sister's son, and many others
were killed. The Khân was brought into dejection and sup-
plication by these waves of slaughter, for he could neither advance
nor return, and deeraed it an advantage to save his life, though
with contempt. After that, the turbulent fellow ('Abdu-n-nabî)
plundered and destroyed the remaining homes of the Hindus and
brought out Majlis Rai and a number more from their place of
safety and mutilated l them. At the time of circumcising, men
had their private parts cut off. Next day Mahtavi K. went to
the chief mosque, and assembling the Muhammadans and deposing
Mîr Ahmad K. made himself governor of the Masalmans and took
the title of Dindar K. For five months-during which no other
governor c^me from the court— he issued decrees and orders. He
sate in the mosque and tranfeacted financial and administrative
business. When Mümin' K. Najm Şânî as deputy of 'Inayat
UUahK., who was appointed to quiet the uproar and to make
ne w arrangements, arrived in the end of Shawwâl * within three
kos of Kashmir (i.e., Srînagar), Mahtavi K.— who was ashamed of
his own evil deeds— came 3 out with a number of learned men, and
the chief persons of the .city, together with Khvvâja 'Abdullah,
a mansabdâr (offieer) who was one of thenotables there, to welcome
the deputy and brought him with honour into the city. The
Khwâjah, either from friendship or from mischievousness, which is
the leaven in the composition of that country, advised him first
to go to the house of Mîr Shâhwar K the Bakhshî, and apologise
for what had occurred. After doing that he would be accepted
(be forgiven). As the time of retribution for his deeds had arrived,
he gave ear to the messenger of death, and at önce went off there.

l Their ears and noses were cut ofî
and they were circumtised or rather'
had thejr male organs cut off. Khâfî
K. II, 869.

* Shawwâl 1132, equal to end of
August 1720.

S This seems to be incorrectly
statcd Mahtavi alias Mahbüb did

not go out to bring in the Naib. He
proposed to do so : but his friend the
Khwâja advised him first to go to
the house of the Bakhshi. See
Khâfî K. 870. The text calls the
Bakhshî Mîr ShShpür. See also Siyar
M.I. 160.

The ovvner of the house, who had posted some of the Ghakkar *
mansahdârs and others and some men of the Judî a Malî ward in
corners of the house, went out after a while on pretence of busi-
ness. The men suddenly fell upon the doomed man, and first of
ali killed his two young sons who always went before him, chant-
ing the birth of Muhammad, and then put him to death with
many tortures. Next day his followers girt up their loins for
battle to revenge the death. of their leader and fell upon the Judî
Malî (or Carbîlî) ward, whose inhabitants were said to be Shias,
and the Hasanabad ward. For two days fighting went on betvveen
the two parties. As there was a general riot on this side (the
followers of Mahhtavî), they were at last victorious and killed 2 or
3000 of the people of the two wards together with many Moghul
travellers. They also dishonoured the women and for two or
three days plundered much money and goods. After \vards they
went to the house of the Bakhshî and the Qâzî. The first got into
a corner where chey could not f ollow him. The second came out
and escaped. 3 They did not leave a single brick of their houses.
When Mümin K. entered the city, he acted on the principle of
"Hold aslant and dont pour " and* sent off Mîr Ahmad K. with
an escort. The Khân arrived at the capital. Afterwards he got
from Qamaru-d-dîn K. Bahâdur I'timadu-d-daula the faujdârî of
Moradabad. There he şuffered much anguish. The date of his
death does not appear. 6

(SAIYID) AHMAD 8 K. BÂRHA.
Younger brother of Saiyid Mahmüd K. Bârha. in the 17th
year of Akbar's reign he, as also his brother, was appointed 7
along with the Khân Kilân to the advance force sent to Gujarat.

1 Perhaps this should be Kakar— an
Afghan tribe:

5 Siyar 161. Judi Bal. it ie Char-
bilîin Khâfî K. Iİ. 870.

8 " By changing his clothes, " Khâfî
K.

+ Khâfî K. say s he sent him off to
Eminabad where his son was buried.

6 The author makes no ınention
of his own grandfather Muhammad

Kâzim K. in connection with the
Srînagar riots, but it appears from
Khâfî K. that he was then Di w ân of
Kashmir and that he was dismissed
on account of these disturbances.
Set Khâfî K. II. 869, and also Maaşir
III. 721, where the dismissal is ad-
mitted.

6 I. B. 407

1 A.N. II. 372

164

IHE . MAASIK-UL-UMARA .

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

165

After the Ahmadabad vietory, the king sent him in pursuit of the
sons of Sher K. FülâdI who had taken their families and goods
with them, and göne off to Idar. Though they moved swiftly,
and entered the mountain defiles, yet many öf their goods fell
into. the hands of the king's soldiers. The Khân returned, and
iid homage. After vvards when Pattan became the royal camp :
it was made över to Mîrzâ Khân ('Abdu-r- Rahim, S. Bairâm) and
the government of it was entrusted to Saiyid Ahmad (on account
of M Khân's youth). in the same year Muhammad Husain M.
and Shâh Mîrzâ raised the standard of rebellion and came and
besieged Pattan alöng with Sher K. The Khân looked after the
fortifications and defended the place. At last the Khan A'şşim
Koka approached with a large force, and the Mirzâs withdrew
from the siege. in the 20th year of the reign, he was sent off
with his brother's sons Saiyid Qâsim and Saiyid Hâshim to
chastise the rebels connected with the Rânâ— who after the killing
of Jalâl K. Qürcî, had stirred up the dust of strife. On account
of his good service he was encompassed with favours. in the
year 980,' 1572-1573, hedied. He had attained to the rank of
2000. His son Jamâlu-d-din was one who was known to the
emperor. At the siege of Chitor, when two mines were charged
with gunpowder and set fire to, one hung fire, and at that time
a number of men were killed. He too consumed the flo\yer of
his youth.

AHMAD NAÎTHA (MULLA).
The Navâit tribe was a nevvly arrived one and belonged
to the nobles of Arabia. The word " newly arrived " has become
by frequent use Navâit. The author of the Qâmûs says •. " Navâtî
are ocean sailors and Nutiyy is the singular." But it is evident
that Navâît is according to the rules of grammar the plural of
Nâît or Nâîta. And Navâtî is not connected with Navâit. 4 There-
fore the generali ty who cali the Navâît boatmen and rely
upon the Qâmûs have f ailen into error. They say that the tyrant

l This is a mistake. Jalâl K. Qürcî,
was killed in 983, 1575-1570, and in
984 Saiyid Ahmad took part in the
expedition against Siwina, A.N. III.

166, 1 67. Probably 980 is a copyist's
error for 985. See B. 408.

S But see Lane 2863c. The word
seems to be Greek. See I. G. XIV, 346.

Hajâj the son of Yûsuf set himseJf to rpot out the nobility and
put to death many pious and learned people. Consequently men
went into exile wherever they could find security. A number of
the Qoresh tribe left Medina in 152 A.H. (769 A.D.)and embarked
on ships. They landed on the shores of the Indian Ocean
in the Deccan country known as the Konkan and made it their
home. in course of time they spread out and established villages,
and in order N to distinguish each set of them, they took titles
from anything with which they had a slight eonnection. Strange
titles have become usual among them.

Mullâ Ahmad was possessed of learning and other perfections,
and was one of the erudite. By good fortune he became a
favourite wıth 'Alî 'Adil Shah, the ruler of Bijapnr, and in a short
time became, by his wisdom and judgment, the strong pillar of
his dominion. After a time he for some reason fell out of favour
with 'Âdil Shah, or perhaps he thought in his haughtiness that he
could have something higher than Bîjâpüri service, and came to
have a desire for the service of Aurangzib. He waited for an
opportunity, and at last in the 8th year Mîrzâ Rajah Jai Singh after
settling the matter of Sivâ (jî) came with a large army to attack
Bîjâpür. 'Âdil Shah became conscious of his offences and awoke
from the heavy sleep of neglect and sent the Mullâ — who surpassed
the other officers in ability — to the Rajah to make an arrange-
ment. The Mullâ — whose long-cherished desire now attained
fulfilment — thought this a great opportunity and joined the
Rajah at the foot of the fort of Pûrandhar in 1076, 1665-66, and
revealed his secret thought. When this was reported to the
king, an order was sent for summoning him and he was granted
the rank of 6000, with 6000 horse. They say that a hint was
given to the Mîrzâ Rajah that after the Mullâ came to court
his title would be S'aad UUah K. and that he would be promoted
to a suitable appointment.

in fine the Rajah, in accordance with orders, gave him
from the Oovernment two lacs of rupees, and Rs. 50,000 to his

son, and sent him to court. The Mullâ in accordance with fate •

from which no one is exempt — fell ili on the way and died at
Ahmadnagar ; and it appears that as he did not recognize the claim

166

THE MAASIR-TTI/-TTMARA.

of his old salt, so did he not profit by his new fortune. His son
Muhammad Asad in accordance with the royal order came to
court and in the beginning of the 9th year did homage. He
received favours and obtained the rank of 1500, with 1000 horse
and the title of Ikrâm K. Mullâ Yahîâ the younger brother
of Mullâ Ahmad — who had, before his brother, come in the 6th
year from Bîjâpür to court— received the rank of 2000, with 1000
horse and was »ppointed to the Deccan. He did good service
along with the Mîrza Rajah in devastating the Bîjâpür territory.
Afterwards he received the title of Mukhliş K. and lived in
Aurangabad. His son Zainu-d-dîn 'Alî K. and his son-in-law
'Abdu-1-Qâdir M'âtbar K. each received a suitable rnanşab.
When the faujdârî of the Konkan became held by M'atbar K.
he did so well in settling the country — which was the hoıne of the
vile Mahratta tribe — that he established his' reputation at court.
He acquired such influence that everything he did was approved
of. The king, wheh he became at ease about that troublesome
country, of ten declared that it was göod to ha ve such a servant
as M'atbar K. He left no son, — though Abü Muhammad the
son of one of his relatives was adopted by him as a Son, — and his
t'aluq came to Zainu-d-dîn 'Alî K. his wife's brother. The
latter held it for a long time, and aftenvards in the time of
Muhammad Shah he obtained , it for the second time. in the
beginning of Farrukh Siyar's reign, Haidar Qulî K. Khurâsânî
was invested with the Diwânî of the Deccan and came to Auranga-
bad. As his power and influence were a thousand ' and one
times greater than that of a (an ordinary) diwân he attacked the
Khân before mentioned (Zainu-d-dîn) about the money of the
Khâlşa lands, which had been in his kceping (or, perhaps, which
had been embezzled). in the beginning of the government of
Husain 'Alî K. Amîra-1-Umarâ (the younger of the Bârha Saiyids)
he went to Arcot to S^aadat Ullah K. Nâîtha. He, on account of
being of the same tribe and of the respect for an old family,
regarded his arrival as an honour. By the assistance of that noble-
minded man he spent the rest of his days İd peace. His son too

THE MAASIB-UIrUMARA.

167

l Lit. "1001 times.'

!„„e„rre„oe of hi, heir, sent him . deod o. grft of *.
AHMAD &BAN NİYAZI.

nualıtıes. İn the reıgu <= f agaınst

L of the officers of Nizâm Shah, came ™** ££ h o Ugh there
Tlcapür (Elichpur) and forcibly ** *^/^ ln bis
was no large imperial anny tnere yet Ahma K ^

early youth, engagfcd him w*h but *J££T ^ that time

out of the city and -^^"/t Te D eecan cainpaigns

he continually distinguished hnnself m the *£» *

an d in the siege of Daulatabad he went « w£i ^

Bahâdur *^^£Î^,V»»**«>. *»
from B^anpur at the pa, *o ^ ^ Zafarmgar

öto Zaman left Ahmad K.. ^ leader8

with Bahar* Singh Bandıla. Xt chanCe<1 f men> 8en t

afte r comin g near (^^^^ ™i* *
off their troops along wıth the _£ba , Z ^ &

Abyssinian, who had jomed 'Ad d Shah , who

large force against the ^^^Z l önce attacked'
W ere in the öpen pla^n ^ ^ - ^ ^ fim that

them. Ahmad K and Bahar b ng MtoniriımM1 t and

^ MS r Î^'S^S-d himself on the day
t0 < T Uk^'of ^Ambarkot, and many of his best men ^
° m ,1 t K usedto say that Ahmad was the predommant

k ;r n er rrvto^L^^

- T _ „ vr I * This preceded the affair of Ko-

l padshâhnSma I. 517. I. G- * Al - han kheA See pgdshühnSma I. 502.

302. , . . . at . A mbarkotw aS theout e r£ortof Dau-

» Bahâdur Singh in **- but at ^^ ^^ ^ ^^ rftor Mahk

p . 3 2lPaharSiaghasiöv arl ant. j ^^
3 Pâçlshahnâma I- 5l«.

168

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

that Mahâbat K. prevailed över the marauding ' foe, Ahmad K
obtained renovvn for his fighting The Khân commander-in-
chief laboured to honour and advance him, and so he took no
other title than that of Khânzâda (the Khân's son).

When in the ninth year Daulatabad was visited by Shah
Jahan, Ahmad K. had an increase of 500 and 500 horse and was
promoted to the rank of 2500, with 2000, and went off with
Shaista K. who had been deputed to take Sangamnîr* and Nâsik.
He in his zeal proceeded with the permission of his leader to
attack the f ort of Ram Saj 8 and took it from the hands of
Sâhü's men. After that he was honoured by the gift of a drum,
and attached to the royal stirrup. Afterwards he was made
faujdâr of Gulshanâbâd. * As he had been brought up in that
country he went with joy. in the 23rdyear he was raised to the rank
of 3000, zât and horse, and made governor of the fort of Ahmad-
nagar. in the year 1061, 1651, and beginning of the 25thyear, he
died. He inherited courage and generosity, and he also had other
qualities in perfection. in his office there were never any dis-
missals, and if any one got an assignment (tankhıvâh) for his sub-
sistence it was like his own property. Even if it doubled in value
his clerks did not interfere with it. in spite of his grandeur
he was gentle to every one and spent his days in humility and
piety. He was an excellent governor of many children and
relatives. As his father had made Ashtî in Berar his residence and
his placö of burial, Ahmad K. laboured to improve the place and
made a garden there. He also saw to the building of a lofty
mosque and of a tomb for his father. For a long time it waş
a place of prayers and a shrine for the public. At present,
except for some old tombs, there is no trace 6 remaining either
of famous inhabitants or of homes.

l Bar sir kahi g hanim. Kahî, ap-
parently from kah straw, means a
marauding or foraging party.

* Sungamnere of Grant-Duff's map,
S.E. Nâsik,

3 Ram Sij in variant and Khâfî
K. J. 521.

* Apparently «nnt.her name for

Wardhâ in the Central Provinees, for
Ahmad 's father made Âshtî his home.
See Blochmann 484 and note 2, and
biography of Muhammad K. Niyazi
Maaşir III, 376.

6 The MSS. differ. The text has na
az qvffân nâmfau na az masâkin nlshân.
Blochmann's MSS. has autun for

THE MAASIR-UL-TTMARA.

169

AHMAD 1 (SHAİKH).

Second sön of S. Salim Cistî of Fathpür— May his grave be
holy— whose family was of Delhi. 4 His (S. Selîm's) father was
S. Ba,hâu-d-dîn, a descendant of Farîd Shakr Ganj. The Shaikh
lived long in Arabia and often made the pilgrimage and became
known in that country as the Shaikhu-1-Hind. After he returned
to India he settled in the village of Sîkri, twelve kos from Agra, and
which was a dependency of Bîâna. Because in that delightful
spot Bâbur had won a victory över Rânâ Sângâ, he ordered
it to be called Shukrî. On the top of a hill near that village
S. Selîm buut a mosque and a Kbânqâh (monastery) and there
practised asceticism. A wonderful circumstance it was that
Akbar, who had come to the throne at the age of fourteen, for
fourteen other years— when he came to be eight and twenty— had
no child who lived. When he heard of the Shaikh he had a
keen desire at that age that he should ask help from him^ The
Shaikh ga ve him the good news that he would have three sons.
At the same time, there appeared signs of pregnancy in the
mother of Jahangir. As on such occasions a change of residence is
a good omen, that chaste lady was brought from Agra to the
Shaikh's house, and on Wednesday I7th Rabi'-al-awwal 977,
31stAugust 1569, Jahangir was born. He was called Prince
Sultan Muhammad Selîm after the name of the Shaikh. The
chronogram is Dur 8hahwâr lajh-i-ABar (977) : "A royal pearl
from a great (akbar) ocean." Aftenvards, when the births of
Sultan Murâd and Sultan Daniel also took place, and the
Shaikh's influence was recognized, Sikrî became a city, and a lofty
khânkâh and a madrasa were built.at a cost of five lacs. The
chronogram was im lâ tara fil-bilâd aânlhâ : " And you'll not see in
cities another such." (982 = 1574-75.) Delightful palaces, large,

gutifin and T.O.,'MS. 628, has makân
nâml. it appears from the note in
Blochmann 484, and also from the I.G.
artiele Âshtî, that the tombe have
been restored. The Maaşir has in the
third volume, p. 376, a life of Ahmad
K.'s father Muhammad KhSn. The

author of the Maaşir knew the Berars
well. it was at Ashtî that a great
battle was fought in Akbar's reign.

l B 475.

8 Salîm's father was first at Ludi-
ana and afterwards oame to Delhi,
Khazîna A.I. 432,

170

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

stone bazaars and beautiful gardens were made. As while the
city was being made , the rich country of Gujarat was conquered ,
Akbar wished to cali it Fathâbâd, but it became known as Fathpür,
and this name was approved of by the emperor. The Shaikh died
in 979, 1571-72. The chronogram is tf&aikk Hindi: " The fndian
ghaikh." 979. in consequence of the sincerity and respect that
axisted between the Shaikh and Akbar, his sons, sons-in-law, and
grandchildren obtained high office, and as the wife *>.nd daughter
of the Shaikh were connected by fosterage with Prince Sultan
Selim, the Shaikh's descendants became his foster-brothers, and
during his ruh- many of them rose to the rank of 5,000, and became
owners of drums and flags.

in fine Shaikh Ahmad showed many choice qualities in his
relations with the world. He did not abuse people and did not
become overcome with sorrow on beholding many improprieties.
By his loyalty and his connection by fosterage with the prince
he became famous and was enrolled among the great officers.
Though ' as yet he had not reached the rank of 500, he had great
influence. in the 22nd year during the expedition to Mâlwa he
got a ohill (perhaps a stroke) (hatvâzadagî) . When he came to
the capital, his illness, on account of eareiessness, became para-
lysis. in the samo year he died, on a day when Akbar was march-
ing to Ajmere and had sent for him. He took his last leave, and
died after reaching his home in the year 985, 1577.

AHSAN KHAN SULTAN HASAN.

His other name was Mîr malang (malang means enthusiasfc)
and he was the sister's son of Mühammad Murâd K. He vvas one
of the distinguİ8hed men of Aurangzeb's time, and held suit-
able appointments. in the 5-lst year when the king saw markı**
of weakness in hirnself, and perceived that Mühammad A'zim
Shah — who had a name for courage and had won över the leading
officers — looked upon Kâm Bakhşh with severe eyes, he, because
he always regarded this prince with affection, appointed Ahsan

1 He had reached the rank of 500 when he died.
chiefly taken from A.N. III. 212.

The account iri text is

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

171

K. to be his bakhshî and straitly charged him to take çare
of him. Accordingly, he continually looked after him in his
comüıg and going. Mühammad Â'zim Shah repeatedly accused '
Kâm Bakhşh to his father, but it was of no avail. At last he
wrote to his full sister Zîhatu-nisâ * Begam a letter in which he
said, "Though it wopld be no great task (kâre-nîst) to chastise
the impudence of that insolent one, yet respect for HM. restrains
me. ' ' After the king had read this letter he wrote " in reply :
" Do not disturb yourself about ali this. We are sending away
Mühammad Kâm Bakhşh. " After that he presented that prince
with the insignia* of sovereignty and sent him off to Bîjâpür.
After he arrived at the fort of Paren da, news eame of the death
of Aurangzeb, and most of the officers went off Avithout warning.
Sultan Hasan endeavoured to secure the affections of the
renıainder, and made excellent endeavours^ after reaching Bîjâpür
so that Saiyid Niyaz K the governor made över the keys and
joined the prince. The prince promoted Sultan Hasan to a com-
mission of 5000 and gave him the title of Ahsan Hasan and made
him Mîr Bakhshî. When the prince marched from Bîjâpür and
took possession of Gulbarga, he camç to Wâkinkera — which had
again come into the possession of Pîrmâ 6 Nâîk zamindar. Ahsan
Hasan laboured to get possession of this also. Aftervvards he
took the prince's son with him, as a matter" of custom, and
marched against Karnül. He took money from th«re and went
on to Arcot where Dâüd K. Patnî was faujiâr. He neglected
not the smallest particular which could be of use to the prince,
and in spite of little money and other difficulties he devoted
himself to the carrying on of afiairs. He again joined the prince.
When they were within four atages of Haidarabad he soothed
RustumDilK. of Sabzawâr, whö was the governor there, and

1 Khâfî K, II. 547-48.

* KhBfî Khân has Zibu-nisâ, but
she was already tîead.

8 it woald appear from Klıâfi Khân
648 that Aurangzeb, after the letter
waa read to him, caused the reply to
be endorsed on it and put his own
signftture to it.

* id. 548. Aurangzeb sent him off
under a fanfaronade of musie.

6 Pemnaik of Grant-Duff 1. 405.

8 Gün tora. it was an öriental insti-
tution to have a prince with the army
however yoımg, för İnek

17£

THE MAASlE-UL-UMABA.

THİS MAASIR-UL-JMABA.

173

ınducecf him to join the prince. As Hakim Muhammad, who had
the title of Taqarrab K. and was the Vrzier, was envious of Ahsan
Hasan — a thing which has of old destroyed dominions — he con-
tinually misrepresented things to the prince, and alienated his
feelings frora him. At the time when there was between Ahsan K.
and R ustu m Dil a movement of loyalty towards the prince,
Taqarrab K. represented that they were- plotting to make the
prince a prisoner. The prince whose disposition tended towards
madness, and who at that time was doubly perturbed on account
of anxieties, af ter putting Rustum Dil to death as related 1 in his
biography, sent for the Khân and imprisoned him, and put him
to death with torture. They say that though men had warned
him that the prince meditated imprisoning him, he — who always
behaved with loyalty — would not believe this. This event hap
pened in the year 1120, 1708. His elder brotner Mir Sultan
Husain entered service in the 2nd year of Bahâdur Shah and
obtained a commission of 1000, with 200 horse and the title of
Tal'a Yâr K.

(HAKİM) 4 'AÎNUL-L MÜLK SHÎRÂZÎ.

He had a high rank in science, and was a man of praiseworthy
morals. He was related on the mother's side to Muhaqqiq-i-
Dawwânî. 8 From the first his company was pleasjng to Akbar,
and in the 9th year he was sent with an order to Cingiz K. who
was a leading man in Ahmadabad. He returned with presents
from the Khânto Agra. in the 17th year he tooka soothingletter
to I'timâd K. Gujaratî and brought * him to service along with
Abû Turâb. in the 19th year, vvhen Akbar vvent to the eastern
districts, he vvas in attendance. 6 Aftervvards he was appointed
to the Deccan tor the purpose of guiding 'Âdil K. of Bîjâpûr, and
returned to court in the 22nd 8 year. After that he was made fauj-
dâr of Sambhal, and in the 26th year, vvhen 'Arab Bahâdur Niyâ
bat K. and Shâh Dana with a number of ingrates had stirred up
commotion there, he strengthened the fort of Bareli (Bareilly), and

Maasir 11. 327.

■*

A.N.

III.

6 and 7.

480, and Badayünî

III.

164.

A.N.

87.

III. 422.

A.N.

211

exerted himself along vvith the fiefholders. Though the rebels used
threats and promises in order to induce him to join them he
did not consent, and by excellent contrivance managed to
cause dissension among them. At last Niyâbat K. joined the
royalists. The Hakim along with the other fiefholders sought for
battle and defeated ' the enemy. in the same year he was made
Sadr* of Bengal. in the 3 ist year he was made bakhshî of the
province of Agra. Afterwards he went to the Deccan with the
Khân A'zim. When the said Khân took away his jâğir of Hindia
he, without being summoned, came 8 to court in the 35th year, and
consequently was not admitted to an audience. After inquiries
were made, he received an order for him to pay his respects. He
was confirmed in the pargana of Hindia, and was allowed to depart
af ter some time. in the 40th * year corresponding to 1003, 1595,
he died. He vvrcfte poetry and had the takhallas of Dawâi. This
verse is his.

Verse.

in the night of her dark locks a dream of death seized me,
A strange sad dream it was which had no interpreter.
He attained the rank of 500.

AJlT SINGH RÂTHOR. (MAHÂRAJAH.)
Son of Mahârâjah Je3want Singh When his father died in
his thânadârî 6 of Jamrüd, he was in his mother's womb. He was
born after she came to Lahore." The king wished to get hold of
him, and the Râthors who were old servants of the deceased rose
up in arms. Some were killed, and some took Ajît to his native
country. After the king had göne tvvice to the province of Ajmere

l A.N. III. 348.

* A.N. 372.

5 A.N. III. 684.

* A.N. III. 671. He died oıı
23rd August 1593. Badayünî II.
403.

6 He died in or near Kabul in
1678. Elliot VII. 187, 290.

6 The Maasir A. 177 says Ajît and
his brotner were born at Lahore.
See translation in Elliot VII. 187.

Khafî K. II. 259 implieş that they
were born in Afghanistan, lor he says
that vvhen their servants were bring-
ing them and their mothers to Aurang-
zeb there was a fight at the Attock
crossing. Possibly, hovvever, he means
that the children were stili in the
womb. Elphinstone, p. 561 of 4th
ed., taktıs it that they were born in
Afghanistan. See also the translation
of Khâfî K. in Elliot VII. 297.

174

THE MAASIB-TJL-UMARA.

and striven to ruin the tribe, and had sent Prince Muhamınad
Akbar to pursue them, they engaged in instigating that prince (to
rebellion) and pervertedhim so that at last he, in league with these
men, came within İJ kos of the royal «anıp. As they became from
'some reason suspicious of him, they lef t the prince, and he was
compelled to fly. The king appointed a faujdâr m Jodhpür, and
as long as the king lived, Ajit remained in the recesses of the hills.
Af ter the king's death, he disgraced (be hurmat salçhta) the faujdâr
and took possession of the town. Bahâdur Shah sent him a sum-
mons during the war with A'zim Shah but he did not come. Conse-
quently after the battle he marched to Jodhpür, and appointed
Khân Zaman the son of Mun'im K. Khân-Khânân against him.
When the Khân came near Jodhpür, Ajit waited upon him, and
having received assurances he submitted, After his offences had
been forgiven, he was raised to the rank öf 3000.

When the king went to the Deccan with the intention of con-
fronting Kâm Bakhşh, Ajit in the course of the march joined with
Rajah Jai Singh 'Kachwâha, and taking his necessaries, and leav-
ing his tents behind, went to his native country. When the king
returned from the Deccan, he was minded to punish the tribe, but
the rebellion of theSikhs, whohad become world-conquerors in the
Panjab, prevented him. With a regard to prudence he overlooked
his acts and omissions and arranged through the Khân-Khânân
that he in concert witb Rajah Jai Singh should pay his respects on
the march and go io his native country. Aftervvards, whenhe
had made proper arrangements, he was to come to court. As the
intriguing heavens are always stirring up fresh commotions the
inevitable event (of death) appeared for Bahâdur Shah after he had
reached Lahor©, and thereafter dissension broke out among the
princes. in the second year of the reign (of Farrukh Siyar) Hus-
sain 'Alî Amîru-1-umarâ was appointed against Ajit. Ajit was
overeome by alarm and submitted to the Amîru-1-umarâ. By
agreeing to pay tribute his offences were wiped out. He sent
off his daughter, to be married to the king according to the
established custom; and was honoured with the government of
Gujarat. Aftenvards he joined the Saiyids and in the end of
Muhammad Farrukh Siyar's reign came to court from Ahmadabad,

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

175

and received the title of Mahârâjah. He took part with the
Saiyids in the arrangements for imprisoning the king, and on this
account he became an object of reproach to high and low, and
in the beginning of Muha nmad Shah's reign was removed from the
government of Gujarat. By good fortune he got a sanad ' for the
city of Ajmere and took possession of it. Afterwards when the
officers were sent against hini with an army he went to his native
country and his men entrenehed themselves in Garha Patlî. Th e
royal army went and besieged that place. At last peace was
made, and it was agreed that Abhai Singh his eldest son should
remain at court as his father's representative. Abhai Singh
after coming to court at the instigation of the nobles there
withdrew from filial duties and wrote to his younger brother
Bakht Singh, and he sent * Ajît to the other world while he was
asleep. Abhai Singh got the title of Mahârâjah and in 1140, 1728,
was made governot of Gujarat in lieu of Sirbuland K, He went
to his home and spent one year in settling the country. in the
llth year of Muhammad Shah he entered Gujarat and surrendered
the province to the Marhatta Chaut. When he saw that they weıe
predominant he in the 15th year came to his native country, and
the whole province fell into the power of the Mahrattas.

Mahârâjah Ajit Singh had two sons. The first was Abhai,
of whom an account has been given. The seçond wae Bakht Singh ,
who after his father's death got possession of his native country.
After him his son Bijai Singh is at the tim© of writing (died in
1794) in possession, and is renowned for his çare of the subjects,
and for proteeting the weak and for putting down the oppressive.
The supplementary account of Sultan Muhammad Akbar is that
after hefled from the neighbourhood of Ajmere— as he had no
home— he went to Sambhâ Bhonsla. Sambhâ received him and
kept him for some time. When Aurangzeb marched to the Deccan,
the noise of killing infidels was heard everywhere. Akbar got
f i'ightened and embarked in a ship and went off to Persia. When
the ship reached Muscat the governor there took charge of him and
vvrote to Aurangzeb. Meanwhile Shah Sulaimân Şafavî heard of

1 Siyar M. trans. I. 230.

2 Khâfi K. II. 074, and Tod'a Rajasthan, Annals of Ma r w5r.

176

THE MAASIR-UL-TTMARA.

his having come to Muscat. Prince Akbar too had previously
UM Shah Sulaimân his intentions. The Shah wrote to the land-
owner l of Muscat, who regarded the Shah as his suzerain and
ordered that Prince Akbar should be sent to him. He was ahvays
treated with respect, and there were continually feasts and recrea-
tions. At last he asked for auxiliaries. The Shah said , ' ' Your father
is stili alive ; when the time of your brothers comes, I will give you
proper help." Akbar was sad and said that the climate did not
agree with his constitution and asked leave that he might go to
Qandahar and live in the warm country (in the Garmsîr). The
Shah gave him leave, and provided him with the necessary ex-
penses. Af ter Akbar came to that country he died in 1115. *

(SAIYID) 'ALAM BARHA.
Brother of Saiyid Hizabr 8 K., of whom an account has been
giyen in this book. in Jahangir's time he at first had a suit-
abİe manşab and at the end of his reign his rank was 1500 with
600 horse. After the accession of Shah Jahan his manşab was
confirmed and he went with the Khân-Khânân to Kabul for the
purpose of putting down Nazr Muhammad K. the ruler of Balkh
who had raised the flag of disturbance in that province. in the 3rd
year he received a robe of honour, and a sword and an increase
of 500 with 200 horse, and was appointed to aceompany Yemînu-
d-daula to the Bâlaghât of Berar. in the 6th year he attended
Prince Muhammad Shujâ' in the affair of Parenda. The Prince
left him with 500 horse, as a şort of thâna (station) in Jâlnapûr to
protect the roads. in the 8th year, at the time of the return
from Lahore to the capital, he along with islâm K. was active in
chastising the rebels of the Duab. Afterwards he accompanied
prince Aurangzeb when he was appointed to the army for chastis-
ing Jujhâr Singh Bandila. in the 9th year, at the time when

See Elliot

1 The imâm of Muscat.
VII. 312.

î Should be 1118, or 1706 A.D.,
»ocording to Beale ; but Khâfî K. in
the account of the year 1117, II, p.
549, 8»y» that a report of the prinoe's
death had been current for a year

and wns now confirmed. The Maaşir
speaks of his going to the neighbour-
hood of Qandahar. Khâfî K, speaks
of the Oarmsîr of Khurâsân, the
prinee having objected to Ispahan as
too oold.

8 B. 392, and 395 note.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

177

the Deccan became for the second time the residence of the king ,
he was appointed to punish Sâhû Bhonsla and to devastate the
country of 'AdüKhân, in the contingentof Khan Zaman Bahâdur.
in the 13th year he received an increase and had the rank of 2000
with 1000 horse in the 19th year he went with the prince Murâd
Bakhsh to conquer Balkh and Badakhshân. Afterwards, he went
with prince Shujâ' to Bengal, and in the 29th year he accompanied
prince Sultan Zainu-d-dîn to court and did homage. Afterwards he
received a horse and returned When Aurangzeb obtained the
sovereignty, and battles took place with his brothers, he was active
on the side of Shujâ' in the first battle, and also in the engagement,
which occurred on the borders of Bengal, and jeoparded his life.
At last, when Shujâ' went off to Arracan and had no one with him
except ten Saiyids of Bârha and twelve Moghul servants, 'Alam
Bârha accompained him. He disappeared ' in that country (j'.e.
perished along with Shujâ').

(MIR) 'ALT AKBAR MUSAVT.

Younger brother of Mîr M'uizzu-1-mulk of Maşhhad. He
too in the reign of Akbar attained to the rank of 3000 and acted
along with his brother in carrying out the king's work. in the
22nd year he produced before Akbar the story of his birth (maulüd-
nâma) which had been written by Qâşî Ghi şu-d-dîn Jâmî, who
was endowed with eloquence and gifts, and was for a time
Humâyün's Şadr. it was written therein 2 that on the night of the
birth of the king, Hamiyün having seen in a dream that God had
presented him with a son, ordered that he should be.called Jalâ-
lu-d-dîn Muhammad Akbar. Akbar shevved great pleasure on be-
holding it and rewarded the Mîr vvith favours, and gave him the

1 B. 392, and 395 note.

* B. 382. The story is told in the
annals of the 23rd year in the
Tabaqât N. and just at the end of
that year. The king was then at
HSnsî in the Panjab. B's suggestion
of Nadîna is supported by a MSŞ.
of the Tabaqât in my posseasion.
The modern name is Nagîna, N.W.

Moradabad. See I.G. XVIII, 299.
it is in the Bijnor district. The facts
about 'Âlî Akbar 's being sent in
chains and put in prison are recorded
in the Akbarnâma III. 309. it is
not said there that he was imprison-
ed for life. The punishment took
place in the 25th year 988, 1580.

178

THE MAASIR-UT.-UMARA.

pargana of Nadîna (text Nadîa) as a re\vard. As his brother held-
a jagir in Bibar (viz. Arrah) lıe vvas made a partner witlı him.
in the 24t.h year when many of the Bihar officers took the path of
rebellion the two brothers joined them. But from far-sightedness
they soon separated from them, and Mir M'nizzu-1-mulk came to
Jaunpür, vvhile Mîr 'Alî Akbar stopped in Zamânia six kos from
Ghazipur. Nevertheless he vvas alvvays by messages and wiles
fanning the flames of sedition. When his brother' s boat sank in
the Jumna in the 24th year, an oıder vvas sent to the Khân Azim,
who had charge of Bengal and Bihar, to arrest Mîr 'Alî Akbar
and to send him off in châins. He had reeourse to fawning and
wiles in dealing with the Kokaltâsh. But as the latter was a
clear-sighted man, his stories did not avail, and he was conveyed
to the Presence by guards. The kindness of the king abstained
from inflicting capital punishment on him. but sent him to the
school of the prison.

(MİRZA) 'ALI ' BEG AKBAR SHÂHI.

He vvas born and bred in Badakhşhân, and was adorned with
excellent qualities. When he came to India, the coin of his
loyalty vvas fully tested in Akbar's heart, and he vvas honoured by
the title of Akbar Shâhî. He distinguished himself in battle. in
thecampaign in the Deccan h vvas an auxiliary of Prince Sultan
Murâd. When the prince made peace and retired from Ahmad-
nagar, Şâdiq K. from considerations of prudence made his abode
in Mahkar in the 41 st yeiar. Azhdar K. and 'Aîn K. and other
Deccanis rose up to make disturbance. Şâdiq K. appointed a choice
force under the Mîrzâ, and he suddenly f eli 2 upon their camp and
seized abundant plunder, including elephants and ukhâra vvomen
(dancing girls). On account of this success, Khudâvvand K. and
other Nizâm Shâhî officers resolved to give battle vvith 10,000
horse. Şâdiq K. fought a battle on the bank of the Ganges, 3 vvith

ı B 482.

i Akbarnâma III. 711.

8 Akbarnâma 715, vvhere the river

is called the Ban Gang, qu. the
Penganga of I.G. XX. 102. it is a
tributary of th© Wardh5.

THE MAASIK-UL-UMARA.

179

M. 'Alî Beg in the vanguard, eight kos from Pâthrî. The Mîrzâ
on that day displayed valour and defeated Khudâvvand K. vvho
attacked him vvith 5,000 horse. in the 43rd year he took the fort
of Râhütara, 1 a dependency of Daulatabad, after a siege of one
month, and in the same year the tovvn of Pattan — vvhich is an
ancient city on the bank of the Godavery — vvas taken by his
exertions. in the end of the same year the fort of Lohgarha *
Daulatabad vvas taken by his efîorts. Both of these forts became
deserted from vvant of vvater and are in the same ştate to-day.
The Mîrzâ in the campaigns of S. Abü-1-fazl also fought battles
and did good service, in the siege of Ahmadnagar he gave great
help to the servants of Prince Daniel. in the 46th year he vvas
revvarded for his good services vvith a flag and drum. After that
he vvas for a long time in the Deccan as an assistant of the Khân-
Khânân, in the time of Jahangir he got the rank of 4000 and
vvas made governor of Kashmir. After that he obtained the fief
of Oudh, and vyhen Jahangir vvas residing at Ajmere he came to
court and visited the shrine of M'uînu-d-dîn. He embraced the
tomb of Shahbâz K. Kambû, vvho vvas buried in the enclosure,
and said, " he vvas our old friend," and then died. He vvas buried
in the same place. This occurred in the llth year on 22nd
Rabî'-ul-awwal 1025, 30th March, 1616.

Though he had but fevv servants, they were ali excellent and
had good vvages. He vvas very fond of learned and pious men.
As he vvas addicted to opium (koknâr), the confectionary depart-
ments in his establishment vvere in great order. Varieties of con-
fections and drinks and svveetmeats vvere produced in his assem-
blies. He had a pöetical vein and composed verses. 3

Akbarnâma 73*.', where the text
has Ahûbara vvith the variant Râhü-
tara.

•2 749. Both forts surrendered tor
want of vvator.

8 See B. 482, and Tüzük J., pp. 11
and 163. B., p. 482, note, rightly
doubts the ooırectness of the state-
ment at p. 1 1 of Tüzük, that he be-
langed to Delhi. None of the MSS.
have this. Instead, theystate that he

vvas a distinguished man of this tribe,
Aln alüsh ıııeaıiing the tribe or
company of the Akbarshâhîs. Or
perhaps it nıeans "this dynasty.' '
The expression is used at p. 1(53 of
the Tüzük. M. 'Alî Beg vvas över
seventy-iive vrhen he died. He left
no ehildren. The incident of his
embracing Shahbâz 's tomb is not ınen-
tioned in the Tüzük.

180

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

181

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

ALI KHÂN (MİRZADA).

Son of Muhtaram Beg and one of Akbar's officers. He
obtained the rank of 1000 and in the 9th year he was sent off,
\vith other officers, in pursuit of 'Abdullah K. Uzbeg who had fled
from Mahva to Gujarat. in the 17th year when the king proceeded
tovviuds Cîujarat, and the Khân Kilân was sent off in advance,
'Alî K. was sent with him. in the 19th year when the king pro-
ceeded to the eastern districts, he \vas one of the companions.
Afterwards he was sent with a body of troops to puniah Qâsim 1
K. alias Kâsü who was making a disturbance with a body of
Afghans in Bihar. He did good service, and af ter that he distin-
guished himself along with Mozaffar K. in the 21st year he came
to court. in the 23rd year, when Shahbâz K. went off to punish
Rânâ Pratâp alias Kikâ, he was enrolled as an auxiliary. in the
25th year he was appointed to act along with the Khân A'zim in
the eastern districts. As he did not do well there he in the 3 İst
year was sent to Qâsim K. the governor of Kashmir.* in a battle
with the Kashmiris in the 32nd year, when it was 'Saiyid 'Abdul-
lah's turn (to command) and the imperial troops were defeated, he
was killed, 8 in 995, 1587.

(HAKİM) ALI GlLÂNÎ.
He was enıinently skilled in * the sciences, especially in medi-
cine and mathematics. He was one of the ablest physicians of
the day. They say that he came to India from abroad in great
poverty and distress. By the help of auspicious fortune he became
enrolled among Akbar's servants. One day, by Akbar's order,
several bottles containing the urine of sick and healthy persons
and of cattle and asses were brought to the hakim in order to
test his skill. He diagnosed ali of them by his powers of consi-
deration,and from that time his reputation and influence increased
so that he became an intimate companiorı of the monarch. He

l A.N. III 105. * A.N. III. 516.

s A.N. III. 522, and B. 443, who
refers to Badayflni III. 326, who
describes him as an occasional poet.

* B. 466. Insteadof dar /unun the
B.M. MSS. Add. 65657, and 6567,
ha ve zû funtln.

acquired power and became the equal of the highest officers.
Af ter that he was sent on atı embassy to Bîjâpûr. Alî ' 'Adil
Shah the ruler thereof went out to welcome him and brought him
into the city with great pomp. He presented him with the rari-
ties of the country and wished to send hini back, when suddenly
in the year 988, 1580 (23rd Şafr=10th April), the cup of his
(Âdil Shah's) life was spilled. Though Şâhib Ferishta (».e., the
author of Ferishta's history) has related that Hakim Ali Gîlâni
went away before this event, taking with him the suitable pre-
sents previously given and that at this time Hakim Aînu-1-mulk
Shîrazî came as ambassador, and that on account of the inevit-
able event he went back without presen ts, yet in the opinion of
the author of these pages the account of the circumstances by
the very learned Abu-'l-Fazl is more correct.*

As the catastrophe of the killing of 'Alî 'Âdil Shah is not
devoid of singularity , it is here related. He was the most just and
liberal of the dynasty, but in spite of his excellent qualities he
was very unchaste. At last being much inclined towards fair
faces he by great efforts got from the ruler of Bîdar two beautiful
eunuchs. When his desire was nearjy gratified, he being possessed
by immodesty and baseness, in the darkness of his private çhamber
showed his improper desires to the elder of the two. That jewel
of purity, from chastity and honour, would not yield up his body,
and finished off the king with a dagger, which he had from
foresight secreted on his person. A remarkable * thing is that
Maulânâ Muhammad Bezâ of Mashhad, who had the takhallaş of
Rezâi, found the chronogram Shah Jahân shud shahid : ' ' The king
of the world was martyred, 988."

Hakim 'Ali in the 39th year prepared * a wonderful tank, a
road within which led to a chamber (kâshâna). The extra-

1 Chând Bîbî's husband.

s Akbarnâma III. 298, and Ferish-
ta's account of the Bîjâpûr dynaaty.
He is presupaably a better authority
or Deccan affairs than Abu-'l-Fazl.

8 Probably the singularity of the
chronogram lay in its describing a
death under such circumstances as
a martyrdom.

* See Eiliot VI. 193, where is a
quotation from the Zubdatu-t-taw-
ârîkh. See also A.N. III. 650—51.
Badâyûnî, Lowe 273, and Iqbâln5ma
part II, account of the 39th year. it
is in the Iqbâlnâma that the atatenıent
ocours that the water was kept out by
air. The subaqueous house waa tnade
at Lahore. it seems that Sakîm *Âli

182

THE MAASIR-UL-TTMARA.

ordinary thing was that the water of the tank could not enter the
chamber. Men went down and endured much difficulty in
examining the place, and many were so troubled that they returned
when they got half-way. Akbar vvent to see the spectacle and
came to the chamber. He got under the water at a corner of the
tank and af ter descending two or three steps he arrived at the room.
it was much decorated and was well-lighted and there was space
for ten or twelve people. There vvere sleeping coverlets (farsh
khwâb) and clothing, and there was a collation. There were some
books in recesses. The air did not allow a drop of water to enter-
As the king stayed there for a little, a strange feeling took posses-
sion of the men outside. Up to the 40th year the Hakini had
attained the rank of 700. Hîs cures astonished the world. At
last when Akbar was attacked with diarrhcea, the Hakîm's en-
deavours were unsuccessful. The king got angry and said to him,
" You were nothing but a foreign spice-seller (pasâri). 1 Here
you put off the sandals of exile. We raised you to this rank in
order that some day you might be of use." And being exeeedingly
angry he * flung two pâjâma strings at him. The Hakim taking some-
thing out of a bag flung it into a jug of water which immediately
became congealed. He said, "I have got this kind of medicine,
but of what use is it seeing that it does not apply to the present
case. " The king on account of the unsettlement and restlessness of
illness insisted, saying, " Whatever is to be, will be : give this to
me." Accordingly, owing to this medicine there was astringency
and constipation in his frame. But there was a pain in his belly

constructed a similar chamber at
Agra. See Tüzük 73, and Elliot VI.
320; also Darbâri Akbar!, p. 124.

l Ferhaps the true reading is ba
siyate-i-ıoilayat , " You were nothing
but a foreign vagabond."

* I believe that the y/ord* are
dû tikka and that they mean two
strings or bifa of things, and that pro-
bably they were the s rings of Akbar's
sleeping süit. I think that we must
look to the previous clause to under-
stand the passage. Akbar is described
as havinğ reprpached Hakim 'Alî

with being an adventurer and as
having said that he had loosed his
sandal-straps (pâtSba) in India. By
throwing him the strings he told hini
in effeet to go about his business İt
was a rude and contemptuous w«y of
dismissing him. Where the Maaşi'r
got the story I do not kno w. Per-
haps it was from the Zakhîra Khaw-
ânîn. The Zubdatu-t-tawâ"rîkh has a
long account of the illness. but it does
not mention this incident. The story
however is told in the Hindustani
translation of tlıe Akbarnâma.

THE MAASIR-UL-ÜMARA.

183

which produced restlessness. So the physicians were obliged to use
laxatives. These produced excessive motions, and he died.

One l of the wonderful things is the way in which the illness
began. They say that there was an elephant in Jahangir's
establishment named Girânbâr, which no other elephant in the
elephant stables of the emperor could withstand. But Sultan
Khusrau had an elephant named Aprüp * which also was first
rate in battle. Accordingly Akbar ordered that these two ponder
öus mountains should contend together.

Verse.

Two iron mountains moved from their place.
You'd have said, the earth moved from end to end.

He also appointed the elephant Ranhatan, 3 one of his special
elephants, to act as an assistanfc, that is, whenever one of them got
the better of the other, and the driver could not restrain him, the
said elephant was to come out of ambush and assist the defeated
elephant. Such an assistant elephant is called tapanca,* and this
was one of the king 's inventions. Akbar was seated in the jharoka
watching the spectacle, and the princes Selîm and Khusrau were on
horseback and waiting. As it happened, the elephant Girânbâr
after much fighting overcame his antagonist. Akbar wished that
the tapanca should come to the rescue, but prince Selîm's men
forbade this and flung stones at Ranhatan, and his driver, who
was bravely pushing forvvard, was hit with a stone so that the
blood flowed. The courtiers excited the king by their urgency
and he told Sultan Kharram (Shah Jahan), who was by his side, to
go to his father 6 and teli him that, " The Shâh Baba (Akbar) said,
' in reality ali the elephants are yours, why then this immodera-
tion.' " The prince said in reply, " I did not know about it, and

1 B. 467, and Khafi Khân I. 230.

* Abrüp seems to be the more
likely reading. Apparently it had
önce beloaged to the Rajah of Udai-
pûr.

3 Variant Banthan B. Bantahman.
Perhaps Banthan is right and may
mean a pil lar in battle Jike the Hrat

part of the name of the fort of Ran-
thanbhor-i2«n«Maro&a. See the ac-
count in AsadBeg's Wikâya where the
elephant is called Chanehal, Elliot VI.
168.

* Lit. ' ' slap. ' ' it also means a pistol.

6 " Shâh Bhye"— "The Shah-
brother." See Price's Jahangir, 74-

184

THE MAASIR-TTL UMARA.

I do not approve of the driver's having been struck." Sultan
Kharram said, " If this is so Fil go and separate the elephants by
means of fireworks." But though every effort was used, they were
unsuccessful. At last Ranhatan too was worsted, and together
with Aprüp plunged into the Jumna. Sultan Kharram returned,
and by soothing words calmed down Akbar. Me.anwhile Sultan
Khusrau came making a noise and spoke unbecoming words about
his father to Akbar, so that thelatter's wrath blazed forth. Ali the
night he was restless from fever, and his constitution was upset.
in the morning Hakim 'Alî, the Galen of the age, was called in, and
Akbar said : " The foolish words of Khusrau have excited me and
brought me into this state." Aftenvards the fever ended in
dysentery and was the cause of his death.

They say that as in the latter part of his illness H. Hakim
'Ali prescribed melons, Jahangir 1 after his accession blamed him,
saying that his preecription had killed his father.

in the third year of his reign 1018,* 1609, Jahangir also
went to Hakim Ali's house and visited the tank. After examin-
ing it, and coming out, he received Hakim 'Alî into favour and
gave him the rank of 2000. Some time after, the Hakim died.
They say he spent nearly Rs. 6,000 every year on medicines and
broths for the needy. Hakim 'Abdu-1-Wahâb his son in the 15th
year made a claim for Rs. 80,000 against a number of the Saiyids
of Lahore, saying that his father had made över this sum to them
(i.e. to their father). And he produced a bond (khat) with the Qâzî's
seal on it and produced two witnesses in court to prove the claim
according to law. The Saiyids deiıied, but it was not possible for
them to get out of the obligation. Aşaf Khân was appointed
to enquire into the dispute. As a rogue is timid (Çkâin khâîf
mibâşhid) 'Abdu-1-Wahâb 8 proposed to the Saiyids to withdraw the
claim. Aşaf K. made various investigations and f Abdu-l-Wahâb
was obliged to confess that the claim was false. He was theref ore
deprived of his rank and jagir.

ı Cf. Price's Jahangir, 71.

* Tüzük 73. The year should be
1017, as Hakim 'Alî died in the
beginning of 1018, Tüzük 74.

S See the story in the Tüzük J.
306 , and Iqb51nâma 101. Apparently
the two authors of the Maasir did not
know the 2nd volume of the Tüzük.

THE MAASIR-tlL-UMARA.

185

'ALI MARDAN » BAHADUR.

One of Akbar' s officers. in the 40th year he held the rank of
350. He was appointed, for the first time, to accompany the Khân-
Khânân 'Abdu-r-Rahîm in the affair of Mîrtha, and he did good
service, in the 38th year he came to court with the Khân-Khânân
and was admitted to an audience. After that he was appointed
to the Deccan, and in the battle which took place in the 4 İst
year under the Jeadership of M. Shahrukh and the Khân-Khânân
with the Deccan leaders, he was in the altamsTı. Aftertvards he
had the command of the Telingâna force. in the 36th year he
from his zeal came to help Sher Khwâja near Pâthrî. Meanwhile
he heard of the defeat of Bahâdur K. Gllâni — whom he had lef t with
a few men in Telingâna— and he turned back to that quarter. He
fell in with the enemy, and though most of his companions fled, he
stood firm and was made a prisoner. in the same year, when
Abü-1-fazl for political reasons made peace with the Deccan leaders,
he was released and joined the imperial leaders. in the 47th year.
he was in command of the lef t wing in the battle betvveen M. Irij
and Malik 'Ambar, and in which the imperial servants gained a
great victory. in the 7th year of Jahangir he was appointed
under 'Abdullah K. Fîrüz Jang. An order was given that they
should go to the Deccan by the route of Nâsik with the army of
Gujarat. They were to keep in touch with the second army which
had been appointed under Khân Jahân Lodî and to carry out
the king's business together. When Abdullah K. came into the
enemy's country and saw no signs of the other force he turned
back towards Gujarat. 'Ali Mardan resolved to die, and fought
with the enemy's army, which was following him. He was wounded
and made prisoner and was carried off by the bargîân (banditti or
skirmishers) of 'Ambar. Though surgeons were sent to him, he died
after two days in 1021, 1611. One saying of his is vvell known.
Some one said on an occasion, " Victory is from heaven ' ' (asmöni).
The hero (bahâdur) answered, " Certainly 2 victory is from heaven,
but the fighting (maidân) is ours." His son Karm Ullah attained

1 B. 496, Tüzük J. 108, whore it seems as if the two daya at'terwards rfiferred
to 7ülfiqSr Beg who was wounded on the same day by a rooket.

2 Fath asmânî, âmâ Maidân az mâ ast, Kâmgâr Husainî. B.M. MS. 69b.

186

THE MAASIR-TTLrUMARA.

THE MAASIR-Î7L-UMARA.

187

in Shah Jahan's reign to the rank of 1000 with 1000 horse, and
for some time was governor of Udgîr in the Deccan. He died in
the 2 İst year.

ALT MARDAN K. AMÎRU-L-UMARÂ.

His father was Ganj 'Alî K. Zîg, which is a Kurdish tribe. He
,vas an old servant of Shah 'Abbâs Mâşî ('Abbâs the ist). Tn the
time of Shah 'Abbâs' childhood and when he was living at Herat,
Ga.nj 'Alî was a head servant, and during his reign, by good ser-
vice and courage — which he shovved during the Uzbeg interregnum
in battles with that tribe — he attained to high rank, and received
the title of Arjmand Bâbâ (honoured father) and for nearly thirty
years was ruler of Kermân. He always showed the notes of
justice and subject-cherishing. When the Shah in the time of
Jahangiv besieged Qandahar and after 45 days took it from 'Abdul-
l-'Az-îz K. Naqshbandî, he made över the government to him. One
night in the year 1034, 1625, he was sleeping in the verandah of
the citadel of CJandahar on a couoh which rested against the
verandah railing. The railing gave way, and he between sleep and
waking fell dovra, without any one's noticing it. Af ter a while
some of his servants came upon him and found him dead. The
Shah gave his son 'Ali Mardan K. the title of Khân and made him
governor of Qandahar and called him Baba 'Şânî (Bâbâ the 2nd).

After the Shah' s death, and when the sovereignty came to
Shah Safî his grandson, the latter, on unfounded suspicions,
degraded many of the Shah 'Abbasi omcers, Âlî Mardan got
frightened and considered that his safety lay in joining Shah
Jahan, and wrote and spoke to S'aîd K. the governor of Kabul.
He also set about strengthening the walls and bastions, arid made
a fort on the top of the Koli Lakah — which is part of the fortress
of Qandahar, and finished it in forty days. VVhen the Shah heard
this he resolved to destroy him , and in the first place sent for his
eldest son. 'Alî Mardan was obliged to send him, but when
after that the Shah put to death every one whom he suspected
he threw ofl the mask. The Shah despatched Sîyâwash ' Qul-lar-

1 Pâdshâhnâma II, 31 ; qullar-
âqâsht is a Turkish phrase meaning a

commander of troops. See Vullers s.v.
Perhaps the meaning of the pre

âqâsî— vvho had been sent to Mashhad— against him. 'Alî Mardan
K. sent a petition to Shah Jahan to the effect that the Shah was
seeking his life and requested that the king would send one of his
omcers in order that he might make över the fortress and come to
court.

in the ll.th year 1047, 1637-38, S'aîd K. the governor of Kabul,
Qulîj K. the governor of Lahore, as well as the governor of
Ghaznin and Bhakar and Sivvîstan, went, in accordance with örders,
to Qandahar. When S'aîd K. arrived before Qulîj K. he perceived
that as long as Sîyâwash was in the neighbourhood of Qandahar,
the people would not be properly submissive. in concert with
'Alî Mardan— his whole force being 8000 horse— he at the distance
of one farsakh (league) from Qandahar attacked Sîyâwash who * had
5 or 6000 horse. A great battle took place, and the Persians fled,
and did not turn rein till they had got to their camp on the other
side of the Arghandab * river. S'aîd K. did not give them time to
halt there, but went against them, and they lef t their baggage and
evacuated the place. The heroes spent the night in the Persians'
tents, took ali the property and returned to Qandahar. On the
arrival of Qulîj K., who had been appointed governor of Qanda-
har, *Alî Mardan went off to the Presence, and in the 12th year
he kissed the threshold in Lahore. As before he arrived he had
been made a panjhazârî zât u sawâr (holder of 5000 with 5000
horse) and had received a flag and drum, he was on this day made
an ofncer of 6000 with 6000 horse, and was given the mansion of
I'timâdu-d-daulah which now belonged to the government. Ten
of his leading servants received suitable positions. And out of
special grace, 'Ali Mardan who was accustomed to the clim&te of
Persia, and could not stand the heat of India, was made governor
of Kashmir. At the time of the royal standard's proceeding to
Kabul, 'Alî Mardan took leave to his post, and when in the begin-
ning of the 13th year 1049, 1639-40, Lahore became the royal
residence, 'Alî Mardan was summoned from Kashmir and made an

vıous sentence is that- though 'Alî
Mardan sent his son yet the Shah was
stili determined to destroy hini ('Alî
Mordan j.

1 He alsb oceupied a strong position.
Pâdshâhnâma II. 43.

8 Text Andarâb, but see Pâdshâh-
nâma II. 45.

188

THE MAASI»-UL-trMARA.

officer of 7000 with 7000 horse, and in spite of his being governor of
Kashmir, he was also made governor of fhe Panjab, so that he
uıight by winter quarters and summer quarters pass the hot and
cold seasons in comfort. in the \fyh year, 1050, he was made
governor of Kabul in succession to S'aîd K. in the 16th year— when
the royal residence was in Agra — he was suinmoned there and
received the high title of Amîru-1-Umarâ, the present of a kror of
dâms and the gift of I'tiqâd K.'s house, which was the finest
mansion that officers of high rank had efected on the bank of the
Jumna, and which at the king's request I'tiqâd had presented as
peshkash. Thereafter 'Alî Mardan received permission to return to

Kabul.

in the 18th year Tardı 'Alî Qatghân, ' the guardian of Subhân
Qulî K. the son of Nazr Muhammad K. — who had been appointed
by Nazr Muhammad to the charge of Kahmard and its neighbour-
hood in succession tollangtosh (Yâlângtosh)— wickedly attackedthe
Baluchis living in Zamîndâwar and plundered some of the Hazârî
tribes who dwelt on the bank of the Helmand. He then halted
twenty kos from Bâmiân with the intention of making another
attack when an opportunity offered. 'Alî Mardan sent Farîdün and
Farhâd, who were his confidential servants, against, him, and they
marching quickly fell upon the Uzbeg encampment. Qatghân
after some struggle took to flight. His wife and some of his kins-
men, and ali his property were seized, and in the same year the
Amîru-1-Umarâ came to court and obtained leave to go and con-
quer Badakhşhân , where Nazr Muhammad had f ailen out vvith his
sons and servants. Aşâlat K. Mir Bakhshî was appointed to accom-
pany him. 'Alî Mardan K. in the 19th year sent* an army from
Kabul against Kahmard, and as there were few men in the fort,
they fled without drawing the sword, and the fort was taken
possession of. On hearing this the Amiru-1-Umarâ left with the
Kabul army. On the march it appeared that the Kahmard garri-
son had, from cowardice, at the approach of the Uzbeg army, sur-
rendered the fort, and been plundered ' by the Aimâqs and other

1 Pâdshâhnâm* II. 401.

2 Pâdshâhnâma II. 458.

8 PâdshâhnSma II. 460. The gar

rison surrendered under promise of
being allowed to depart in saf ety , but
the promise was not kept.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

189

tribes on their route. As under these circumstances it was, on
account of the want of provisions and forage, difficult or rather
impossible for the army to proceed, the recapture of the fort had
to be put off to another time, and 'Alî Mardan turned his atten-
tion to the taking of Badakhşhân. When he came to Gulbihâr,
the thânadâr of Panjshîr (Daulat Beg), who knew the road, stated
that it would be difficult for a large army to get thr ugh the
defiles and passes. it would also be necessary to cross the Panjshîr
river in eleven places, which could not be done without bridging.
Accordingly the Amîru-1-Umarâ sent off Aşâlat K. to attack Khin-
jân. He went and came in sixteen days, and then went (with 'Ali
Mardan) to Kabul. This going and coming at such a time when
there was confusion ' in Türân did not please Shah Jahan.

in the same year, in the beginning of 1056, 1646, Prince
Murâd Bakhsh, 'Alî Mardan and others with 50,000 horse were
appointed to take Balkh and Badakhşhân and to chastise the
Uzbegs and Almânân. As at this time Jânnişâr K. was sent off to
Persia to offer condolences for the death of Shah Safî, and con-
gratulations on the accession of 'Abbâs the 2nd, a request was
made to the latter for the sending of the Amîru-1-Umarâ's eldest
son who was a hostage with the Shah. The Shah did not sever
the links of old friendship but sent him. The Amîru-1-Umarâ went
off with Prince Murâd Bakhsh by the route of the Tül (long) Pass.
When they came to Sirâb, Sultan Khusrau, 4 the second son of Nazr
Muhammad, who was in charge of Qanduz, could not maintain his
ground there on account of the predominance of the Almânân
(robbers) and joined the prince. Afterwards when the prince
came to Khulm, three stages from Balkh, he sent the king's letter
to Nazr Muhammad, in which vvere comforting messages and an
invitation to him to come in. He said in reply that the whole
country belonged to the empire, and that he desired after doing
homage to go to Mecca. But that it was likely that the Uzbegs
in their wickedness would kili him and plunder his property. The
Amiru-1-Umarâ went on rapidly with the prince to the Imâm's

1 Pâdshâhnâma II. 462. Shah Jahan thought advantage should have been
taken of the confusion to conquer Badakhşhân.
i See notice of Khusrau in İst vol. Maasir .

190

THE MAASIR-UL- UMARA .

THE MAASIR-UL-TJMARA.

191

shrine (Mazâr-u-sharlf), and then it appeared that Nazr Muhammad
was drawing out the time by wiles and deceits. They en-
camped two kos from Balkh. At evening Bahrâm Sultan and
Subhân Qulî Sultan, Nazr Muhammad's sons, and nıany of the
nobles came and did homage, and then returned af ter taking leave.
in the morning they went on to Balkh to ha ve an- interview with
Nazr Muhammad and he went off to Bâgh Murâd to prepare a
feast. He took some jewels and ashrafîs with him, and fled, and
then made arrangenıents in Shiburghân for collecting soldiers.
Bahâdur K. Rohilla and Aşâlat K. pursued him and fought a
battle. Nazr Muhammad, seeing their power, turned his rein and
went 1 to Andakhüd and thence to Persia. in the beginning of the
20th year the Khutba was read and coin struck in the name of
Shah Jahan, and twelve* laos of rupees' worth of gold and silver
vessels as well as 2500 horses and 300 camels were seized. But
it appeared from the clerks that Nazr Muhammad had 70 lacs in
cash and goods. Some of this was taken by 'Abdu-l-'Azîz (Nazr M.'s
eldest son) and much was plundered by the Uzbegs, and a small
portion Nazr Muhammad had taken with him. Besides Khusrau,
who had already göne off to court, Bahrâm and 'Abdu-r-Rahmân —
two sons and three daughters and three wives — received in Kabul
the kindness of the emperor. The enigmatic chronogram was : s

Verse.

Nazr Muhammad was Khâh of Balkh and Badakhşhân ;
There he lef t his gold, his wives, his landa.

When Prince Murâd Bakhsh wished to return before the newly-
conquered territory had been properly settled and did not obey
the king's prohibition, the affairs of the country again got confused,
and Shah Jahan censured the prince and deprived him of his fiei

l Pâdshâhnâma II. 552.

* Pâdshânâma 540.

8 This İ8 an obscure chronogram.
The only way I can get at the figures
1056 is by supposing that there is a
pun on the toord Nazr. The lines may
then be rendered Balkh and Badakh-
şhân were the prosent (nuzzar) of

Muhammad K. He leftout gold, wife,
and lands. Nazr-i-Muhammad Khân
yields 1703, and if we deduct zar,
qabîla, imlâkrâ, the vulue of which is
647, we get 1056. 1703-847=1056. The
Pâdshâhnâma has another enigmatical
chronogram at vol. II. 547.

and rank and ordered S'aad Ullah K. to settle the country. An
order was given to the Amîru-1-Umarâ to punish the rebels of
Qanduz and to return to Kabul after the arrival of the governor
of Badakhşhân. in the same year, 1057, 1647, Prince Aurangzeb
was given the government of Balkh and Badakhşhân and was sent
there. The Amîru-1-Umarâ also went with the prince. When
they came to Balkh it appeared ' that 'Abdu-l-'Azîz, the eldest son
of Nazr Muhammad, and who was the governor of Bokhara, had
proceeded from Qarshî to the Oxus and had sent in front of him-
self the army of Türân under Beg Oghli. He had crossed the
Oxus and taken up his position in Aqcha. î Qutluq Muham-
mad Sultan, another son of Muhammad Sultan, joined him. The
prince went off in that direction without entering 8 Balkh. A battle
took place in Timurabad,* and the Amîru-1-ümarâ defeated
his opponent and came to the quarters of Qu*tluq Muhammad Sul-
tan— which were far 6 from those of Oghli. His men plundered
the tents and goods and animals of Qutluq and returned safe and
loaded with plunder. Next day Beg Oghlî attacked the Amîru-1-
Umarâ with his whole force. He stood firm, and the prince (Aur-
angzeb) himself came to his assistance. A number of the Uzbeg
leaders were killed and the others fled. At this time 'Abdu-l-
'Azîz K. and Subhân Quli Sultan his brother— who was known by
the name of the Little Khan— joined with many Uzbegs and set
about dividing the good fi horses from the bad. Whoever had a
good horse came forth to fight. Yâdgâr Tukriya attacked the
Amîru-1-Umarâ with a force of single fighters (ika tâzân = mono-
maohi), and nearly made his way to him. The Amîru-1-Umarâ
seeing this drew his svvord from the scabbard and spurred his
horse. Others joined him, and the flam.es of battle burst forth.
At last Yâdgâr was wounded » in the face by a svvord and his horse

1 Pâdshâhnâma II. 688. The text
copies the Pâdshâhnâma.

s Do. do.

3 He came to Balkh but did not
enter the city. This was on 1 Jııma-
da-al-awwal 1057 = 25th May 1647.

* Timurabad, one kon from Fatlıa-
bad. Pâdshânâma 688,

6 "Somewhat far," PSdshânâma
689. 6 PâdshShnâma II. 697.

^ Khâfi K. I. 667, where he is called
Yâdgâr Beg. Acoording to KhSfî K.
it was 'Alî Mardan who wounded him.
See PâdshâhnâmS II. 698. YSdgSr,
whom the PâdshâhnSma calls Yâdgâr
Makrît, was pardoned.

192

THE MAASIR-UL-ÜMARA

was wounded by a bullet, and they f eli , and he was captured by
the Amîru-1-Umarâ's servants. He brought him to the prince, and
was congratulated.

in fine there was a great battle for seven days, and 5 or 6000
Uzbegj were killed. The prince continuing the fight came to
Balkh and wished to leave his camp in the oity and to pursue the
foe at full speed. 'Abdu-l-'Azîü turned his rein and in one day
crossed the 0.xus. Many of his followers were drowned. After-
wards when Balkh and Badakhşhân were restored to Nazr Muham-
mad, the Amîru-1-Umarâ came to Kabul and looked after affairs
there. in the 23rd year he came to court and was given the fief
of Lahore. After sorae time he was allowed to go to Kashmir, the
climate of which agreed with him. When prince Dârâ Shikoh was
appointed to the affairs of Qandahar, though the province of Kabul
was assigned to his eldest son Sulaîmân Shikoh, yet the Amîru-1-
Umarâ was sent off to guard it. Then he again went to Kashmir.
in the end of the 30th year he was summoned to court, and after
arrival was attaeked by dysentery ; consequently in the beginning
of the 81st year, 1067, 1657, he received permission to return to
Kashmir. At the stage of Mâchîwârah he died (on 16th April,
16E7), and his body was brought to Lahore and buried in his
mother's tomb. His effects to the amount of one kror of rupees
in money and goods were confiscated. Though in Persia he
behaved contrary to the ways of the servants of the Şafavî family
and made himself charged with disloyalty and faithlessness to his
salt, yet in India he attained great respect by his loyalty, courage
and ability, and was exalted above ali the other ofncers. His
position with Shah Jahan was such that the latter called him Yâr
YVafâdâr (the faithful friend).

One of his great deeds, which willremain on the page of Time
for ages, was his bringing a canal into Lahore, which is the orna-
ment of that city.

in the 13th year 1049, 1639-40, 'Ali Mardan represented to
the emperor that orie of his servants who was skilled in excavating
oanals undertook to bring a canal to Lahore. One lac of rupees
was estimated as the cost, and this was sanctioned. The person
named surveved the country from the debouchement of the Ravi —

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

193

which has a fail in the hill-country— through the level country to
Lahore, a distance of fifty kos. He commenced to dig and com-
pleted the work l in a little över a year. İn the 14th year on the
banks of that canal and in the vicinity of the city, in a place which
was high ground, he made a garden which became known as the
Shalamar and was provided with ponds, canals and fountains.

This was completed at a cost of eight lacs of rupees in the
16thyear under the superintendence of Khalîl Ullah K. Hasan,
ündoubtedly there is »o other-such garden in India.

Verse.
If Paradise be anywhere on earth
it is here, it is here, it is here.

As the water did not come in sufficient quantity, another lac
of rupees was put at the disposal of the engineers. it chanced
that the chief workmen from ignorance spent Rs. 50,000 uselessly
in repairs. At last by the decision of a number * of men who knew
aboüt water-works five kos of the old canal were preserved and 32
new kos were made. The water came then without hindrance to

the garden.

Alî Mardan while governor of Lahore imprisoned and sent to
Kabul the " Faqrâî," 3 who renounced prayer and fasting, and
called themselves " Independents " (be qaid, Antinomians) , and
were the cause of various immoralities and debaucheries. His wealth
and power and executive ability are famous ali över India. They
say that in a feast to the king there were one hundred golden dishes
with covers, and 300 şilver ones. As regards his sons, separate
accounts have been given of ibrahim K., who attained to high
rank, and of 'Abdullah Beg, who, in Aurangzeb's time, had the
title'of Ganj 'Alî K. He had two other sons Isahaq Beg and

1 The statement in text seems
rather conf used. it is abridged from
th« PîdshShnâma II. 168. Tho canal
iı the Haslî or Shâhî Canal described
in I.O.VII. 17. it i» now a »mail part
of the Bârî Dü5b Canal. See Mu-
hammad Latîf's Lahore. p. 253. it

bsgan about fifty miles above La-
hore.

î See notioe of MullS AUa-1-Mulk
aliaa Ffail K., îlaaşir III. 52*.

8 Should not this be Fikriyâ, «.«.,
"the contemplative," aee Hughes
Dict. of islâm, p. 588, No. 10.

194

THE MAASIR-UL-ITMARA.

Ism'âîl Beg, who, after their father's death, had each the rank of
1,500 with 800 horse and were both killed in the king's service in
the battle of Samügarha where they accompanied Dârâ Shikoh. 1

'ALI MARDAN K. OF HAİDARABAD.

His name was Mir Husainî, and he was one of the leading ser-
vants of Abü-1-Hasan, the ruler of Haidarabad. in the 30th year
of Aurangzeb, after the taking of Golconda, he became a king's
servant and attained the rank of 6,000 and the title of 'Alî Mardan
K. He was appointed to the territory of Kanchî (Conjeveram)
in the Haidarabad Carnatic. in the 35th year when Santâjî
Ghorpura came to relieve Ginjî— which was being besieged by the
royal forces— he exerted himself to defeat him. After a struggle
he was made prisöner,* and his elephants, ete, were plundered.
After two years he was released by paying a large ransom. He
wasin his absenee 8 (ghaibâna) restored t o happiness by receiving
the rank of 5,000 with 5,000 horse. Afterwards he was for a while
governor of Berar, and for some time was deputy of Mühammad
Bîdâr Bakht in Burhânpür. He died in the 49th year. Müham-
mad Rezâ*, his son, was after his death made governor of the fort
of Râmgarha and held the rank of 1,000 with 400 horse.

'ALI MÜHAMMAD K. ROHILLA.

They say 6 that he was not really an Afghan. As he had
lived for a long time with one of that tribe, and the latter was

1 He also had a famous daughter,
commonly called Sahibjî, of whom
there is an account in the life of Amir
K. Mir Miran I. 284.

2 Khâfî K. II. 416. He was wound-
ed and made prisoner and was released
after paying a ransom of two laca of
rupees. Khâfî K. says he was re-
leased after a few days, and the Maaşîr
A., p. 364, does not say that he was
imprisoned for two years, though it
puta the release into the 37th year
1105, 1693-1694, while Khâfî K. puta
the defeat into 1104. it is Khâfî K.
who speaks of 'Alî Mardan as having

been of the rank of 6,000 when he was
defeated. If so he was reduced when
he got the rank of 5,000 afterwards.
But perhaps there is some raistake on
the part of K. K.

3 Maaşir A , 364. Ghaibâna means
that he was not at court when tho
honour was conferred.

* Maaşir A., 516.

6 The Siyar M. says he was an
Ahîr; translation III, 233. ! See also
Beale, and Forster's Travels. The
Afghan who brought up 'Alî Müham-
mad was called DSüd. Calcutta He-
vieıv. October, 1875.

THK MAAŞİ R-UL-UMAKA.

195

rich and chüdless, he put 'Alî Mühammad into possession. 'Alî
Mühammad took the property and at first took up his quarters in
Aonla 1 and Bankar, which are parganas north of Delhi in the
dâman-i-koh of Kumaon. He spent some time in the service of
the zamiûdars and faujdârs there, and aftervvards took to oppres-
sion and laid waste Bâns Bareilly and Muradabad which were the
jagir of I'timâdu-d-daulah Qamaru-d-dîn. I'timâdu-d-daula sent
his matsadî Hîranand* to settle the estates, and 'Alî Mühammad
encountered him and completely defeated him and got possession
of much plunder and a large park of artillery. Ftimâdu-d-daulah
was unable to remedy matters. After this 'Alî Mühammad became
a rebel and sent for many men f rom the Roh, which is the home of
the Afghans, and took possession, partly of the royal territories,
and partly of the lands of the Rajah of Kumaon. He prepared
magnificent tents of a red colour like those of the kings of India,
Accordingly the king himself set out to put him down. The
vagabonds of the royal camp went on ahead and set fire to Aonla.
At last by the intervention of the Vizier — who, in spite of his
agent Hîranand's having been plundered, was partial to him on
account of his dislike of Umdat-ul-Mulk and Şafdar Jang— a
foundation of peace was laid, and he came in and did homage.
He received the Sarkar of Sirhind in lieu of vvhat he had held.
When the Shâh Durrânî approached in 1161, 1748, he came out
of Sirhind and took possession of his old estates of Aonla and
Bankar (Bangarha?). in the same 3 year (1748) he died. His
sons were Sâd Ullah K., 'Abdullah K., and Faiz Ullah K. (and
others). The first died of illness (in 1764). The second was killed
along with B.âûz Rahmat Ullah (in 1774), and the third is at the
time of writing living 4 in Râmgarha. Of his companions were
Hâfiz Rahmat K. and Dündî K.,— they were eousins,— and the
former was closely conneeted with the Afghan (Dâüd), who had

1 Text Anwala; it was in Sarkar
Budaun, J. II. 288. Aonla is uow a
tahsîl and town in Bareilly, I.G., V.
388. 'Alî Mühammad is buried in
Aonla.

4 Or Harnand. He was killed in
the battle.

S According to Forster he died on
4 Jumâda the 2nd, 1100 = 6th May,
1747. But this must be wrong. See
note at end of article in C.B.

* He died in 1794. 'Ali M is said
to have left four sons (Beale). An-
other account is that he left sis.

196

THK MAASIR-T7I/-UMARA.

been 'Alî Muharamad K's. master (khâwand). They took posses-
sion of his territory ('Alî Muhammad's) and gained a name for
Jeaderehip. The latter (Dündî) died of illness (before 1774). The
first lived for a long time tül Shujâ'u-d-daula , the son of Şafdar
Jang Abü-1-manşür, in the year 1188 led an army against him.
After 1 a ûght he was killed. Since then no one of the tribe has
distinguished * himself.

'ALT QULl 3 K. OF ANDARÂB.

One of the proteges of Hümâyûn, in the year when
Hümâyûn had heard untrue tales about Bairâm Khân and had
eome to Qandahar from Kabul, he put 'Ali Qulî in charge of the
latter city. Aftervvards he accompanied Hümâyûn to India and-
in the beginning of Akbar's reign he took part with 'Alî Qulî K.
Zaman in the affafr of Hemü Baqqâl. Afterwards he was joined
with Khwâja Khizr K. in resisting Iskandar (Sûr), and in the end
of the sixth y#ar he went with Shamsu-d-dîn Muhammad K. Atka
to oppose Bairâm K. Nothing more is known of him.

'ALI MURÂD KHÂN JAHÂN BAHADUR KOKALTÂSH K.

ZAFR JANG.

His name was 'Alî Murâd, and he was the toster-brother of
Sultan Jahândâr Shah. He was of noble family. in the time tthen
Jahândâr was\a prince, he obtained a place in his master's heart,
and when the latter was governor of the province of Multan, he
managed the affairs. in the time of Bahâdur Shah he got the title
of Kokaltâsh K. After the death of Bahâdur Shah, and the
murders of three princes, and when that fair one (shâhid) the Sul-
tanate of India came into the arms of Jahândâr Shah, he obtained

1 He w»s killed in the battle, which
took place on lOth Şafr 1388, or 23rd
April, 1774. (Beale.)

* 'Alî Muhammad was the founder
of the present family of the Nawabs
of Râmpflr. The author of the
Hadîqa-ul-Aqâlim has a good deal to
say about 'Alî Muhammad. He was
present at Bangarha when 'Alî Mu-

hammad surrendered, and he describes
his personal appearance. He gives
the date of hiş death as 3 Shaw-
wâl 1161, 15th September, 1748, in
the first year of the reign of Ahmad
Shah. See p 141 of Newal Kishore's
lithograph. He ealls 'Alî Muhammad
a Rajput.
8 B. 432.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

197

the rank of 9,000 with 9,000 horse, the title of Khân Jahân Bahâdur
Zafr Jang, and the office of chief Bakhshî. Muhammad Mâh, his
younger brother,^who had the title of Zafr K.,— and his brother-
in-law ' Khwâja Husain K.„ each received the rank of 8,000. The
former of them had the title of A'zim K. and the nizâmat of
Agra, and the latter had the title of Khân Daurân and the 2nd
Bakhshîship. This is the Khân Daurân, who Was appointed
guardian of Muhammad I'zzu-d-dîn, the son of Jahândâr Shah,
and who went off to oppose Muhammad Farrukh Siyar. His
cowardice was such that without drawing his sword from its
scabbard, or a drop of blood having fallen from a soldier's nose,
he, at night, lef t * the camp with thesaid prince and took the road
to Agra.

Kokaltâsh K. was not remiss in devotion to his master, but
as there was rivalry between him and Zül-fiqâr K., the materials
of envy boiled över, and in councils they contradicted one
another, and did not provide for the final issue of things, or do
what was fitting. Moreover, the reigning sovoreign was infatu-
ated with L'al Kunwar and had bidden farewell to thought and
prudence, and did not look after the affairs of state. The flower
öf success did not blossom, and the parterre of wish took the
colours of autumn. in bhe battle which took place with Farrukh
Siyar in 1123 s near Agra, Khân Jahân stood firm and fell in his
master's service

ALI QULl KHÂN ZAMAN.

His father was, Haidar Sultan Uzbeg Shaibânî. in the battle
of Jâm he joined* the Persians and attained the rank of an Amîr.
At the time of the returning of Hümâyûn from Persia he entered
into service with his two şans 'Alî Qulî and Bahâdur and did good
service in the conquest of Qandahar. When the king was pro-

1 The husband of his wife's sister,
Irvine, A.S.B.J. for 1896, 160.

2 Siyar M. I. 50, Irvine l.c, 185,
Elliot VII. 435.

8 1123 îs the year stated by Khafî
K. II. 721, but it really was 1124,
and the last month of that year. The

Eng'lish date is lOth January, 1713.
See Irvine l.c , 198.

* Though Haidar was an Uzbeg by
race, he had married a Fersian wife,
and apparently he fought on the side
of Tahmâap and the Persians in the
battle of Jâm which took place in
September 1528.

19S

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

ceeding towards Kabul, a plague broke out in the camp and
many died. Among them was Haidar Sultan. 'Alî Qulî alvvays
behaved well in battle, and did especially well in the conquest of
India, and rose to the rank of an Amîr. When a madman named
Qarabar collected a number of men in the Düâb and Sambhal and
opened the hand of plunder, 'Alî Qulî was appointed to put him
dovvn. He soon got possession of him and sent his head to court.
When Akbai came to the throne, 'Alî Qulî K. had fighting with
Shâdî ' K., who was one of the Afghan leaders. VVhen he got news
of the advance of Hemû towards Delhi, he regarded that as the
more important matter and \vent off to Delhi. He had not arrived
when Tardî Beg K. was defeated. He heard of this in Mîrtha and
went towards the king. Akbar also on hearing the news of Hemü's
presunıption had returned from the Panjab. 'Alî Qulî waited
upon him and went off as vanguard from Sirhind with 10,000
horse. it chanced that an engagement took place in Pânîpat
where the battle between Bâbar and Sultan ibrahim Lodî had
taken place. A great battle ensued , and suddenly an arrow pierced
Hemü's eye. His army lost courage and fled, and Akbar and
Bairâm K. had approached near the field of battle when there
eame the good news of victory. The officers who had distin-
guished themselves were exalted by suitable titles, and 'Alî Qulî was
called Kbân Zaman, and had an increase of rank and fief. After
that he won great vietories in Sambhal, and subdued many of the
seditious as far as Lakhnau.* He also acquired much property
and many elephants. in the third year Shâham Beg, the son of a
camel-driver, who possessed beauty of form and on this account
was one of Humâyün's body-guard, and with whom the Khân
Zaman, owing to his evil nature, had long been in love, fled from
the presence and came to the Khân Zaman. The latter did not
regard the majesty of empire, and according to the evil practice of
Transoxiana ealled him Pâdishâham " My king " and prostrated
himself before him. When his doing of such things became known ,
he was summoned to court, but though orders were issued to him

I Text wrongly has Shâhî.
i it is Lakhnau also in A.N. II. 56,
but it seenıs that the place raeant is

Lakhnor in Sambbal.
384, and the note.

See Elliot V

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

199

about the camel-driver 's son they had no effect. This was the
beginning of the cloud which came över the king's heart with
regard to 'Alî Qulî. He gave marty of his fief s to men for their
maintenance, and 'Alî Qulî in his presumption and immodesty
became obstinate. Bairâm K. out of magnanimity (or perhaps,
from pride) overlooked this and did not attempt to put him down,
but Mullâ Pîr Muhammad K. Shirvvânî — who was the Khân-
Khânân's vakil and was master of the powerof the State — disliked
the Khân Zaman, in the fourth year the remainder of his estates
was confiseated and given to Jalâîr officers,' and he was appointed
to Jaunpûr vvhere the Afghans were plotting opposition.

The Khân Zaman sent his confidential servant, Burj 'Alî by
name, to make his apologies and to conciliate the court. On the
first day Pîr Muhammad K., who was in the fort of Fîrüzâbâd
(near Delhi) began a dispute with Burj 'Alî, and at the end said,
" Fling him down from the tower of the fort." in consequence,
his skull was fractured. The Khân Zaman perceived that his ene-
mies desired, under the pretext of Shâham Beg, to destroy him.
Accordingly he sent him away and went to Jaunpûr, and by great
contests succeeded in bringing that extensive territory into order.
When Bairâm K. was set aside, the Afghans of that country
thought their opportunity was come and raised up the son of
' Adili and gave him the title of Sher Shah. They attacked Jaun-
pûr \vith a large force and 500 elephants. The Khân Zaman col-
lected the officers of the districts and engaged the enemy. The
latter were victorious and entered the lanes of the city. The
Khân Zaman came from behind and regained what had been lost.
He dispersed the foe and obtained many elephants and other
plunder. But he did not send the fruits of these celestial vietories
to court, but became proud and arrogant. Akbar made an ex-
pedition to the eastern provinces in Zî-l-qada of the 6th year,
July 1562. The Khân Zaman \vith his brother Bahâdur K. did
homage in the town of Karra — which is on the Ganges — and pre-
seni ed the rarities of the country together with noted elephants,
and he was allovved to depart.

1 A.N. II. 08, \vhore Hııaain K. Jalâîr is mentioned.

W}'

200

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

in this year Fath K. Patnî (or Panî) and others made the son

of Selîm Shah the material of strife and collected a large armv in

Bihar and took possession of the Khân Zamân's estates. The

Khân Zaman went there with other officers, and as he did not think

it expedient to give battle he laid the foundation of a fort on the

bank of the Sone and entrenched himself there. The Afgbans

attacked him, and he was conıpelled to come out and engage them.

As soon as they encountered him, they routed the imperial forces.

The Khân Zaman— who was sheltering himself behind the wall— set

his mind upon. death, and went to one of the bastions and dis-

charged a cannon. By heaven's decree the ball struok Hasan K.

Patnî's elephant, and there was a great uproar in the army, and

the inen fled. The Khân Zaman gained an unexpected victory.

How the world acts like wine !

Verse.
it develops whatever ^>ne is.

The Khân Zaman in his arrogance did not recognize the rights
of his master, and in the lOth year he in concert with the Uzbeg
chiefs raised the standard of rebellion and went to war against the
fiefholders of that country, When he heard of the approach of
the royal army he erossed the Ganges and encamped near Ghazi-
pur. Akbar oame to Jaunpür and sent M un' im K. , the Khân-Khan-
ân, against him. That honest Türk in his simplicity accepted
the Khân Zamân's hypocritical excuses and begged for his being
forgiven. in company with Khwâja Jahân— who, at his request,
had göne from Akbar to soothe and conciliate him (Khân Zaman)
— he embarked on a boat and had an interview with the Khân
Zaman. The latter, out of craf t artd hypocrisy did not agree to
appear before Akbar in person, but sent off Ibrâhîm K. who was
the greybeard amorıg the Uzbegs together with his own mother
and noted elephants. it was agreed that until the king^returned
he should not cross the Ganges But the presumptuous man did
not wait for the king's return and erossed the Ganges, and pro-
ceeded to take possession of his fiefs. Akbar censured Mun'im K.
and went off on the expedition himself. The Khân Zaman heard
of this and lef t his tents and other property andwent off. Aiter

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

201

that he again sought to ünite himself with the Khân-Khânân and
obtained önce more, at Mun'im 's intercession, the pardon of his
erimes. Mîr Murtaza Sharîfî and Maulânâ 'Abdullah Makhdümu-
1-Mulk went to the Khân Zaman and confirmed his repentanee by
exacting toba l (repentanee or perhaps vows). After this, when
Akbar proeeeded to Lahore to put down the commotion of Muham-
mad Hakim, the Khân Zaman, who had become infected with
sedition (Ut. whose navel has been cut in sedition) again raised the
head of disaffeotion and recited the Khufba in the name of Muham-
mad Hakim. He gave Oudh to Sikandar K. and Ibrâhîm K. and
appointed his brother Bahâdur K. to oppose Âşaf K. and Majnün
K. in Karra Mânikpür. He himself took possession of the territory
up to the bank of the Ganges and came to Qana'uj. He besieged
M. Yûsuf K (Mashhadî) who was the jagirdar there, in the fort
of Shergarha f our kos from Qanauj . On hearing of this offensive
news Akbar hastened * to Agra from the Panjab and then went off
eastwards. The Khân Zaman heard of this, and as he did not
think that the king would return with such rapidity he recited the

verse

Verne.}

His swift, gold-hooved steed beats the Sun
Which goes from east to west but halts a night.

He was helpless, and lef t the foot of the fort and went to
Bahâdur K. at Mânikpür. From there he in pargana Singraur
made a bridge över the Ganges and erossed. The king hastened
from (Râî) Barelî and erossed the Ganges at Mânikpür on an

1 A.N. II. 268. For Mîr Murtaza's
death, ete, see Baday ünî , Lowe 101.

* Akbar did not make great haste
on the way from Lahore to Agra.
He stopped at Thânesar and saw
the fight between the Sannyasis.
He left the Panjab on 22nd Maroh
1567. (Elliot V. 318). He left Agra,
vrhere he heard of the Khân Zamân's
besieging Shergarh, on 3rd May,
having arrived there 19 days before,
iris., on 15thApil.

8 Thi« cotnes from Ferishta, who

probably does not mean that 'Alî

Qulî actuaUy uttered the worda.

TheBariaıi Akbarî has a longac-

couût of the Kfesn Zaman, and in

quoting the lines at p. 220 it saya

that Khan Zaman used them ironica.1-

ly. it also has a different reading.

the word mând ending both Hnes

whereas the Maasir has mând in the

first line and âmid in the second. As

Ferishta has mând and âmed does

not rhyme, I ha ve adopted mând.

Mând may also mean " reaembles."

202

THE MAASIR-TTI/-TTMARA.

THE MAASIR-UX-UMARA

203

elephant with ten or eleven men. He with a few men — in ali
there were one hundred horse — arrived to within half a kos of the
enemy's camp and halted that night. Majnün K. and Âşaf K. eame
with their troops — which were the vanguard — and sent Akbar news
one after the other. it chanced that on the night the Khân Zaman
and Bahadur K. were in complete carelessness and were spending
their time in drinking. Whoever spoke of the king's rapid march
and of his being near at hand was supposed to be romancing. On the
morning of Monday in the beginning of Zî-1-hajja 974, 9th June
1567. Majnün K. was plaeed on the right \ving and Âşaf K. on
the lef t, and in the fields of the village of Sakrâwal, one of the depen-
dencies of Allahabad — which was afterwards styled Fathpür — they
reached the Khân Zaman. Akbar was on the elephant Bal Sündar,
and he put M. Koka in the howda ('imârı) while he himself took
the place of the driver. Bâbâ K. Qâqsâl in the fîrst onset dis-
persed the enemy and came up to the Khân Zaman. One of the f ugi-
tıves in his confusion struck against the Khân Zaman, and the tur-
ban fell off his head. Bahâdur K. attacked Bâbâ K. and drove
him off. Meanwhile the king had got on horseback. As the enter-
prises of the ungrateful are unsuccessful, Bahâdur K. was made
prisoner, and his army fled. The Khân Zaman maintained his
ground and was asking about the position of his brother when
suddenly he was struck by an arrow. Another arrow struck his
horse and brought him to the ground. He was on foot and was
drawing the arrow out of his body when the elephants of the royal
centre arrived. The driver Somnâth drove the elephant Nar 1
Singh against him, and the Khân Zaman said, "lam a leader of
the army, take me alive before the king and he will honour you."
The driver said, " Thousands of men like you are passing away
\vithout name or mark. it is better to kili an ilhvisher of the
king " He then trampled him under the foot of his elephant. As
no one knew what had become of the Khân Zaman, the king while
standing in the battlefield said: " Whoever will bring a Moghul's
head from among the enemy will get an ashrafl, and whoever
brings the head of a Hindustani will get a rupee." One of the

1 This is the name given by the
T.A. and by Badayünî, but the A.N.

II. 295 calls the elephant Nainsukh
(delight of the eyeg).

plunderers had cut off his (K. Zaman 's) head, and another took
it from him on the way in the hope of the ashrafî. They say that
a Hindu named Arzani, who Was the Khân Zamân's factotum,
was standing there among the prisoners and looking at the heads ;
when his eye fell upon the head of the Khân Zaman, he took it up
and smote his own head with it (?) and flung 1 it at the foot of the
king's horse saying, " This is 'Alî Qulî's head." Akbar alighted
from his horse and returned thanks to God, and sent the heads of
both brothers to Agra and other places.

Verse*

The chronogram found was Fath Akbar Mubârik. "The
glorious victory of Akbar." (974.) Another was Dü khün shuda.
(975). ' ' There were two deaths. ' '

The Khân Zaman had the rank of 5,000 and was a man of
fame and majesty. He was unique for courage and vigour and

1 There seems to be no authority
for the statement in text that Arzani
fluag the head at the foot of Akbar's
horse. The man was deeply grieved
at his master's death and struck his
own head in sorrow either with the
head or with his hand. See A.N. II.
295 and Badayünî, Lowe 100. Bada-
yünî calls the Hindu Rai Arzani.
s The verse is as follows : —

The heads of thy enemies ! God

forbid
That thy enemies should not do
thee reverence (sir nabaahid).
I stop ray words at "the heads of
thy enemies. ' * For there is no better
conclusion than this.

The verse whieh contains the ohron
ogram is —

Verse.

'Alî Qulî and Bahâdur were slain

by the might of Heaven.
Beloved, ask not fromıne Bedîl

how it happened.
I sought the year of their de»Ahs

from the Sage ofUeaaon..
He heaved a eigh and said ' There

were two slayings,"

The chronogram yields 975, which is
one year too much; but a note to the
text I. 630 points out first that the
event took place in the lastmordh
974, so that the anachromsm ıs not,
great, and secondly, th*t the heavinj ,.
of a sigh meanstîjattte£*i'tle*fcer of
ah "a sigh" should ee deducted,
which wbiaö mat e the date Tİght.
Theword" broken — heaıted " {bedii)
İs probably the tahfrallaş or pen-name
otthe t.ompoaar. The chronogram
is given in Badayünî, Lowe 101.
The second chronogram given there

Q.atl dü nimakharâm be dîn
The slaughter of two faithless
traitors "

yields 975 and not 973 as stated by
Mr. Lowe. Both brothers, viz., 'Alî
Zaman and Bahâdur, were killed. The
date as given by Badayünî is 1 Zü-1-
hajja 974 = 9th June, 1567. The name
of the village «here the battle was
fought was Mankarwâl aocording to
Elliot V. 321— and Badayünî. But
A.N. II. 296 has Sakrâvval.

2Q4 THB MAASIBrTJlrUMARA.

military skill. Though he was an Uzbeg, yet as he had been
nurtured in Persia and his mother was of that country, he was a
Shia. He did not practice any subterfuge (taqiya) about this.
He had a poetical vein, and his talçhalla» was Sultan.

ALIF KHÂN AMİN BEG.
By family he was a Caghatai Barlâs. His ancestors had
served the Timurid family. 'Alî Sher K., one of the trusty
officers of Timur, was an aiioestor of his. His father Mirza Jân Beg
— whose l nature afterwards changed so that there was a worsening
of his character— was in the service of the Khân-Khânân M.
'Abdu-r-Rahîm and attained bigh rank. When he died, Âmân
Beg revived the qualities of his ancestors and became a servant
of Shah Jahan. He obtained the rank of 1,500 with 1,500 horse
and was appointed* governor of the fort of Qandahar. He held
this appointment for a long time, and in the 26th year got the
title of Alif Khân. in the end of the same year 1063, 1653, he
died. He had gallant sons. Among them was Qalandar Beg, who
held the rank of 600 under Shah Jahan. Af ter the first battle
wlth Dârâ Shikoh which took place near 'Imâdpur in the vicinity
of Samegarha in the Agra district, he obtained from Aurangzeb the
title of Khân and the charge of the fort of Kalyan in the prov-
ince of Bidar, and went off to the Deccan. it was as if this
family had been set up as the barbican of the court of the Sul-
tanate ! The Khân in question and his sons spent their lives
in guarding the forts of the Deccan. After he had been long in
Kalyan he guarded Ahmadnagar, and in the 15th year (of Aurang-
zeb) he became, in succession to Mukhtar Khân, the faujdâr and
governor of the fort of Zafarabad-Bîdar. 8

When the fortress of Naldrug fell into the hands of the im-

1 I do not Unow what this refers to.
A Jân Beg is mentioned in A.N. III.
718. 'Alî Sher is mentioned by
D'Herbelot as the lieutenant of Sultan
Husain in Samarkand, and as for a
time being Timur'a oolleague there.
Perhaps the Jân Beg referred to is
the man whom Jahangir had m tide

Wa7.iru-1-Mulk when he was prince
Tüzük, J.,p. 9.

* Pâdishahnâma I, Part II 216.
His rank is there stated as 1 .000 with
1 ,000 horse.

3 Zafarabad is another namo for
Bidar.

THB MAASIR-tTL-UMAKA.

205

perial servants, he became the governor thereof. Lastly he
obtained the governorship of the fort of Gulbarga and also had
the charge of the shrine of Saiyid Muhammad Gesü ' darâz— May
the peace of God be upon him ! He also served in war. He died
one year before the victory över Bîjâpûr. Among his sons— who
were ali masters of their profession— was Mirza Parvez Beg, who
was governor of the fort of Mulkher alias Mozaffarnagar which is
eight kos from Gulbarga. Also there was Nüru-l-'aiyân, who
obtained the title of Jân-bâz Khân, and afterwards was known
by his grandfather's name and again by his father's. He in the
beginning was governor of the fort of Murtazâbâd Mirich and
aftenvards died as governor of Naşirâbâd Dhârwar belonging to
Bankâpür. But the most famous was Parvez Beg. His first title
was Jân bâz Khân, and afterwards he was called Beglar Khân.
He was governor of many forts. When Ankar Fîrüzgarha was
taken he was made governor of the fort, but a year had not
elapsed when he died. His son Beg Muhammad K. became gover-
nor of Adoni, and his son Mîrzâ M'aâlî became governor of Gul-
barga. From there he went to Qandhar (in the Deccan) and died.
His son Burhânu-d-din Qalandar was for a long time governor of
Mulkher. He reckoned nothing as of any moment,* and was a
qalandar püre and simple. He 3 was contented with the unsubstan-
tial four walls of crumbling yellow stone which (God) had made.

'ALIVERDİ KHÂN MÎRZA BANDI. 4

They say that he and Hâjî Ahmad were two brothers and tne
sons of Hâji Muhammad who was steward (Bakâwal) on the estab-

1 A famous saint of the Deccan,
721-825 H., 1321-1421. See Bieu's
Cat. I. 8476, and Khazina Aşfiyâ I.
381. See Haig's Hist. Landmarks of
the Deccar., p. 90.

4 Alif heeh nadürad. ' ' He regards
Alif as of no consequence." Aceord-
ing to the Bahâr-i-'Ajam this ıs a pro-
verbial phrase, and a couplet of Şa'ib
is quoted in explanation of it. Pos-
sibly the author is making a pun-
Alif was Burhânu-d-dîn's ancestor's
title, and the point rnay be that he

did not regard his ancestry. Alif
ahudan is a phrase meaning "to be
poor, or a recluse.-' The phrase alif
hech nadârad may therefore mean
" he did not mind being poor. ' '

8 The sentence is metaphorical.
Apparontjy ahikananda hero means
" crumbling ' ' and yellow stone means
flesh.

* There is the variant " Mirza
Hindi " Indian Prince " But it is M.
Bandı in the Riyâzu-s-Salâtîn, p. 293.
, Alıverdi is saic to mean " the gift

206

THE MAASIR-UL-TTMABA.

lishment of Prince Muhammad A'zim Shah (third S. Aurangzeb).
'Alıverdi when in poor circumstances had acquaintanoe l with
Shujâ'ud-daula, the Nâzim of Bengal, and during the reign of
Muhammad Shah came to Bengal along with Hâjî Ahmad and
trod the path of erile. Shujâ'ud-daula received then. with kind-
ness and gave allowances to both brothers. He made them his
companions and friends and did nothing without consulting them.
He wrote to court and obtained a suitable rank and the title of
Khân for 'Alıverdi. As the province of Patna was included in
Bengal, 'Alıverdi was made deputy thereof. He during Shujâ'ud"
daula's life behaved presumptuously in Patna and obtained from
the king the title of Mahâbat K. and the substantive subahdarship
of Patna. Shujâ'ud-daula was obliged to leave him in possession
of the provinee. Af ter Shujâ'ud-daula's death, and when the
government of Bengal came to his son 'Alâud-daula Sarf araz K.,
the latter owing to a penurious disposition, which is contrary to
chiefship, turned ofî many soldiers. 'Alıverdi in the year 1152,
1739, took it into his head to seize Bengal and proceeded to
Murshidabad with a strong army on the pretext of having an
interview with Sarfarâz. He told his brother Hâjî Ahmad-who
was in Sarfarâz's employ— what this intention was. Hâjî Ahmad
helped him in his deceit. When Mahâbat Jang approached, Sar-
farâz awoke and went out with a small force to meet him. He
madeafeeblefight and was killed in 1153, 1740. Murshid Qulî
K. who had the tabhallaş of Makhmûr * and was the son-in-law of
Shujâ'ud-daula was at that time the governor of Orissa, He
colleeted an army and hastened to engage 'Alîverdî and was
defeated (near Balasore) and came to the Deccan to Aşaf Jâh.

of 'Alî. Siyar M. I. 276, translator's
note. Verdî is often written Berdî.

l He was related to him through
his mother. He went to Orissa, and
his brother came aftervvards. See
Siyaru-1-M., translation I. 275. 'Alî-
verdî's mother was a Perman lady,
of the Afshar tribe.

* "The intoxicated " As it was
his pen-name, it was presumably
adopted by himsolf , and means intoxi-

eated in the sense of being filled with
Divine Love or with poetical fervour.
The RiySzu-s-Salâtîn has Majbür.
Makhmûr is probably right as Beale
says he was called poetioally sarshar,
which also means intoxicated. See
also Bieu II. 7966, and OudeCat. 194,
where he is styled Makjımûr. He
wrote Rekhtah poetry and died in
the Deccan.

THE MAAŞIR-ITL-UMARA.

207

Mîr Habîb Ardistânî — who was Murshid Qulî K.'s bakhshi — went to
Raghü Bhonsla who was makâsdâr * of Berar and urged him to
conquer Bengal. Raghü sent a large army under the leadership of
Bhâskar Pandit, his Diwân, and 'Ali Qarâwal — who was his best
general* — along with Mîr Habîb to Bengal against 'Âlîverd.
Fighting went on for nearly a month, and then 'Alıverdi proposed
peaee. He invited Bhâskar Pandit, 'Alî Qarâwal and 22 8 other
leaders to his tent on the pretext of a banquet , and put them ali to
the sword. The army scattered like ' ' The daughters of the
Bier" (the constellation of Ursa Majör). Raghû and Mîr Habîb
returned unsuccessful, but every year an army was sent to ravage
Bengal. At last 'Alîverdî fixed to pay a sum of money to Raghü,
and in lieu of it gave him Orissa, and so preserved the country
from ruin. He ruled for thirteen years. After his death his
daughter's son, who had the title of Sirâju-d-daula, ruled for ten
months. in that time he plundered the port of Calcutta. After-
wards he waa defeated by the army of the Feringhi hat-wearers
and got into a boat and fled. When he came to Râjmahal, one of
his servants by name Nizâm arreeted him and sent him to Mîr
J'aafar his Bakhshî, who was married to Mahâbat K.'s sister and
was in league with the Feringhis. His head was severed from his
body by the pitiless sword, and Mîr J'aafar had the title of Shamsu-
d-daula J'aafar 'Alî K. and became the ruler by the help of the
Feringhis. in the year 1172, 1758-59, when the army of Sultan 'Alî
Gohar came to Patna and besieged it, Şâdiq 'Alî K. alias Miran
the son of Mîr J'aafar was appointed to relieve Patna. He stood
firmly in the battle, and was wounded.* When the prince turned
his reio towards Murshidabad, 6 Miran marched off quickly and
joined his father. Aftenvards he went towards Purniya where

1 Properly mukhâşadâr, a collector
or revenue-agent. See Wilson's Glos-
sary, 3526.

î 'Alî Qarâwal was originally a
Hindu and a Mahratta. Riyâzu-s-
SalSt.în, 349.

8 Apparently the total number was
22.

* Miran 's wounds are mentioned
in the Siyar Mutakjjarîn, transla-

tion II. 344, and in the Riyâz
S. 375. The battle took place near
Bârh on the bank of the Adhuah (T).
Shah 'Alam had previously defeated
Ram Narain at Fatüha.

6 The Riyâz has Bardwan and the
Siyar M. says Bihar, but it appears
that the prince's general did make an
attempt to march on Murshidabad.
Ses Siyar M. 345.

208

THE MAASIBrüL-TJMABA.

THE MAASIB-UL-UMARA.

209

Khâdim Hasan, fche Deputy-Goyernor, was behaving rebelliously.
When he came near Bettiah, which is a dependency of Purniya, he
on a night in 1173 (July 1760) was struck by lightning, and the
harvest of his life was consumed. The chronogram is

Banâgah barq ' af tada b (a) Miran.
"Suddenly lightning fell upon Mîran."

Af ter this occurrence Qâsim 'Ali K. (Mîr Qâsim), the son-in*
law of J'aafar ' Alî, dispossessed his father-in-law and became ruler.
Accordingly J'aafar 'Alî went to Calcutta. in the end Qâsim 'Ali
did not get on with the Christians, and J'aafar 'Ali laid hands on
power for the second time. Qâsim 'Alî K. came away and
brought the reigning king and Shujâ'ud-daula, the Vizier, to the
province (Bihar). But nothing was sucoessful. For a long time
he waited for his opportunity in attendance on the emperor.
When- he had no suocess, he for a time went away to outlying
places. it is not * known what fmally became of him. But J'aafar
'Alî K. died in 1178, 1703. After him his son Najmud-daula sat
upon the masnad and died in 1179, 1766. After him Saifud-
daula for a time and Mubârak Ullah for some months had the
name of rulers. in 1185, 1771-1772, the whole of Bengal and
Bihar fell into the possession of the hat-wearers.

ALLAH QULI KHÂN UZBEG.
He was the son of the famous Alang Tosh, who was one of the
Cossacks and eminent horsemen of Türân. He belonged to the
Alman tribe, and his name was Jatî. in a battle he attacked
with his breast bare, and from that time he was known as Alang-
tosh, for alang 8 means in Turkî bare, naked, and tosh means breast.
He was servant of Nazar Muhammad, the ruler of Balkh, and held
Kahmard and its appurtenances and the Hazârajât in fief . As he

1 The chronogram yields 1173. The
event ocourred in July 1760. For
Khâdim Hasan the Riyüz has KhSdîm
Huaain.

* He died near Delhi, in 1777
(1191). At Kotwal an obscure vil-
lage. (Beale).

The Siyar M. IV. 51 saye, he died at
town betıreen Agra and Delhi.
3 The spelHng Alang or Tlang, w&'|,
is wrong : it should be Ilang or. Yâlâng
as in Maaşir I. 740. See Zenker s. v.
it is curious that ulanga is Bengalee
for naked. Tosh is Turkî for breast.

got amali pay as a servant he was an aimânci 1 (?) and a plunderer

and raided as far as Qandabar and Ghaznîn and ao got his liveli-

hood. He also constantly made incursions into Khurâsân. The

Shah of Persia was unable to protect the peasantry against him.

Gradually he added soldiering to his robberies, and extended

his power far and wide, and in order to subdue the Hazâras, whose

settlements were within the Ghaznîn boundary, and who from old

times paid revenue to the ruler of Ghaznîn, he established a fort

there and in the 19th year of Jahangir a great battle took* place

between him and Khânazâd Khân Khân Zaman, the son of Mahâbat

K. , who was ruling in Kabul on the part of his f ather. Many

Uzbegs and Almâns were slain, and Alang Tosh felt the elaws and

was defeated. After the death of Jahangir and in the beginning

of the reign of Shah Jahan, Nazr Muhammad K. thought he had

an opportunity of conquering Kabul and drew up an army against

it. Alangtosh did not fail to harry the inhabitants in the neiglı-

bourhood of Kabul. At last when the time of Nazr Muhammad's

power was coming to an end and his fortunes declined, he took

away Alangtosh's fief without his having committed any fault,

and gave it to his own son Subhân Qulî. in similar manner he

annoyed many of his officers, and went to the place that he loent to.

Allah Qulî, before Nazr Muhammad K. had deposed his elder

brother imâm Qulî K. and had added Samarkand and Bokhara

to Balkh, had separated from his f ather, and came to Kabul in

the 13th year with the idea of serving Shah Jahan. The latter

from his spirit of appreciation presented him with Rs. 5,000 by an

assignment on the treasury at Atak. He also sent Rs. 5,000 to

S'aîd K., the governor of Kabul, who had made an adrance

(to Allah Qulî). When in the 14th year he entered service, he was

raised to the office of 1,000. Shah Jahan gradually advanoed him

to 2,000, and in the 22nd year when he had distinguished himşelf ,

along with Rustum K. and Qulîj K. in the battle with the

Persians at Qandahar, he got an increase of 500. When in the

24th year J'aafar K. was sent off as governor of Bihar, the Khân

1 Probably the word is almtörıtâ, for al'mân or ataman m»«ıı» plunder.
Almânji is given in P. de Courteillo as meaning a plunierer.
* Tiûuk J. 387.
27

210

THE MAAS'IR-TJL- UMARA.

was appointed to that province. in the 26th year he came to the
presence and was raised to the rank of 2,500 and 1,500 horse.

ALLAH YÂR KHÂN.

His father was Iftikhâr K. Turkamân, wbo in the time of
Jahangir was one of the auxiliaries in Bengal. When islâm K.
Cistî became the governor of that province, he sent a force under
the command of Shujâ'at K. Shaikh Kabir against Usmân K.
Lohânî, wbo was rebelling in that quarter. The command of the
right wing was entrusted to Iftikhâr K. When the battle was
imminent 1 and the two forces were confronting one another,
Usmân drove forwara a warlike elephant against the imperial van-
guard and defeated it and turned against Iftikhâr. He stood firm
and stretched forth the arm of battle, and af ter a number of his
old servants and followers had been slain, Iftikhâr was also
killed.*

Allah Yâr, after the heroism of his father, became a favourite
of Jahangir and in time rose to be an Amir. in the end of that
king's reign and the beginning of Shah Jahan's he attained the
rank of 2,500, and according to old custom was enrolled among
the auxiliaries of Bengal. Qâsim K., the governor of Bengal, sent
his son 'Inayat Ullah along with the Khân to take the port of
Hoogly, which is one of the leading ports in Bengal. The Ieader-
ship and control were entrusted to the Khân. He did good
service in this victory and by his skill and bravery rooted out
in the fifth year the tree of infidelity and of the sway of the
Frank which had put down its veins and fibres (rag u resha) in
that country, and in place of the nâqûs % (woodengong) he caused
the voice of God's praise to resound. As a reward he received
an increase in horsemen and in rank. After that, he during

l Kârzâr tarâzii a similar phrase to
jangtarözü used in tbe notices of Abu-
1-Maalî and Jahangir Qulî.

* Literally " After a number of the
old servants and helpers had decked
tho face of courage with the rouge
of life-sacrifice, that drunkard with

bravery 's wine manfully drained the
bowl of death.' *

S See Hughes' Dict. of islam. The
nâqüs is used in some eastern
churches, bot here must be under-
stood to mean the beUs. For account
of siege of Hooghly seo Elliot VII. 31.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMABAi

211

the government of islâm K. (Mashhadî) together with islâm K.'a
brother Mir Zainu-d-dîn 'Alî S'aadat K. led 1 an army into Küo
Hâjü in the north of Bengal and did good service in extirpating
the Assamese who attempted to help the ruler of Kûc Hâjû and
who trespassed» into the imperial territöry. He redueed the
arrogant to obedience and returned safe and full of plunder. Ho
waa raised to the rank of 3,000 with 3,000 horse. in the same
province (of Bengal) he died in the 23rd year, in the beginning of
1060, 1650. He had sons and other kindred. His sona Isfan-
diyâr, Mâh Yâr and Zü-l-fiqâr obtained suitable fiefs and appoint-
ments in that province. The second son died in the 22nd year in
his father's lifetime, and the third in the 26th year after his
father's death. Rahman Yâr, the brother of Allah Yâr, obtamed
in the 25th year, at the request of Prince Muhammad Shujâ', the
governor of the province, the rank of 1,500 with 1,000 horae, and
the office of the charge of Jahângîrnagar (Üacca). Afterward,
he got the title xA Rasrhîd K. , and in the 20th year he had been
appointed as Prince Muhammad Shujâ's deputy to the charge of
Orissa. He delayed to go there and oecupied himself with his
former empleyment (at Dacoa). When Shujâ retreated before
Aurangzeb, he went off to Bengal in a ruined condition and
vainly tried to oppoae the pursuit of M'uazzam K. r£hân-Khânân,
and in the 2nd year of Aurangzeb established himself in Tanda
in order to spend the rains there. When be heard that Rashîd K,
was recalcitrant and that a number of the landholdera in that
part of the country had joined with him in opposition and that he
vvished to take the imperial fleet and join M'uazzam K., be deputed
his eldest son Zainu-d-dîn* along with Saiyid 'Âlâm Bârha in
order that when he (the son) came to Dafcca he might arrange to
kili Rahman Yâr. By fraud and pretext he (Zainu-d-dîn) one day

1 Pâdshâhnâma II. 75. it was in
the lOthyear of the reign 1047, 1637-
163 S. See also Khâfî K. II. 559,

2 Khâfî K. I. 570 and 618 has
Zi»inu-l-'5bidîn, but at II. 49 he has
Zainu-d-dîn. in the Plochmann MS.
and the I. O. 628 we have *:« instead
of ta in the third laat line of the

biography.- The account in text İb
taken from the 'Alamgîrnâma, p. 515,
where the name of Shujâ's son is
given as Zainu-d-dîn. it was Zainu-d-
din, who went to Dacca and had
Rashîd K. aliat Rahman Yâr put to
death.

212

THE MAASIR-UL-UMAltA.

summoned him to the hail of audience and gave a signal to his
men. Tbey ali attacked Rahman Yâr with their weapons and
killed him.

ALLAH YAR K. MIR TUZAK (Marehal, master of ceremonies).

He was a servant of Aurangzeb from the daya of his prince-
hood, and was in attendance in the battle with Maharâjah Jeswant
Singh. He distinguished himself in the first battle against Dârâ
Shikoh. in the first year of the reign he received the title of Khân,
and he conveyed the treasure from the royal camp to Multan for the
expenses of the force which under the charge of Khalîl Ullah K.
had set forth to pursue Dârâ Shikoh. Af ter the battle with Mu-
hamraad Shujâ' he was made superintendent of the cavalcade (?)
(darogha-i-mulâzamân-i-jilau) and given a commission of 1,500 with
1 ,500 horse. in the fifth year he was appointed in succession to
Hüshdâr K., darogha of the ghusalkhâna (private audience-roöm)
and given a flag. He died in the 6th year, 1073, 1663.

ÂMÂN ÜLLAH KHÂN » ZAMAN BAHÂDUR M.

Son and heir of Mahâbat K. Zamana Beg. His mother be-
longed to the Khâriazâds of Mewat. in contradistinction to his
father he was adorned with praiseworthy qualities, and was superior
in excellencies to his contemporaries. Men were astonished at
euch a father having snch a son. When in the 17th year of
Jahangir, the die for overthrowing the for tüne of Shah Jahan was
cast in the name of Mahâbat K. , the latter was recalled from Ka-
bul, and the management of that country was given to M. Âmân
Ullah as depnty for his father, and he received the rank of 3,000
and the title of Khânzâd Khân. 4 The Uzbeg named Jati, who be-
longed to the Alman tribe and was a servant of Nazr Muhammad
K. , the ruler of Balkh — he was commonly called Ilangtosh because
in battle he lef t his chest bare, for the Turks term '' naked " lU

1 Pâdshâhnâma I. 158.

s KhSnazSd in variant and in Iqbâl-
nâma. The ezplanation of ılangtosh
is given in Iqbâlnâma 228, where the
real name is said to be Khastî or Has-

nî. See also Tüzük J. 388. Thcragh
here the word is written as Ilang, it
is Alang or at leaat only Ilang at 1., p.
187. But Ilang or Jeleng is right.
See Zenker. s. v.

THE MAASİK-TJ£-UMARA.

213

ang, and chest toah — was prominent on the borders of Khurâsân,
and between Qandahar and Ghaznin, and acquired a name as a
raider and several times attacked Khurasan, so that the Shah ot
Persia (Shah Abbas) was alarmed x at him. He founded a fort *
in the Haz&rajât in order to oontrol the Hazara tribe whose seat
(yürot) was on the boundaries of Ghaznin, and who from ok] times
paid tribute to the governor thereof. He also sent his sister's son
with an army to overawe them. Thereupon the heads of the Hazara
tribe applied for help and redress to Khânzâd K. He hastened
with a well-equipped force against the Uzbegs, and their leader
(Ilangtosh 's sister's son) and a number of his followers were slain in
battle. lyıânzâd K. also destroyed the fort, Ilangtosh by im-
portunity got a şort of leave from Nazr Muhammad K. — who had
no intention of attacking the imperial territories — and in the 19th
year prepared for battle, accompanied by a large number of Uz-
begs and Almâncîs, 8 at a distance* of two kos from Ghaznin.
Khânzâd K., with the help of the contingent of the province, dis-
tinguished himself in this battle and showed devotion in killing
and making prisoners of the enemy. They say that the elephanta
did great things in this battle. Whenever the Uzbegs made an
attack, the elephants were driven against them, and their horees
took fright. in short the Uzbegs could not advance and Ilangtosh
was obliged to fly. They say that in the battle an armed trooper
was made prisoner. They were about to kili him when he cried
out that he was a woman. When they stripped the trooper they
found that he was a woman. She stated that nearly a thousand
women like her were in the army, and wielded swords in a mas-
culine manner. Khânzâd K. pursued the foe for sûc kos and then
returned victorious.

When the government of Bengal was given to Mahâbat K. ,
Khânzâd K. was at his father's request recalled from Kabul, in
the 20th year when Mahâbat was censured and summoned to

1 See Iqbâlnâraa 218, and Tüzük
J. 388.

* At Citür, Iqbâlnâma 225, and
Şawâr in Tüzük J. 386, where the word
Ilang toah is given m Palaagpoab,

S Tezt ImancÎB, but the word is
Alman or Alamâncî, »'.e. " robber. "
See T. Jahangiri 387.

* Sark dara, Iqbâlnama, 220.

214

THE MAASIR- DT.-TTMARA.

court, the government of Bengal was assigned to Khânzâd. After
wards, when Mahâbat K. in retribution for his deeds fled from
the banks of the Jhelam, Khânzâd was removed from his govern-
ment of Bengal and came to court. By his excellent behaviour
he retained respect and did not deviate one hair's breadth from
submission to Âşaf K. Af ter Jahangir's death, he was associated
with Aşaf K. in the proceedings that were taken then. in the
beginning 1 of Shah Jahan's reign he came from Lahore and did
homage, and received the rank of 5,000 with 5,000 horse, the title
of Khân Zaman and the govt-rnment of Malwa in succession to
Mozaffar K. M'amürî. in the same year, when his father was
made governor of the Deccan, he went* there as his father's
deputy. After that, when in the 2nd year the government of the
Deccan was given to Irâdat K., who had the name of A'zim K.,
Khân Zaman kissed the threshold and went off to his fief of Sam-
bhal. When Shah Jahan proceeded to the Deccan to quell Khân
Jahân Lodî, the Khân Zaman followed him and joined Aşaf K.
Yemenu-d-daula who had been appointed to chastise Muhammad
' Adil Shah, the ruler of Bîjâpür. in the 5th year at the time of
the royal return from Burhânpür to üpper India, the government
of the Deccan and of Khandes was taken from A'zim K. and given
to Mahâbat K. wno was then in eharge of Delhi. An order was
issued to Yemenu-d-daula to leave Khân Zaman and his contin-
gent in Burhânpür and to come to court with A'zim Khân and
other officers. At the same time, Khân Zaman got 3 pos3ession of
the strong fort of Gâlna. Mahmüd K. the governor of the fort
had withdrawn from obedience to Fath K., the son of Malik 'Ambar,
because he had put to death the Nizâm Shah, and wished to make
över the fort to Sâhü Bhonsla. When Khân Zamân's father
addressed himself , in the 6th year, to the taking of the lofty fort of
Daulatabad, the Khân Zaman came with 5000 troopers prepared
for battle, and went to every battery that needed assistance. At
that time 20,000 cattle,* as also corn, and a number of the contin-
gent troops, were in Zafarnagar, but were not able to join or

THE MAASIR-UL-tTMARA.

215

account of the predominance of banditti. Khân Zaman went
there, and Sâhûji Bhonsla and Bahlül K. surrounded him in Cakl-
thâna 1 three kos from Khîrkî. The Khân Zaman maintained
his ground, and discharged rockets. gajnal* (elephant-guns) and
muskets. From whichever side the enemy advanced, they received
a rebuff, and when night fell both armies left off fighting. The
Khân Zaman remained on the field of battle and prudently waited
(on guard) till the morning. The enemy saw that they could not
succeed and retreated in despair. He conveyed the provisions to
his father, and continually behaved bravely both in the batteries
and on foraging parties. On another occasion he went off to bring
in the corn, the money, and the gunpowder of the empire,
which had reached Rohankhera and could not advance farther.
Randaula K,, Sâhü and Yâqût Habshi followed him up with the
idea that they might lay hands on the convoy. The Khân
Khânân heard of this and appointed Naşîrî K. (i.e., Khân Daurân)
to assist him. Khân Zaman by his vigour and courage took every-
thing (of the convoy) with him and was returning. When on the
march the vanguard and the rearguard were more than a kos from
the centre, and as they were entering Khirki the enemy suddenly fell
upon them. A great fight took place. The enemy were punished
and fled. After the victory över the fort (Daulatabad), he was, at
the request of prince Shujâ' , appointed to take part in the siege of
the strong fort of Parenda. Khân Zaman went off in advance and
did not fail to drive mines and erect batteries, but on account of
the double-facedness of the officers and the arrival of the rainy
season, the taking of the fort was delayed. The prince Mahâbat
K. and others returned without having effected their object.

Although Mahâbat K. was f önder of him than of ali his other
sons, and whenever it was mentioned that such and such a thing
was the affair of Âmân Ullah (sir— i — Aman Ullah) he would give
up the claim even if it was a matter of lacs of rupees, yet froın
savagery and wickedness he would in public diwân use outrageous.

1 PSdshâhnSma I. 158.

2 Pâdshâhnâma I. 199.

8 PSdshShnâma I. 442-444.

* Pâdshâhnâma I. 605. The cattle

were for carrying the grain, and in
the Pâdshâhnâma the phrase is gûo-
ghala, not güo u ıjhala as in text.

1 Pâdshâhnâma 1.
thâna.

* Pâdghâhnâına I.
gajnal = badçtlica.

c. Bâgh Cakal-
p. 50ü, says

216

THE MAASIR-UL-ÜMARA.

abuse about him. Though the Khân Zaman both openly and bxr
hınts sent messages to him begging him to have respect to his
(Khan Zaman e) years and to prese™ his honour, and not to
tarhun »to contempt, Mahâbat only insulted him the more

lİl^ r âD T atedly ^'^ " Death İS n0t İn ^ *™*. and
what d,fficulty would there be in going away,ı but I should be

rmned both spırituaUy and materiaUy." When his soul was

Z the y R a ?Î; ' ^ ^ ' ° ff Wİth ° Ut ^ Ieave and departed
by the Rohznkhera ghât with the intention of going to eourt. On

he first day he reached Burhânpûr, and after a night crossed by
theHand ia ferry. Mahâbat K. was vexed and grieved, and said,
I the courtıe^ho are ali against me-say evil things of me
to the kmg, lt wfll be aseribed (by the king) to enmity and envy
but now that such a son, who is f am ed throughout the world ior
goodness, goes off in this way, there will eertaimy be a bad mark
against me. He has disgraced me in my old a ge .» And then he
: ouldhe a . e ld ighand8lay ^^^ h . s kneeand

Ah, Âmân Ullah, you wül die young.» They 3 ay that when
Khan Zaman s arrival was reported to the king he recited this
verse.

Verse.
The beloved is so treated, alas then for the stranger.
As it chanced on the day that Khân Zaman was to do homage
there came the news of Mahâbat K.'s death. Shah Jahan sent

1 The sentence İ8 obscure, but
nearly ali the MSS. seem to agree in
the reading kuahtan " to kili." I
cannot however think that Aman
Ullah spoke of killing his own father.
I think that we must read gashtan, to
depart. Perhaps cha gadr kâr ast
means, " What şort of thing would it
be for me to leave my father. I
Bhould be ruined morally and physi-
cally." Possibly we should read
kuthti wrestling, and understand thö
son as saying that he could not coır-
tend with his father. B.M. MS. Add.
«537 apparently has kushti " strug-
gling or wrestling. ' '

* Pâdshâhnâma I, Part 2, p. 59
KbSfî K. I. 601.

8 An attitude in prayer

* Alluding to the belief that those
who oause their elders to be ill-spoken
of will die young. See B. 569 note,
where a similar verse is quoted about
•Urfi as his chronogram. Apparently
the eastern superstition referred to by
B. is oonneeted with tire fifth Com-
mandment. Mahâbat 's remark came
true, for Aman Ullah only survived
his father by two years, dying in
1046, while his father died in 1044
1634-36.

THE MAASIR-CTL-UMARA.

217

Yemenu-d-daulah and other officers to offer condolences and sent
for Khân Zaman and treated him with variouo favours, As up io
that time there had been one governor for Khandes and Berar,
there was now a division l made. The Bâlâghât, which means
Daulatabad, Ahmadnagar, Sangmanir, Junair, Pattan, Jâlnapür,
Bîr, Dhârwar and part of Berar, and the whole of Telingâna, the
revenue of which was one and twenty krors of dâms, was made
över to him (Khân Zaman), and he was sent off to tâke charge.
As in consequence of the chastisement of JujhârSingh Bandila, the
government of Malwa was made över to Khân Daurân, Khandes
was assigned to Ilâhwardî, and Berar was made part of the
Bâlâghât and given to the Khân Zaman.

in the 9th year when Shah Jahan proceeded to the Deccan
to visit the fort of Daulatabad, the Khân Zaman was sent off with
Râo Satr Sâl and other Rajputs, as vanguard, and Bahâdur K.
Rohilla and a number of Afghans, as rearguard, to conquer the
territory of* Camârgonda whioh was the home of Sâhü, and alsö
the country of the Konkan which was in his possession, and Iike-
wise to devastate the Bîjâpür lands which were in that direction-
He chastised Sâhü several times, and placed thânas in Camârgonda
and other estates of Ahmadnagar. When 'Âdil Shah submitted,
he returned and received the title of Bahâdur. After that, he was
sent to take Junair, which is one of the great Nizâm Shâhî forts.
The Khân Zaman regarded the pursuit and punishment of Sâhü as
the most important matter, and followed him to the Konkan. He
never ceased his pursuit. Sâhü allowed his home and goods to be
plundered and took refuge in the fort of Mâhülî. As Randaula K.
was ordered, on the part of 'Âdil Shah, to co-operate with the
Khân Zaman Bahâdur and to rescue the forts which Sâhü had
taken possession of, and to make them part of the imperial terri-
tories, he invested Mâhülî on one side while Khân Zaman did so

l Khâfi K. I. 502. Pâdshâhnâma
I, Part II, p. 62. The Deccan was
now divided into the Bâlâghât (above
the Ghats) and the Payanghât (below
the Ghats). 1 arb and 20 krors of
dâms would be £3,000,000.
28

* "Thirty-two miles south of
Ahmadnagar. The Chambergoonder
of the Bombay Route Map." Elliot
vii. 52 note, and I. G. xxii. 309.

İp

218

THE MAASIR-TTL-UMARA.

on the othef. Sâhü ' became frightened and surrendered to the
Khân Zaman the forts of Junair, Tringalwârî, Trimbak, Harîs
Jûdhan and Harsal (Harsira of Elliot), together witb the relative
of the Nizâm Shah — vvho was with him,— in the lOth year of the
reign 1046, 1636-37. When the şubâhdârî of the whole of the four
provinces of the Deccan was entrusted to Prince Aurangzeb
Bahâdnr, the Khân Zaman returned to Daulatabad and entered
into that prince's service. He had long suffered from various
diseases. Sometimes he got well and sometimes he had relapses.
At last in the end of the year in question he died.* The chrono-
gram was Rustun, Zamana mard : "The Rustum of the age is
dead." (1047, 3 1637.) They say that when he recovered conscious-
ness at the last breath, he uttered this famous stanza :—

Verse.
Amâni,* life hangs on the lip like a lamp at dawn :
I desire the signal whieh may end matters.

He was the unique of the age for courage and military skill.
He was very choleric and jealous, but in spite of that he was so
mild and courteous that those who were deadly enemies of his
father unrolled for him the carpet of love and single-heartedness :
though Mahâbat K. used to say, " Their love is enmity against me,
and if after my death this unanimity and friendship remain, you
have permission to abuse me!" He was also unequalled for
wisdom and knowledge. He wrote 6 a history of ali the princes of
the earth. He also composed the collection oalled the Gaııj Bâdâ-
ward. 6 Amânî was his poetical sobriquet and he is the author of a
divân. These lines are from it : —

ı Elliot VII, 59, 60: Pâdshâh-
nâmtt I, Part II, 228, ete.

2 PâdshâhnSma I, Part II, p. 257.
He died on 14 Zîlhajja 1046 = 29th
April, 1637; id. 293İ

3 The ehronogram is not quite cor-
rect for he died in the last month of
1046.

* I presume that it is the angel of
death who is supposed to be speaking.

Compare Johnson's " Counts death
kind Nature's signal of retreat."

6 Pieu Cat. 509a. Sprenger's
Cat. 330 and 109. Ethe Ind. Cat,,
p. 857, No. 1571 ? There is a copy
of Amânî's diwân in the Bodleian
Library. See Cat., p. 683, No.
1095.

« Bâdâward was the name of the
second of Khusrau's treasures. See

THE MAASIR-ÜL-UMARA.

219

Verse.

Write our name on the rim of the cup

That it may abide while the cup goes round.

Should the sphere not turn as we wish, say " Turn not"

Enough if the cup turn concordant with our wish.

He had one son. His name was M. Shukr Ullah. He was
able and known to the sovereign. At the time when his father
went to relieve Junair, he as his deputy was sent off to guard
Burhânpür.

AMAN ULLAH KHAN.

Grandson of Ilâhvvirdî l K. 'Âlamgîrî ; his father probably
\vas the Aman Ullah K., the son of Ilahwirdî, who after his
father's death became faujdâr of Agra and got the title of Khân.
in the 22nd year he (the father) was faujdâr of Gwaliyar and fell
bravely at the battle* of the intrenehments of Bîjâpür. The
subject of this notice apparently got his father's title and had a
commission of 1000 with 500 horse and was distinguished among
the khânazâdas. in the end of Aurangzeb's reign he came to the
front by his courage and devotion and became an Amir. When
in the beginning of 48th year the king — the holy warrior — (jehad
ain) addressed himself to the capture of the robber-castles, he
after taking the fort of Râjgarha turned his rein towards câptur-
ing the fort of Torna s which w as distant four kos.

it is well known that in the end of Aurangzeb's reign many
forts, which belonged to Siva 4 (Sivaji) and vvhich were taken from
his agents, were obtained by the imperial omcers sending money
to the governors, in order to get their own diseharge (from the
task of taking thenı). The governors therefore surrendered them.
The king was quite aware of this, and so it repeatedly happened
that the very sum which had been paid for the delivery of the
fort was given to- the taker after the capture by way of a present.

Rieu. II, 439b and 50üb. Ethe states
that it was a work on agriculture.

I Or llâhvardî (the gift of God).

s Maaşir 'Alamgîri, 262.

s id. 486, Khâfî K. II, 521. Elliot

VII, 377. Tvventy m. S.W. Poonah.
Râjgurh is three ra. east of it, Grant-
Duff I, 131-32.

* Siva died in 1680, 27 years befo
the end of Aurangzeb's reign.

220

THE MAASIB-UL-UMABA.

THE MAA8IB-UL-UMASA.

But this fort came into the possession of the imperial servants
by dint of courage and the stroke of the sword ! The brief account
of this is that Tarbîyat K. set < himself to run an entrenehment
from the side of the gate and Muhummad Amîn K. Bahâdur
barred the egress of the besieged in another direction. Sultan
Husain known as Mîr Malang on one side, and Âmân Ullah on
another girt up the loins of self-sacrifice. At last, on 15 Zul-
Otada 1115, 11 March 1704, at night, Aman Ullah K. induoed some
Mâwali a footmen to aend, first, one of their number, who parted
as it were, with his life, to the ston. heap (sarychin, perhaps

1 Bamûrcâl daıvâni niıhaıt. The
text has dawâli, which does not seem
to have any sense. The B.M. MSS.
which I have consulted have also
dawâll. But the Maaşir 'Âlamgîrî
from vvhieh the passage has been
copied has at p. 486 damarı (c>'j^),
and it is so also in the B.M. MS. of
the Maaşir 'Âlamgîrî Add. 19, 495.
My friend Mr. Irvine has suggested
that dawânî iı right and that the
phraee means to run, t.e., to make, a
battery or entrenehment I think
that this view is correct, for I find in
KhSfl K. I, 688, the phraae n*qb
damandan twiee used to mean the
driving of a mine. See alao Maaşir
'Âlamgîrî, 413, three lines from foot,
the phrase mureSl rauıân »Bkht, and
do. 413, two lines from foot, the phrase
mureâl dawU. The same phrase
mureâl dateâni oecurs in Maaşir III
41, six lines from foot.

* t» J J l/C mâuıali. This is the
Mawulee of Grant-Duff, I. 224, and the
word means an inhabitant of the
Mawals or mountain valleys • see id I
i 27. Grant-Duff says, "Both they
and the Hetkurees possessed an extra-
ordinary facility of elimbing, and
could rnount a precipiee, or scale a
rock witlı ease vvhere men of other
coııntries must have run great risk of
being dashed to pieces." I n the

Maaşir 'Âlamgîrî, 487, the word is
wrongly «ritten «aJ^U mâdalpa, with
the variant mâdaliya. it i s written
correctly in Khâfî K. II, 522, whom
the Maaşir has copied. The mâl ya'ni
kumund •'mâl, that is to say, noose
or lasso " of the Maaşir was perhaps
" the strong narrow band of consider-
able length tightly girt about the loins "
of Grant-Duff I. 224. Perhaps how-
ever mal m mâla, a garland, and also
a »trıng, and the word is almost
certamly oonnected with the malehâr
of the Pâdshâhnâma, Part II, of vol
I. PP- 107, 108, and 109, referred to
by Irvine, Army of Moghuls, p. 278
Mr Irvine thought that malehâr
nught mean a trench, but the e X pres-
«on malehâr bhud, "their own mal-
ehâr, at top of p. I0 9, sho W s that
this oannot be so. Also on p. 107 we
have the word malehâr followed a line
or two below by the word kumund
and as if the tvvo were synonymous.
Grant-Duff refers to the escalade of
Torna m a note at I, p. 399 The
day of the capture was also Aurang-
zeb's birthday and the day of his
accession, Khâfi K. II. 522. it was
the first day of Farwardîn. The
account of a Mâwali being sent up to
fasten a rope or ladder of ropes may
be compared with the account of the
takıng of Singurh in Grant . Dnff j
244.

221

embrasure) of the fort, and to make his mâl, i.e., lasso fast to the
stones. Five and tvventy men got on the top of the lofty hill by
help of this lasso and entered the fort. They raised the cry of
victory. The Khân and his brother 'Ata Ullah K. and some
others followed at their heels. Hamîdu-d-dîn K., who was waiting
for his opportunity, on hearing this news fastened ropes on his
waist like those who had göne before and got up. Many of the
infidels who tried to oppose were slain. The others crept into the
citadel and asked for quarter. The fort received the name of
Fatüh-al-ghaib (marvellous victories), and Aman Ullah K. received
an inerease of 500 with 200 düâspa (two horse) horse. After that
he received royal favours and did many brilliant feats. He got
promotion again and again, and after the victory of Wâkinkera 2
he received drums in token of his good services. After the death
of Aurangzeb he hastened from the Deccan to Upper India along
with Muhammad A'zim Shah and fought bravely in the battle
with Bahâdur Shah and was severely wounded. He then surren-
dered his borrowed life !

AMÂNAT K. MÎRAK M'UINU-D-DIN AHMAD.

The forgiven Khân was by name Mîrak M'uînu-d-din Ahmad
Amânat Khân Khwâfî. He was right-minded, well-principled ; an
acute perceiver of the truth ; humble in disposition, independent
in soul; of a heavenly nature, and a holy blend ; of excellent
manners, and praiseworthy morals; a master of gentleness, har-
moniously elevated ; of an excellent countenance, and lofty
genius ; pure-hearted, magnanimous ; an established pillar of trust
and reliability; a solid foundation of generosity and bounty ; of
sound judgment, and right- thinking ; hating little, loving muclı.

The real home of his honoured ancestors was the city of Herat,
the capital of Khurâsân. His grandfather Mîr Hasan was
annoyed for some reason or other and took the path of separation
from his father Mîr Husain, who was one of the leading men of
that city, and came to the tovvnship of Khwâf , which is a small tract
in that kingdom, the inhabitants of which have been distinguished
from early times for ingenuity and intellect. Khwâja 'Alâü-

1 Elliot vii, 377.

222

THE MAASIR-TTD-UMARA.

d-dîn Muhammad, who was one of the principal men of Khwâf ,
had regard to old acquaintance with his ahcestors, and received
him with kindness and gladness, and took him into his house. As
the light of greatness and nobility appeared on the forehead of his
character, he gave him his daughter in marriage. in consequence,
Mir Hasan took up his abode there and became the father of
a family. Afterwards when the famous Khwâja Shamsu-d-dîn '
Muhammad Khwâfî, the son and heir of the Khwâja aforesaid,
entered the service of Akbar and obtained high rank and consi-
deration, Mîrak Kamâl, the son of Mir Hasan, went off to India
to his mother's brother (taghai) with his son Mîrak Husain. and
spent his days in affluence and comfort. There too he married
one of the daüghters of the Saiyids of his native city. Mîrak
'Ata Ullah was the fruit of this marriage, and in the Balkh oam-
paign aecompanied Prince Aurangzeb, and acquired respect and
consideration. On account of sorae reason, he separated from
Prince Aurangzeb and became one of the king's servants, and was
raised to the rank of 700. He was iîrst bakhshî of the Ahadis at
Kabul and aftenvards diwân of Patna. in that place the lamp of
his life was extinguished in the close of Shah Jahan's reign. But
Mîrak Husain (the son by the first marriage) was distinguished
during the reign of Jahangir for his skill and knovsdedge, and held
high office. in the 8th year he was employed in company with
Prince Sultan Khurram (Shah Jahan) in the campaign against the
Rânâ (of Udaipûr), and when Udaipûr was taken, and military
stations were established in the Rânâ's territory, Mîrak Husain
was made bakhshî and record-keeper of Kombalmîr. After that
he became bakhshî of the Deeearı, and after Shah Jahan's acces-
sion he became diwân of the Decoan. From that dav to this —
which is more than a hundred years— this office has been hereditary -
in the family. in the 8th year he received a present of Rs. 10,000,
with a robe of honour and a horse, and was sent on an embassy
to Nazr Muhammad K., the -ruler of Balkh, in company with
Payinda* Be, the ambassador of the said Khân, with presents to

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

223

1 He wa3 a very distinguished
officer and became diw5n of the
empire. See Bloohmann, 445.

* it is NSbahar Be in Pâdshâh-
nâma I, Part II, 104. Gf. Khâfî K.
I. 508-9.

the value of Rs. 125,000. in the royal letter he was styled in
eloquent language a Saiyid of true race and of approved abilities.
On his return from Türân, he was censured for some reason
When he dted his heirs continued to be employed in the govern-
ment service. Khân Daurân Naşrat Jang remembered the old
intimacy and procured their advancement. The heir of the
deceased, Mîrak M'uînu-d-dîn Ahmad, was in the flower of his
youth. After acquiring the current sciences he entered the king's
service, and in the year 1050, 1640, he was made bakhshî and his-
toriographer of the province of Ajmere. After that it is probable
that he went to the Deccan for service. Accordingly Shaikh M'arüf
Bhakkarî writes in his Zakhîra-ul-Khwânîn , which was composed
in 1060, 1650, " Mirak M'uînu-d-din, the son of Mîrak Husain
Khwâfî — whose father and grandfather were higher than the sun
for greatness and family — is perfectly endowed in this household (?)
(darın hawâll) with wisdom, knowledge, ability and calligraphy.
and conducts himself with honour in the Deccan." in the 28th
year of Shah Jahan, he was with Prince Dârâ Shikoh in the
Qandahar campaign, and after his return in the same year, he was,
in 1064, 1654, made diwân, bakhshî and historiographer of the
province of Mulfcan. He spent a long time in that quarter. High
and low, small and great, there beheld his truthfulness and
honesty, and strength and counsel and put the ring of devotion in
their ears and behaved as his disciples. Up to the present day
M'îrak Jîü's name is on the lips of the people there. At tvvo ko$
distance from the city he made a house and garden which became
known as " Kütila-i- Mîrak y Jiü." in the time of 'Âlamgîr lıe
was made şubâhdâr of Kabul and received the title of Amânat
Khân.

Though* the conferring of titles by an author of bounty (i. e.,
a kingly benefactor, ete.) depends upon- the qualities of the
nominee, and it behoves the latter to strive to hve up to his title,
yet this cannot be said in this instance, for in it the name and the
person named were identical. Or rather the latter was a thousand

1 Kûtila or Kutilî is a Hind ustanı
word signifying a granary.

2 The sentence is obscure, and I »m
by no means sure that I have fully
understood it.

224

THE MA AS İR- TTL- UMARA.

times nobler and more valuable than the name. in the world of
creation and existence no quality comes up to truatworthiness and
honesty (amânat u dlânat). They are very precious and very rare.
Wherever they bloom there is a spring-time of blessings. They
are the source of lofty dignities and the elixir of fortune and
happiness. in the vvorld's market, merchandise is disposed of by
the brokerage of honesty, and in life's garden the fruits of success
are to be gathered from the tree of Trust (amânat).

in fine he was promoted in the 14th year of 'Âlamgîr to the
rank of 1000 with 200 horse, and to the diwânî of the Khâlşa in
succession to 'Inayat K., and he received a crystal ' inkstand.
When in the 16th year Asad K. — who af ter the death of Ja'afar
K. carried on the duties of the Viziership as deputy — withdrew
his hand from aSairs, Amafiat K. and the Diwân-i-tan ,* in accord-
ance with orders, put their 3 own signatures and seals on the papers
of their offices.

Inasmuch as the tboughts of honourable men who have no
mixture of hypocrisy or self-interest are engrossed by duty to God, .
and the welfare of their master, they have no fear of the blame of
critics. At this time the Begams of the palace and the confiden-
tial eunuchs, who had audience of the king and were proud of
their intimacy, out of base covetousness did improper acts and
repeatedly made improper recommendations. As now there was
no place for such recommendations, and whatever was profitable
to the government and was to the advantage of the people of God
was carried out without the instigation of any adviser, the edge of
their sword did not cut. Of necessity they girt up their loins for
annoyance, and as nothing stopped their intrigues* they made use
of the report b of ' Abdu-1-Hakîm the Peahdast. As in consequence

1 Maagir 'Alamgîrî 110, and Bloch
mum 412, n. 1.

2 For tankhwâh. The department
of grants, Irvine A. of M. 39. For
Asad K. Aşafu-d-daulah's temporary
retirement see his biography I. 311.
The diwân-i-tan then was Kifayat K.

s See the Maagir 'Alamgîrî, 126,
where it is recorded that "it was
ordared that Amânat K., the diwan of

the Khâlşa, and KifayatK. , the diwân-
i-tan , should put their seals below the
seal of the ohief divvân and carry on
the duties of the diwânl. '' This was
in 1083, 1672-73. See also this
quoted in Maas.iru-1-Umarâ 1. 311.

* Literally " the nails of their
diggiag \rere not stopped any where. ' '

6 in the Maagir 'Alamgîrî 144 it is
mentioned that AmSnat K. resigned

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

22t

of continual toil ' Amânat K, was disgusted and was in search of
an excuse for resigning, he made use of this affair and in the 1 8th
year presented his resignation at Hasan Abdal. Though the king
observed that the report of the Peshdast was no cause for resigning,
Amânat would not agree. As the marks of honesty and skill (in
Amânat) had been impressed on the heart of the king, he immedi-
ately appointed him to the charge* of Lahore and i ts fort. He
also was made Diwân of the province. Though he declined finan-
cial work, yet the king ordered that his eldest son ' Abdu-1-Qâdir
should carry on the duties. There, besides the buildings of
Kawâfîpura near the Chauk, he made a large building and baths
which are famous fchroughout the wor]d. in the 22nd year, \vhen
the king was staying at Ajmir , Amânat was made 3 Diwân of the
provinces of the Deccan and received a robe of honour. From
that time tül now this omce has mostly remained with this family.
When in the 25ih year Aurangabad was honcnıred by the king's
presence, the house of Nizâm Shâh known as Sabz (green)
Bungalow — which is at present the governor's house — was his (the
king's residence). it belonged to Prince Muhammad A'zim.
Amânat K. wished tö buy the fort of Harsül, which is two kos from
the city, and to make it his permanent* residence. The king

the peshdastl of the KhSlsa and was
appointod to the charge of Lahore.
Theıı it says that Kifayat K., the
Peshdast of the office of the Tan, wae
appointed to the peshdastî of the
Kjıâlşa in Amânat's room, There is
an aecount of Amânat K. in Klıâfî K.
II. 261 and 376-78. in the latter
passage great praîse is given to
Amânt, but it is stated that he.int'ur-
redthe king's displeasufe by roiûitting
the poll-tax ina nnnıber of instanoas.
This act was.brought to the king's
notice by Eashîd K-» whöm the Maaşir
'Alamgiri oalls the peshdast of the
Khâlşa Khâfj K. calls him the
Diwân of the Khâlşa and says he had
a rivalry with Amânat. Perhaps
Bashîd K. is another name for 'Abdıı-
1-Hakîm . There is ho wever an ' Abdu-
29

1-Hakîm named at p. 266 of the M.
'Alamgîrî. He may have been a
deşeendant of the Mullâ Abdu-1-
IJakîm of Sialkote and have made a
report ağainşt Amânat for not collect
ing the jiziyu, .

' SifSHsh, which has also the meaniug
of recommendations, and may refer
to reports made by Amânat's enemies.
. * This must be the Amânat of
Manueci I. 159 and Catrou, who speak
of him as being a great friend to the
Christians. But they are vvrong in
speakîng of him as an offioer of Jahan-
gir's time. He was great-grandfather
of Shah New5z the author of the
Maaşir U.

8 Khafi K. Tİ. 261.

* ba tprik muUSn. multan etymo-
logically means " root-place, perman-

226

THE MAASIR-ITL-TMARA.

decided upon the residence of Malik 'Ambar. which is close to
Shâhganj (for Amânat). Amânat K. was not content to hire it,
and so bought it from the government. Hence this too is known
as the Kütila (of Amânat ?).

in the beginning of the 27th year when the king went to.
Ahmadnagar, inasmuch as his desire was to conquer Bijâpür and
Haidarabad, the pious man (Amânat) thought it right to abstain
from a war against Muhammadans and presented his paper of
resignation — which he had (always) at his finger-ends. The acute
king read his countenance and did not take him with him, but
left him in eharge of Aurangabad. After some months of the year
his spirit flew in 1095, 1684, to the gardens of paradise. He was
buried south of the city near the shrine of Shâh Nür Hamâmî.
Saiyid bihishti shud, "The Saiyid became paradisaical," gives the
date 1095. in truth, the word of Death in the case of such wake-
ful hearts which gather outward beauties and store up spiritual
rewards and live for ever is but a customary phrase.

Verse. 1

Never are the men of soul dead, nor will they die.
Death is but a name when applied to their tribe.

The truth-knower Miyân" Shâh Nür Hamâmî, who was a
dervesh, who was master of perfection, frequently said, " What
men ask from us is possessed by this bâbâî pîr (young saint ?) "
and then he would point to that heart-knovver (shinâsâ dil)
(Amânat).

Khâfî Khân, the author of the Lab-Labâbhistory, who was â
man of sincere speech and a seeker after justice, has stated 3 that
a really honest man who does not think of his own advancement,
and who regards the welfare of the people as of more importance
than the profit of the government, and in whose administration

ent abode." The meaning however
may be that Amânat wanted to make
his home in Harsûl just as he had
formerly done in Multan.

1 This couplet is Faizi 's and occurs
in his elpgy on Fath Ullah Shirazi.

See above p. 1 03 and the Akbarnâma
III. 564.

2 Shâh Nür survived Amânat K.,
not dying until February 18>93.
(Beale.)

3 Khâfî K. II. 261.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMABA.

227

no harm has been done to the person or property of a single indi-
vidual, has, with the exception of Amânat K., been rarely seen or
heard of. There were frequent instances of accountable oollectors
and impoverished landholders coming near to death in prison.
Such things only produced oppression and gave a bad name to the
government. He took a little in comparison with what was de-
manded from them, and fixed instalments for each person and
then released them. Accordingly in Lahore on one occasion the
ne\vs-writers reported that there had been a loss of two lacs of
rupis on this aecount. The king was displeased, but when he
became acquainted with the facts of the case, he applauded
Amânat. in the Deccan ' also there was an old balance of ten or
twelve lacs of rupis debited against imaginary (saqîmu-l-hül) ryots.
Every year abadîs and manşabdârs were appointed. They did
not realise a single dâm of it and shovved % a large amount as held
in suspense (mauqüfâna). Similarly he by one stroke of his pen
wrote off as remitted a large sum due from needy proprietors as
peshkash (pıesents due by them to the king or his officers).

By chance 8 the king one day was praising his honesty.
Amânat said, " There is not another traitor (Içhâîn) like me, for

1 id. 377.

2 This passage is obscure both in
the text and in Khân Khân. Judging
from the sentenoe that fo!lows I am
inclined to think that the real mean-
ing is that Amânat did not collect the
money but wrote it off as irro-
coverable (mauqüf5na) as remitted.
Observe that in Khâfî K. there is a dash
after miraftandand (377, line 7) to
indicate that there is a break in the
sentenoe. The meaning however may
be that the collectora did not allow
the ryots any credit for the current
year for what they paid, but credited
everything to these old and imaginary
balances. The Maaşir in copying
Khâfî K. has altered his phraseology
and omitted one or two important-
words. The words " tümâr nadârad ' '
in the text and in Khafi K. (377 , line 8)
seem to me to be a technical expres-

sion. Khâfî K. has after them the
word navishta, arid apparently he
means that Amânat wrote ' ' tümâr
nadârad," i e., unrealisable, or "not
to be entered in the aecounts, ' ' and
so remitted these old and imaginary
balances. it was an old custom in
Bengal to make the ryots who
remained, orthe head-man.responsible
for the rents of ryots who had died or
run away {palatoka), and I imagine
that the same practice was follovved
in the Deccan.

3 id. 377, where the eonversation is
given at greater length. The final
treasury referred to by the king
means the treasury in heaven. Khâfî
K. represents him as saying that
Amânat looked after both his earthly
and his heavenly treasure. The
Maaşir does not go on to say that
Aurangzeb, though he forgave the

228

THE MAASIB-UL- UMARA.

every year I remit sums due by debtors to nıy mas ter." The
king observed, " I know that you are heaping up money for me in
the final treasury. "

in short, the service which this great man performed for the
State in a small office— for his rank was not more than 2000— was
a strange one. There were many dealings which were contrary to
humanity, and so though they were ali r oval order s, from piety
and gentleness of heart he did not^arry them into effect. On
account of so aeting contrary to the pleasure of his master he
used to tander his resignation ; but the righteous king had regard
tohis disinterestedness and honesty and passed över the matter
without notice.

They teli that Mukhlaş l Khân Bakhshî used to relate that
Amânat K. held a singular position in the king's mind. At the
time when the king was at Aurangabad Prince M'uîzzud-dm repre-
sented: " Our workshops ha ve for vvant of space been placed out-
side of the city, and in this rainy season they are becoming
rotten. I ask that the mansions of Sanjar Beg deceaşed, whose
bath is famous in that cîty, which have reeently been esclıeated,
and which the heirs have not yet quitted, may be given for the
storing of our goods." ; The king therefore issued an order upon
the relatives of the deceaşed. No attention was paid to it. The
petitionof theprince : was.again brought before the king, and an
order was given to Muhammad 2 'Alî the Rhânsâmân-who had
no equal or partner in respect of intimacy and influence (with the
king)— that he should set some one över Amânat K. to see that the
building was delivered up to the prince' s men. The worshipper of
right (Amânat) did not atterid to this either. At last one day in a
cortege, when both of them vvere in the retinue, Muhammad 'Alî
K. represented that althoügh a sazâtval had been appointed to

other remissiona, censured Amânat
for reraittirıg the poll-tax (jeziya), and
that in conaequence Amânat refrained
in future from remitting the po]l-tax.
See p. 378. The Maasir has the
phrase " end of the words " at the
cîose of the abstract of Khâfî K. as
if it were a verbatim quotation.

1 Perhaps a poet. See Khâfî K.
II. 381. But more probably the
Mukhlaş K. of Maasir III. 566 who
was Bakhshî of Balkh.

2 Son of Hakim Daud Taqarrab
K. III. 62Ş.

THE MAASIBrUL-UMARA.

229

make över the house to the prince (murşhidzâda "his Master 's
son"), nothing had been done. The king turned to Amânat K. ,
and he frankly said, " The place cannot be made över to the prince
at this season of lightning and rain (barq u bâr ân). Where will
Sanjar Beg's people find shelter and shielding (sir u saya). I'm
frightened for myself for I have a wife and children (kul u kıııoare) ;
to-morrow this day's case may be theirs." At the same time he
tendered his resignation in order that such a task as this might be
assigned to some one else. The king hung his head and was
silent. l

in his mode of life he had nothing in common with the rich,
and had no acquaintanceship with the pursuits of the worldly. He
was fond of learning and possessed the current accomplishments.
He composed a treatise on the laws of islam, which is a collection
of the rules of the Law. He was a master of Shikasta and
Nasta'lîq writing. He had seven sons and eight daughters, and
they ali left large progeny. But the second son Wazârat Khân ,
whose poetical name was Girâmî, was pre-eminent for excellences.
He had a poetical vein and is the author of a divân. This verse
of his is famous.

(Verse, see above in Gholâm 'Alî's preface.)

He had a son called Mîrak M c uln K. who died some time
before his father and left no offspring. The accounts of the others,
viz., Mîr 'Abdu-1-Qâdir Dîânat K., Mîr Husain Amânat K. No. 2,
and Kâzim K. the direct grandfather of the writer of these pages,
have been separately written. it is due to the good qualities of
this great man that in this world of change, where in the twink-
ling öf an eye great families become weak and contemptible, his
children during four geneTations have up to the time of \vriting.

1 I am indebted to my friend Mr.
Irvine for help in understanding this
passage. I think that {*))£ here
does not mean blind people but that
)yf is kuuıar a son and that kul u
kumare must be a Deceani phrase for
wife and children. Kul however may
also mean household or domestics.

The phrase "tomorrovv," ete, may be
compared with the Latu» insoription
often fouııd in graveyards, Hodie mihi
cras tibi. Amânat was referring to
the inhuman praotice aucording to
wlıich an officer's property escheated
to the croM-n. See Bernier on the
subject in conneetion with Shah
Jahan.

230

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

1159, 1 1746, been Diwâns of the Deccan and have filled other
high offioes with honour and credit. Such absence of misfortune
is rarely seen in other families.

AMÂNAT KHÂN the 2nd.

He was Mîr Husain, the third son of Amânat K. Khwâfi. On
account of his uprightness and ability he was the companion and
friend of his father. Af ter the latter's death he, as well as his
brothers, became a favourite of the Khalîfa-r-Rahmân (the Vicar of
God) Aurangzeb, and, though in small offices, was regarded as a
confidant. it was like "One* of the blessings from the Barme-
cides," he inheriting ali the respects that his father had. High
and low of this f amily were treated with the favour shown to
Khânazâds (children of the household). They say that one day
the appreciative king appeared in public audience. When the
Khân (Amânat No. 2) entered with his son the enclosure
(sarâparda) a chöbdâr (usher) — a set of men who for the most
part deserve on account of their mordacity and mischievousness
the rod (cob) and are fit for the gallows J seized the son 's hand
and kept him back. The KhâD in his wrath paid no heed to the
respect due to the place where he was, but turned round and seized
that saııcy fellow and vvent on and represented to the king : " Tf
sons of the house are to be insulted by fellovvs like this, what ex-
pectation have they of fame and honour in the king's service ? ' '
The king oııt of respect to him dismissed the whole of the guard of
that day.

As the ability of the Khân nıade an impression on the king,
when he, near the end of the 3 İst year, \vas at Bîjâpür, in the
beginning 3 of the 32nd year conferred on him his father's title and
made him divvân of Bîjâpür. When in the end of the 33rd year
(June 1690) he left the town of Badrî,* which is 17 kos north of

l At this time the author had been
for four or five years out of employ.
He was not restored till the follow-
ing year, 1160. Perhaps he never
was formally dismissed.

* A proverb. See D'Herbelot b.v.
Barmekian. As pointed out by him,

the story is told in the Nigaristan.
See Bombay lithographof 1829, p. 39,
et aeq. 3 Maasir A. 3 1 7. 8

* This ean hardly be the Bîdar of
I.G. See Maasir A. 335. Galgala is
the Gulgulla of Grant-Duff I. 378, and
Türgal is the Toorgul of id. 186. it

THE MAASIB-TJL-TTMARA.

231

Bîjâpür and came to Qutbâbâd Galgala belongmg to Turga 12
I Torth of Bîjâpür and on the Kishna, the Khân was ra.sed from
thepoTtion o Lân of Bijapur to that of daftarMr-.tan m the
Sice o Hâjî Shafi Khân. in the 36th year he was made , gover-
^ o Aurangabadm the room of M<am & r K. and had h» rank
Lfto one of 1500 with 900 horse. in the same year he was

• pointed eovernor of the fort of Aurangabad. At last he

mtsl. :- -.:.. -^-. - « < r -

fc« „ Mir Hasan »ho nrarried ,he daughter o. Muhammad
i -H K Uıb~ He is the father of the wrıter's mother. He

«SJn d din 'Alî K who is beloved by hi. ootemporanes for

rSL^h ehleter and right-.hinhing. At the thne o

tj;"-^ the «tate, of Aor.ng.bad whieh .» the Be.

risaf Jah. The seoond, Mtt Saiyid Muhammad Iradatmand K. ,

, tte on in-law o. his »„ele D»nat K. Mir .Abdod-Qa.d,, in «he

tae o Langzeb he »a, appointed to the biyûtm of Aurangabad

SZTL e»; Tuove for his father we,eo m ed hhn and made
*m Tuperintendent of the fleet. which is the highest post ■» tha
p 2 Z, and obtained for him from the eourt the t,t e of Amânat
K and .„ inere.se of rank. After the death o, «*. K. he was
™«le taVJâr of the estates in that pro.inee, and m tn. year 1157,
™ h dtd. The fonrth ™ M,r Moh.m.n.d Ta* > K. »ho ,

is the Toragal of the maps. See Mr.
Irvine's artiole in Numismatıc Sup-
plement VII of A.S.B. for 1907, p. 57.
it is 36 m. S. Galgala and is on the
Malprabha river, a tributary of the
Kistoa.

l id. 347- a Maasir A. 412.

i See Khafi Khan II. 666-68. The
nameisihere.p. 688, given as Muham-
mad Naqi. The capture of Burhan-
dür and the death of Mir Ahmad the
governor took place in the reign oî

232

THE MAASIR-TJL-tTMARA.

married to the writer's full aunt. İn the time of Bahâdur Shah
he was made bakhshî of Burhânpür. in the catastrophe of Mir
Ahmad K. the governor there who was killed in battle with the
Mahrattas many of the matşadîs (clerks) were made prisoners.
Every one of them sought to get deliverance from their clutches by
craft and deceit. He from simplicity showed himself as in good
circumstances and paid a large ransom. He did not approve of
minimising his position. Ali his descendants are alive.

(RAO) AMAR SİNGH
Eldest son of Rajah Gaj Singh Râthor. He began with a
suitable office, and in the 2nd year of Shah Jahan he held the rank
of 2000 with 1300 horse. in the 8th year his rank was 2500 with
1500 horse, and he had the present of a flag and an elephant. in
the same year he was appointed, along with Saiyid Khân Jahân
Bârha to chastise Jujhâr Singh Bandlla. When the fort of Dhâ-
münî was taken, and Khân Daurân went inside, and Amar Singh
and other leaders were outside, and waiting tor the morning and
the looters had entered and were oceupied in looking for plunder,
the ashes of a torch fell into the powder magazine under the fort^
and the bastion was blown up. The pieces of stone mostly felî
outside, and killed several of his companions. After returning
from there he obtained the rank of 3000 with 2500 horse.

When in the 9th year the king went in person to the Deccan
to put down the disturbance of Sâhü Bhonsla,-who, in spite of
the Nizâmu-1-mulk's being imprisoned in Gwalior, had raised up a
boy from among the Nizam's relatives and was making a com-
motıon,-and after orossing the Narbudda established his camp
near the fort of Daulatabad, he made three of his officers leaders
(of armies) and sent them off, a ad he deputed Amar Singh to
accompany Khân Daurân Bahâdur. I n the 10th year he came to

Shah 'Alam (Bahâdur Shah) in the
year 1161, 1748. Khân K. telis how
one offleer Sharafu-d-dîn, "the Biyütât
(the Kegistrar or perhaps the Sur
veyor) of the city, passed himself off
as a musician and so escaped for a ran-
som of Rs. 1,200. Muhammad Naqi,

aocording to Khâfi K., who was a
relative, was too honest or too digni-
fied to do this, and so admitted his
official rank and had to pay Rs.
30,000. Khâfi K. calls him bakhshî
and reporter {wâga' nigâr) of the eity
of Burhânpür.

THE MAASIK-UL-ITMARA.

233

court with Khân Daurân, and in the llth year when 'Alî Mardan
K. made över the fort of Qandahar to the imperial servante, and
there was a probability that Shah Safî would come in person to
that neighbourhood , Sultan Shüjâ' was sent off there with a large
force, and Amar Singh received a khilat, a horse with a süvern
saddle, and a drum, and was made one of his companions. After-
wards, when his father died in that year, and the Râj and the
succession went to his younger brother Jeswant Singh for reasons
which have been stated at the end of the notice ! of Rajah Gaj
Singh, he received an increase of 500 horse and the title of Rao,
and his rank became 3000 with 3000 horse. When in the 14th
year Sultan Murâd Bakhşh was sent to Kabul for the second time,
he was appointed to accompany him. After anorder came for
chastising Rajah Jagat Singh the son of Rajah Bâsû who had
become rebellious, he went off with the prince, and in the 15th
year, when the Rajah in question had surrendered, and the prince
waited upon his father, Amar Singh was also gratified by a recep-
tion. In the same year, when a movement of the king of Persia
towards Qandahar became known, and Sultan Dârâ Shikoh was
sent in that direction, he had an increase of 1000 and held the
rank of 4000 with 3000 horse and was appointed to accompany
the prince. As it then happened by Divine decree that the king
of Persia died, the prince received orders to return, and Amar
Singh came back and did homage. In the 17th year in the end of
Jamâda-al-awwal corresponding to 1054, 25 July * 1644, as he had
been unable for some time to present himself on account of illness,
he on convalescence came to the darbâr. After doing obeisance
he suddenly dresv his dagger and killed Şalâbat K. Bakhshî, as
detailed in the account of the latter. On this catastrophe Khalîl 8 .
Ullah K. and Arjan the son of Rajah Bethal Dâs Gaur fell upon
him. He struck Arjan two or three times with his dagger, and

I See Maaşir II. 225.

5 The Dutoh dfergyman Baldaeus
iays the occurrence was on 4" August
1044 in the afternoon, and that Amar
Singh was offended because Şalâbat
asked him why he had not previously
paid his respeots.

3 Baldaeus says Gali (Khalil?) K.
and the son of Rajah Betal Dâs
finished hin). The king ordered
Amar's body to be thrown into the
river, and this offended the Rajputs.

234

THE MAASIR-TTL-UMARA.

Khalîl Ullah K. struck Amar Singh with his sword. Arjan also
struck him twice with his sword. Meanwhile other men came up
and finished him. Though the king made inquiry into the origin
of this uproar, nothing appeared except the long use of intoxi-
cants aggravated by the illness of some days. But before this
there had been a dispute l about boundaries between his men —
who were in his fief of Nagor — and the men of Râo Karn the son of
Râo Sür Bhürtlha * the jagirdâr of Bikânlr — who had been ap-
pointed to the Deccan campaign — and his (Amar Singh's) business
men had been küled. Amar Singh had written to his men to
collect a force and to attack Karn's troopers , and Kam learning
this had written to Şalâbat K. and. asked for an Amîn (to settle
the boundary). Accordingly Şalâbat K. had reported the matter,
and an Amîn had been appointed. Perhaps, Amar Singh had
looked upon this as siding with Karn and so committed the
outrage.

Af ter this occurrence, Mîr Khân Mîr Tuzak, and Mulak Chand
the accountant of the daulâtkhânakhâş, brought the body of Amar
Singh, in accordance with orders, outside the vestibule (dihllz) of
the khüıvatkhâna (private chamber) and sent for his men, in order
that they might take it to his house. Fifteen of his servants heard
of the affair and laid hands on their swords and daggers ; Mulak
Chand was küled, and Mîr Khân was wounded and died on the
following night. Meanwhile the Ahadîs and others came out and
sent that rabble to hell. Six of the mace-bearers were killed and
sis were wounded. Not contented with this, a number of Amar
Singh's servants resolved that they would go to Arjan's house and
kül him. Balûn Râthor and Bhâo Singh Râthor, who at first had
been servants of Amar Singh and his father and aftenvards had
become servants of the king, shared in this enterprise. 8

When this was reported to the king, he forgave the ere w for

1 PSdiahShnSma II. 382.

t See acoount of Râo Karn Bhûr-
tîhıı II. 287.

S The Btory is told at length in the
PadshâhnSma II. 380 et seç. See
also Tod'ı Rajasthan, Chapter V,
Annals of Marw«r. Tod telis the

story of Amar Singh, whom he callg
Umra, being disinherited by his
father, and also gives details of his
outrage and death. Tod and the
Pâdshâhnâma have Buloo or Balui
instead of Balûn as in test.

THE MAASIR-TTL-TTMARA.

235

their ignorance and ordered men to go and explain to them that if
they wished, they could go to their homes with their families and
goods. Why should they ruin their house and honour ? After the
extent of their obstinacy was perceived, an order was given to
Saiyid Khân Jahân Bârha and the men of the jilau (bodyguard)
and to Rashîd K. Anşârî — whose turn it was to be on guard — to go
and kili them. They opposed and fought as long as there was
breath in their bodies, and then were slain. Among the king's
men, Saiyid 'Abdu-r-rasül Bârha — who was a brave man — and
Saiyid Ghulâm Muhammad, son of Muhîu-d-dîn his brother, and
five of his relatives were slain. Amar Singh's son Rai Singh came
and did homage in the 18th year and received the rank of 1000
with 700 horse. in the 19th year he was appointed to accompany
Prince Murâd Bakhşh in the affair of Balkh and Badakhşhân, and
in the 25th year he held the office of 1500 with 800 horse and
accompanied Sultan Aurangzeb on the second occaaion to Qanda-
har. in the 26th year he accompanied Dârâ Shikoh, and in the
28th year he was appointed, along with S'aad Ullâh K. , to raze
Chitor. in the 30th year he received an inerease of 200 horse.

When the sovereignty came to Aurangzeb and the victorious
army had reached Mathura, Rai Singh did homage and went with
Khalîl Ullah in pursuit o* Dârâ Shikoh. in the battle with Sultan
Shujâ' he was in attendance on the king. After the return to
Ajmere he, in order to spite Maharaja Jeswant Singh, received the
title of Rajah and a robe of honour, an elephant and a female
elephant, an adorned sword, a drum, and one lac of rupees, and
received the rank of 4000 \vith 4000 horse and was made head of
the Râthor elan, and ruler of Jodhpür. He was in the attamsh
(reserve of the vanguard) in the second battle with Dârâ Shikoh.
After vvards he was appointed to the campaign of the Deccan and
did good service along with Mîrzâ Rajah Jai Singh in attacking
Siva Bhonsla's lands and in devastating the country of the 'Adil
Khan. in the 16th year, when Khân- Jahân Bahâdur Kokaltâsh
was made viceroy of the Deccan, he was appointed to his van-
guard. in the 18th year, in the act of preparing for battle with
'Abdu-1-Karîm Miyâna — who had drawn up his forces,— he fell ili
and died. Râorâsapöra outside the city of Aurangabad was

236

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

established by him. Af ter him, his son Indra Singh received a suit-
able mcmsab and became .the leader of his native country;
in the 22nd year, on the death of Maharajah Jeswant Singh,
he received l the title of Rajah, a robe of honour, a decorated
sword, a horse with golden trappings, an elephant, a flag, a togh
and dram. in the 24th year he went with Sultan M'uazzam in
pursuit of Sultan Muhammad Akbar. Afterwards, he was for a
long time appointed to serve under Fîrüz Jang, and in the 48th
year had the rank of 3000 with 2000 horse. After Aurangzeb's
death he went to A'zim Shah and was made an officer of 5000.
Along with Zülfiqâr K. he was appointed to meet Sultan Bîdâr
Bakht who had, in accordance with an indication from his father,
come to Ujjain but had no army with him. Indra Singh however
turned aside on the road and went home. Har Nâth Singh one of
his grandchildren had come before this to the Deccan and received
an estate in the province of Bihar in fief . He died in 1190, 1776.
Indra Singh' s great-grandson Mân Singh was a long time in the
Deccan and was going home when he was killed on the road by
the Bhîls.

AMÎN K. DECCANÎ.

Son of Khân Zaman §haikh Nizâm, in the battle fouğht
by Muhammad A'zim Shah he and his half-brother Farîd were the
advanced guard (muqaddama-ul-jaish) , and his full brothers Khân
'Alam and Manawar were in the vanguard (har&ıual). He showed
much valour and such as befitted his name and race. As some
davs of his life remained, he escaped without injury. They say
that when Khân 'Alam and Manawar K. rushed against 'Azîmu-sh-
shân they fell upon that prince's lef t, drove off the men in front
of therrt and came to the rear. When they looked towards their
own lef t, the prince's* howdah came into view. They turned

1 The bestowal of the title of Rajah
on Indra Singh and his receiving the
rank of 3C00 zât with 2000 horse, of
ırhich 300 were düâspa, are recorded
in the Akhbars presented to the
R.A.S. by Colonel Tod in 1828. He
is oalled in the AkhbSr the Zamindar
of Nagaur.

* Khâfî K. II. 588 and Siyar MI.,
p. 7. The prince meant is BahSdur
Shah's son 'Azîmu-sh-shân— after-
wardg drowned in the Râvî. The
word for howdah is bangala, and it
appearş from Khâfî K. II. 98 that
this was the name of a kind of
howdah which Aurangzeb had invent-

THB MAAS1R-UL- UMARA.

237

round and with thirty troopers flew likemoths (round a candle) in
that direction. Bahâdur Shah after the victory had consideration
upon Amîn K., and though he had been on the opposite side, he,
on account of his being the survivor of a brave family , encompâssed
him with favours. Afterwards he made him faujdâr of Sera, 1
which is an expression for the Carnatic of Bijâpür. it is a wide
and rich territory. As contiguous to that Sarkar was the territory
of various zamindars, each of these paid tribute in accordance
with his possessions. Among them was the Mysorian, the ruler
of Srîrangpatan (Seringapatam) , whose revenue is more than
four krors of rupees. There is no other zanıindari in the Deccan
which is equal to it for its equipments, eztent of territory and
abundance of treasure, or rather there is none which comes up to
one-hundredthpârtthereof. it wassubjectedto a fixed tribute. The
faujdâr of Sera used to collect more or less revenue according to
his strength, and, in the course of demanding an increase, things
ended in a campaign. Accordingly it happened in the time of the
Khân (Amîn) that a large force was appointed under the command
of the Dalawâ, which is the same thing as Comraander-in-Chief.
After a fight, and manful struggles on both sides, the Khân's men
fled on account of the superior numbers of the enemy. He him-
self with 300 brave men stood firm, and was near losing his life.
Suddenly, an arrow (or a bullet), from his hand kljled the leader
on the other side, and defeat became victory. His authority was
established. Men of every quarter felt awe (hişâb bardâshtand) of
him, and those who lived at a distance reeognized his-poTrer and
supremacy. Afterwards the faujdârî of Karnül was eonferred on
him, and in the time of Farrukh Siyar, Haidar Qulî K. the chief
Diwan of the Deccan procured for him the şubâhdârî of Berar.
His Naib had taken possession and he was stili in* .Balkanda,
which was his old estate, when news came of the appfoach of the
Amîru-1-ümarâ Husain 'Alî K. Out of shortsightedness and arro-

«d. The battle referred to in the
text is that of Jajau near Agra, which
was fought 8th June, 1707, betwoen
Bahâdur Shah and Azim Shah. The
latter wa* dofeated and slain along
with his two sons.

1 Sera or Chera, an old name for the
southern part of the Madras Presi-
dency. See Chera in I.G. X, 192.

2 E. Nânder and S. Oodavery.

238

THE MAASIR-UI/-TJMARA.

gance, the Khân delayed to go and welcome him. Af ter the
victory över Dâüd K., the Amîru-1-Umarâ sent one of his compa-
nions — Asad 'Alî K. Jülâq J whose grandfather was one of 'Ali
Mardan 's Turks— to take possession of Berar, but when the Khân
submitted, it was restored to him. When 'Iwaz K.. Bahâdur was
appointed from the court to that government, the Khân went off
to the administration of Nânder. Owing to greed and injustice
and at the instigation of the zamindars of pargana of Bodhan '
appertaining to Nânder,* there arose an unjust quarrel with
the fiefholder, who was Mândhata 8 by name, and whose father
Kânhojî Sirkiyâ * was one of the Mahratta panj-hazârîs, and
had performed exploits in the time of Aurangzeb. Amîn K. got
him into his power by means of agreements and promises,
and destroyed him. Subsequently he, owing to the old quarrel,
sought to punish Jagpat Ilma (?) who had taken possession of
Nirmal, 6 .and that proprietor, knowing of this, asked assistance
from Fath Singh the adopted son of Rajah Sâhû who was the
makâsdâr a of that district. Another circumstance increased the
audacity of that wicked person (either Jagpat or Fath Singh).
The account of it is as follows : At this time the Mahratta peace
had been made, which fixed the stain of a bad name on the
Amîru-1-Umarâ, which will last tül the judgment-day. The agree-
ment was that in the case of those estates where, on account of
the strength of their position and the resistance of the land-
holders, the chavt could not be collected, the Amîru-1-Umarâ should
render assistance. As in the t'âlûgs administered by the Khân not
one dam of the chaut had been collected in some places even in
the time of the height of the robbers' (the Mahrattas) success,
the Khân in spite of the letters of the Amîrü-1-Umarâ would not
lend himself to the disgrace 1 and altogether neglected to coliect

1 in Sarkar Telingâna, Jarrett II.
237. I.G. VIII. 254.

* The Sirkay family of Grant-Duff,
I. 29.

s Nânder is in the Nizâm's Domi-
nions, on the Godavery and N. of
Haidarahad-

3 Possibly this is the name of a
place, and ihe Manhat of Grant-Dufi's

6 Jarrett II. 237. Neernıal of
Grant-Duff'smap. E. Nânder.

« See Grant-Duff I. 80, 220. it
was the title of a revenue officer.

1 Khâfî K. II. 789.

map.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

239

the chavt. The province was taken from him and given to Mîrzâ
'Alî Yûsuf K. who was ope of the brave men of the time. The
Khân — whose authority had been diminished by the repon that
he had been superseded — went off to Balkanda on the occasion of
his daughter's marriage. Ali at önce Fath Singh and Jagpat
came against him. He looked to his lineage and glory and did
not çonsider the number of the foe and went to encounter them
with a few men. As in this topsy-turvy world, success is twinned
with failure, and fortune and misfortune come together, the
Khân played away against these worthless fellows his amîrship
and his many years of reputation, but at last escaped v and
came to Balkanda.* After that, Saiyid 'Alam 'Alî K. Bahâdur,
when he was master of the Deccan, restored him to his province
of Nânder, and appointed him to the cofnmand of the right
wing in the battle that he had with Nawâb Fath Jang (Asâf Jâh).
The worthless fellow acted in an unsoldierlike manner and did not
put his hand to the work and became a mere spectator, and drew
the line of erasure över the deeds of his ancestors. Though after
the victory Fath Jang sent him back to his t'alûçs, his positionin
hearts was lost and his reputation was göne. At the same time, as
Mwaz K. Bahâdur was, on account of his rapacity (shaüaq), averse
to his returning to Berar, he procured his being set aside, and
Mutahawar K. Bahâdur Khweshgî's being appointed in his room.
As soon as he heard of this he went to Nawâb Fath Jang — who
had then göne towards Adonî, — but received no. encouragement.
He returned and settled at the town of Parbanî, 3 which was an
estate in his fief and is twelve kos from Pâthrî. in the mashrüt
(i. e. assigned) m.ahals of Nânder he offered opposition to the col-
lector. Although the Khân aforesaid tried to amend him yet
he did not emerge from his ignorance and folly. At last he was
arrested by him and remained in priaon for a long time. When
his son Muqarrib K. — in whose biography* there has been mention
made of these things— was promoted to service, he was by his

l Khâfî K. II. 790. He was

» in Sarkar Pâthrî, Jarrett II.

wounded and made prisoner.

236. The Parbhanî of I.G. XIX, 41».

5 Balkonda of Grant-Duff's map,

* See Maagit TII. 796.

E. Nânder and S. Godavari.

240

THE MAASIR-LTL- UMARA.

intercession released, and villages yielding Rs. 50,000 were settled
upon him out of Balkanda for his expenses, and he spent a long
time in the charge ' of his son As he felt distressed by his control,
he in the 6th year of Muhammad Shah came to Aurangabad and
sought the help of 'Iwaz K. Bahâdur and entertained hopes of
recovering his rents and jagir. At this time Aşaf Jâh came from
Upper India, and the battle with Mubâriz K. took place. From
the necessity of the time he got fresh encouragement and bound
the girdle of companionship on the waist of endeavour, and after
remaining in the city (Aurangabad) for some time, making prepa-
rations, he came out. When from reverses and a succession of
errors his senses and intellect had left him and he had become
debased, he vainly thought of turning över a new leaf and by
marching in the evening and the night joined Mubâriz K. (in
Haidarabad), who had secretiy * shaken the chain of promises and
agreements. On the day of battle, vvithout his having achieved
anything, the figüre of his life was, by the water of the enemies'
sword, obhterated from the page of Time. This happened 3 in the
year 1137, 1724.

AMINU-D-DAULA AMINÜ-D-DTN KHÂN BAHÂDUR
SAMBALI.

He was one of the şhaikhzâdas of Sambhal which lies N. E.
the capital. His lineage went back to Tamim * Anşârî. He began
his service under JaMndâr Shah, and in the time of Farrukh Siyar
he wasmade one of the yesâwals (state-attendants). in the time
of Firdüs Arâmgâh (Muhammad Shâh) he was promoted and made
Mir Tüzük (master of the ceremonies). Gradually he rose to having
the rank of 4000, and 6000 with 6000 horse, and had the title of

1 The text has daatnigar which
means ' ' needy. ' ' Probably we should
read dastgir, or else dcutnigâh.

2 Probably this rather refers to the
hopes held out to Mubâriz by Muham-
mad Shah.

» in the biography of the son
Muqarrib K., Maaşir III. 796, it is

mentioned that the father and son
fought on opposite sides, and that
the son had his father's head cut off .
The battle in wbieh Amîn K. Deccanî
was killed occurred in the beginning
of 1137, 10 Ootober, 1724. Mubâriz.
K. was killed in the same battle.
* See D'Her'belot s.v.

THE MAASIB-UL-UMARA.

241

Amînu-d-daula, and the gift of the estate of Sambhal with fully l
three lacs of rupees of revenue. He was a devoted gourmand (yâr-
bâshi) and a voluptuary. in the same reign, after the departure
of Nâdir Shah from India, he died. He made many houses , gardens
and serais in his native country. Among his sons, Amînu-d-dîn K.
and Irshâd K. were distinguished.*

(MUHAMMAD) AMÎN KHÂN MIR MUHAMMAD AMlN.

S. Mu'azzam K. Mîr Jumla Ardistâni. When the oppression
of his father by Qutb Shah the ruler of Telang was stopped by the
exertions of Prince Aurângzeb, he was released from prison
and went to wait upon Sultan Muhammad who had been sent on
in advance to that country. He met Sultan Muhammad twelve
leos from Haidarabad and was relieved of his fears. in the 30th
year of Shah Jahan he, along vith his father, entered the ımperial
service. When he came to Burhânpür he, on account of the rain
and of illness, fell somewhat behind. Afterwards he came to court
and received a robe of honoıır and the title of Khân. in the same
year Mu'azzam (Mîr Jumla) K. obtained leave to attend upon Prince
Aurângzeb and to attack and devastate the country of 'Âdil Shah
He performed this duty well and Muhammad Amin had the
increase of 1000 personality, and his rank became 3000 with 1000
horpe and he was ordered to act as deputy-Vizier till the arrival
of his father. When in the 3 İst year Mu'azzam K., on account of
certain things which were disapproved of, was deprived of the
diwanship, Muhammad K. also was inhibited from office- But as
his rectitude and ability had been impressed on the mind of Shah
Jahan, he had an increase of 500 horse, and the gift of a deco-
rated pen-case and was made Mîr Bakhshî in succession to Dânish-
mand K. (Bernier's patron) who resigned his appointment.

When Prince Aurângzeb arrested Mu'azzam K.., who accord-
ing to an order was going to court with his troops, and would on

1 ba hamal, which I suppose means
this. Thera is the variant bakabul.

2 This biography is signed Q. The
Ta?kira-ııl-Umarâ of Kewal Ram says

that Amînu-d-daulah died in the 19th
year of Muhammad Shah's reigıı
(1739).

^Bf^"

242

THE" MAASIE-ÜL-UMAEA.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

243

no account put off his journey, and kept him under survcillance in
the Deccan, Dârâ Shikoh, on hearing of this, was convinced that
the th ıng was done in collusion between the Khan and Aurangzeb
and ımpressed this view on Shah Jahan. Muhammad Amin was
suspected without cause, and Dârâ having got permission to arrest
lum had h im brought from his house and imprisoned. After three
or four days the king was convinced of his innocence and released
hım from the confinement in which Dârâ had placed him. After
Dara s defeat, Muhammad Amin, on the second day after the
standards of victory had been unfurled, and when the hunting-
box of Samogarha on the bank of the Jumna had been brightened
oy Aurangzeb 's presence, hastened to pay his respects He
was gra c 10 u S ]y received, and obtained the rank of 4000 with
3000 horse. in the same month he was confirmed in the post of
Mu- Bak_hşhl. When in the battle with Shujâ', Rajah Jeswant Singh
behaved treacherously and withdrew from Aurangzeb's army and
went ramdly home, with the intention of joining Dârâ, Muham-
mad Amm after the battle and the return from there, was sent
w!th a well-e q ui ppe d army to punish Jeswant. But as Dârâ-who
wa* marching f rom Ahmadabad to Ajmere-had approached
Muhammad Amîn turned back near Puhkar (Püshkar) and joined'
the kmg s arm y. In the 2nd year Ms ^ ^ ^ ^ ^

horse, and m the 5th year he had an increase of 1000 horse

When m the beginning of the 6th year Mîr Jumla died in
Bengal, Prınce Muhammad Mü 'azzam visited Muhammad Amin and
adrrnmstered consolations, and brought him with him to the king
A robe of honour was bestowed upon him. In the lOth year the
Yusufza! tribe again assembled at Ohand-which is the mouth of
the hıll-country-and made a disturbance, and Muhammad Amin
was sent with a suitable force to chastise them. Though before
the arrival of the Khân, Shamsher' K. Tam had defeated and
pumshed the tribe, yet the Khân also entered their territory and
devastated their country and then returned in accordance with the
kmg s orders. Thereupon he was appointed governor of Lahore in
succession to ibrahim K. In the 13th year he was made governor

1 Maaeir A. 61 and 'Âlamgîrnâma 1045, 1053, ete.

of Kabul in succession to Mahâbat K. (the 2nd), and in the same
year Ja'afar K. the Grand Vizier died, and Asad K. carriedon some
of the business as deputy. The king considered that only a first-rate
officer could carry on the duties, and so summoned Muhammad
Amîn to court. In the 14th year he came and was received with
princely favours. But though he was famed for his business capa.
city and his ripe judgment, yet he had some defects and he accepted
the Viziership on certain conditions which were altogether opposed
to the king's disposition, and annoyed him by some of his obiec-
tions and representations.

As Fate had decreed that an evil day should come to him he
obtained leave to go and make the settlement of Kabul. He
received royal gifts, and among them was the elephant 'Alam 1
Gumân with silver trappings. Inasmuch as the dyes* of arrogance
produce nothing but yellowness to the face, and the wind of the
moustache of oonceit only casts.the dust of failure on one's fortune,
and presumption causes joy to the enemy, and ends in failure,
and haughtiness leads to contempt and a bad ending, the Khân in
his self-will took ali the materials of grandeur and magnificence
with him, and thought to march from Peshawar to the capital
of Afghanistan and to root out the turbulent Afghans.

In the 15th year, on 3 3 Muharram 1083, 21 April 1672, before
he had traversed the Khyber, though news had come that the
Afghans on hearing of his design had elosed the roads and were
numerous as ants and locusts, he in his arrogance made no
account of them and went on. During the march, from want of
çare and from treachery, there occurred what happened in Akbar's
time to Zain K. Koka, Hakîm Abul-fath and Rajah Bîrbal. The
Afghans attacked on ali sides and shot arrows and threw stones.
The troops got confused, and the men, the horses and the
elsphants fell upon one another. Some thousands fell from the

l Mentioned in the Tüzük JehSn-
gîrî.

* baqamhâi gharür. Baqam is
Brazil-wood, and the dye produoed
from it. it also appears to be a
name for the datura-plant ; ior bâd i-
barût, see Bahar 'Ajam and Vulleıfs, s.v.

3 Irvine, Manucci II,
gives on the authority

200, note,
on tne autnorıty of the T.
Muhammadî, 7 Muharram = May 6,
1672 N.S., as the date. it ia also
stated there that the son-in-law was
killed on this occasion.

244

THE MAASIR-TTL-UMARA.

heıghts ınto abysses and were killed. Muhammad Amîn in his
pnde wıshed to sacrifice ' his life, but his servants seized his rein
and led hım away. Not thinking of his honour he hastened back
m a mıserable condition to Peshawar. 'Abdullah K. his worthv
son was killed in that imbroglio. The baggage was plundered and
many men's wives were made prisoners. The young daughter * of
Muhammad Amin and some of his ladies were released on pay-
men t ol heavy ransoms.

They say that af ter this catastrophe the Khâri wrote to the
k.ng that what fate had decreed had occurred, but that if the
task were again committed to him, he would amend matters
ine kmg asked for advice, and Amîr K. (s. Khalîl Ullah, Maasir J.
^77) saıd that, lıke a wounded boar, Muhammad Amin would
ihug h.mself against the enemy whether it were feasible or not
Accordıngly, his rank which was 6000 with 5000 horse was re-
duced by 1000 zât and he was sent to be governor of Gujarat
And an order was given that he should go there vvithout present-
nıg hımself at court. He served there for a long time, and in the
23rd year when Aurangzeb was at Ajmere, he was sent for and
dıd homage. He accompanied the Rânâ to Udâipür, and after
recemng royal favours took leave at Chitor. in the 25th year on
8 Jumâda-al-akhirî 1093, 4 Jnne 1682, he died in Ahmadabad.
Seventy laes of rupees, and one lac and 35,000 ashrafîs and ibrâ-
hlmls, and 76 elephants and other properties were confiscated.
He had (ı. e . he left) no son. Saiyid Muhammad vvas his sister's
«on, and his son-in-law was Saiyid Sultan Karbalai, who
™ a leadİng Saİ ^ id of that h oly place. He at first had come to
Haıdambad. The ruler there, 'Abdullah Qutb Shah, chose him
or hıe Bon.in.law. it happened that on the day the marriage was
totake place, Mir Ahmad'Arab, who was the elder son-in law and
had the management of afîairs, an d was the intermediary on this
occasion, had words with the Saiyid, and this went so far that

1 Maasir A., 118.

2 Khâf'i K. II, 233.

3 Maasir A., 226, where it is said
there were also 432 horses. Manucci
has a good deal to say about Muham-
mad Amîn and speaks of his great

wealth. See vol. II, 1 96 , et ,eq.
I do not know the value of the ibrâl
hıml. Presumably it was a Deecanî
eoin. The Maasir A., 219, gives 20
instead of 8 JumSda the 2nd as the
date of death.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

245

that hapless Saiyid set fire to the furniture (preparations) and
came away.

Though Muhammad Amîn vvas proud and self-conceited, yet
he \vas one of the unique ' of the age for honesty and truth. He
strove after right-thinking. He had a powerful memory. in the
end of his life, at the time when he was governor of Gujarat, he in
a very short time became a Hafi? of the holy volume. Conse-
quently Aurangzeb ealled him Muhammad Amîn K. Hâfiz. He
was a bigoted Imâmiya. He did not admit Hindus to his pri-
pacy. If any of the great Rajahs, who could not bedenied, came
to see him, he afterwards had the house vvashed and the carpets
removed, and changed his clothes.

(SAfYID) AMİR K. KHAWÂFl.

His name was Saiyid Mir and he was the younger brother of
Shaikh Mir. When Aurangzeb after the first battle with
Dârâ Shikoh proceeded from Agra to Delhi aud on the way
arrested Murâd Bakhşh, who hadshown signs of presumption, and
sent him to the fort of Delhi, he made Amîr K. governor of the
fort and presented him with a robe of honour and a horse, and
gave him the title of Amîr K., a sum of Rs. 7000, and made his
rank 2000 with 500 horse. in the first year of the reign he con-
veyed Murâd Bakhşh to the fort of Gwalior and then joined
the royal army. When in the battle near Ajmere Shaikh Mîr fell
in the king' s service, Amîr K. obtained the rank of 4000 with
3000 horse. in the 3rd year he was appointed, with a suitable
force, to chastise Râo Karn, zamindar of Bikânîr, who in Şhah
Jahan's time belonged to the Deccan contingent, and had at the
time of the contest between Aurangzeb and Dârâ Shikoh left
the Deccan without orders and gohe to his native country.
When he arrived at the borders of Bikânîr he brought Râo Karn,
who had respectfully appeared before him, to court. in the 4th
year he was appointed to the charge of Kabul in succession to
Mahâbat K. and received a robe of honour, a special sword and

1 Maasir A., 219.

246

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

dagger set with pearls. a Persian horse, a special elephant and
had the rank of 5000 with 5000 horse, of which 1000 were
two-horse and three-horse. I n the 6th year after the return of the
roya retmue from Kashmîr to Lahore he was summoned to
court, and then after some time W as allowed to go to his
estates. In the 8th year he, the second time, came unattended
to court and was received wi t h favour, and then returned to
Kabul. In the llthyear he was removed from there and came
to court. As he had resigned his office, he took up his resi-

TZlO^TÎ , fcaI A ^ thft ^^ ^ COrre8 P- d - g to 1080,
166yo, he dıed.ı As he was without sons, his brother Shaikh
Mîr K_hawafı s sons were given mourning dresses.

amir khân mir miran.

Son of Khalil üllah K. of Yezd. His mother Hamîda Bânû
Begam was the daughter of Saif K. and the daughter's daughter
of Yemenu-d-daula Aşaf K. In the 29th year of Shah Jahan he had
an mcrease of 500 with 100 horse and obtained the rank of 1500

^-f^AT and WaS ^^ Mîr TÖZUL In the 31st W* when
KhahlUUahK.becamegovernorof Delhi, he obtained the title
of Mır Khân and was appointed to accompany his father In the
mgn of Aurangzeb he,, af ter his father 's death, obtained an in-
crease of rank and wa, made faujdâr of the hill-country (Kohistan)
of Jamu. In the lOth • year he was appointed to accompany
Muhammad Amîn K. Mîr Bakhshl on his espeditjon to chastise
the msolent Yüsufz aı . The general sent him with a force to the
ne lg hbourhood of Shahbâzgarha, which is near Langarkot, and he
plundered the villages of the Yüsufzai, and then he came to the
idam -(M*) of (mside of) Koh Kara Mâr, and set fire to some
other V1 llages. He returned to camp with much cattle. In the
1-th year he was appointed, in place of Hasan 'Alî K , to be

THE MAASIK-UL-TJMABA.

247

' Apparently Amir Khwgfî iş the
author of the history of 5 yeare of
Aurangzeb's reign described in Rieu
I, 265.

2 'Âlamgirnâma 1045, 1057, ete
MaasirA.61. ''

8 The passage is taken from 'Âlam-
girnâma 1059. The Koh Kara Mâr
seems to be the Black Mountain of
the expedition of 1868 and to be near
Abbotabad.

darogha of the mansabdars. In the same year, on the death of
ilah verdi K. 'Alamgîrî, he was made governor of Allahabad, and
received a mansah of 4000 with 3000 horse, consisting of two-horse
troopers. In the 14th year he was removed from his appointment
and brought to court, and for some reason he was for some days
deprived of office. In the same year he was restored and was
treated with favour. When in the 17th year he was nominated to
the faujdârî of îrij l he refused the appointment and in conse-
quence was deprived of his rank and went into retirement. In the
18th year (Maasir A. 139) he again was received into favour and
obtained the title of Amîr Khân and an inerease of rank. He
received * charge of the government of Bihar. There he exerted
himself in chastising 'Alam, Ism'aîl and other Afghans of Shahja-
hanpur and Kant Golah, and seized them when they had taken
refuge in a fort. In the 19th year he came to court and joined
the expedition of Shah 'Alam Bahâdur to Kabul.

From a long time this country had been a house of turmoil
from its occupation by Afghan tribes. Especially was it so in the
time of Akbar. On every opportunity it rose into rebellion. The
royal armies, in order to root out these sedition-mongers repeat-
edly trod the land under their horses' hoofs. When it had been
filled with revenge and slaughter, though many retired into ob-
scurity, yet the sparks were not entirely extinguished, and the old
state 3 of things revived. Saîd K. Bahâdur Zafar Jang rooted out
most of the thorns, and aftervvards the army of Shah Jahan arrived
at Kabul the capital and there was coming and going of the armies
which marehed to conquer Balkh and Badakhşhân, and which also

1 In the provinoe of Agra, Jarrett
II, 187, Maagir A. 132. From his
opinions being asked in the 15th year
about Mîr Jumla's son Muhammad
Amîn, it would seem that he was then
in favour. See Maasir U. IH, £19.

" Kant Golah and ShShjahânpur
were not in Bihar bat in Bohilkand.
Amîr K.'s report about these is men-
tioned at p. 146 of Maasir A., and his
coming from Bihar is mentioned later,
p. 148. For Kant Golah and Shah-

jahanpur see Elliot Supp. Glossary
II, 167. Perhaps, however, the
Afghans had fled from Rohilkand to
Bihar and Bengal, and been there
seized by Amir K. , for it is mentioned
that he sent them in with ibrahim K.
who was coming from Bengal to
court.

3 Maham kahna lang, see Vullers
II, 92Şa, for explanation of term kahrı
lang, " res quae e loco suo exire vel
moveri non potest.','

248

THE MAASIR-UI/-TTMARA.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

249

passed by this road for the Qandahar expedition. On these occa-
sions the most of the Afghans abandoned their disturbances and
plaeed the foot of respecfc under the skirt of obedience. Many of
the presumptuous who lived in their own land and did not sub-
mit their necks to the yoke of tribute became submissive. 1 in
short the affairs of that country took a proper shape and there
was osfcensible peace. Afterwards when there was the rule of Aur-
angzeb , and the go vernors became slothful and fond of their ease, the
Afghans again grew haughty and presumptuous, and became like a
wasp's nest. They were numerous as ants or locusts and swooped
upon the land like crows and kites, for the imperial armies
submitted to be plundered by those evil-doers, and the high officers
when confronted with them simply allovved themselves to be rob-
bed and killed, and made no opposition. At last the royal stan-
dards reached Hasan Abdal, and there was much planning. The
thread * of their dissensions could not be extracted. After return-
ingto Lahore, Prince Muhammad, styled Shah "Alam Bahâdur, was
chosen for the work. The Prince either by his o\vn right under-
standing, or from secret knowledge sueh as of ten inspires the for-
tunate, perceived that the settlement of this distracted country
was implicated in the governorship of Amir K. , and wrote to court
to this effect. The Khân in the 20th year 1088, 3 1677, on 4
Muharram, 2 İst February, was made governor of the provinee in
place of 'Azim K. Koka. Aghar (Aghuz ?) K. was in the van-
guard, and a beginning was made by chastising the Afghans of
Peshawar. Thereafter the army proceeded into the Lamghânât.
Aghar (or Aghuz) K. in that neighbourhood showed great activity
in slaying Afghans and engaged in a close conflict with imal * K.
who had taken the title of Shah and struck coiııs in his own name
mthehills. He showed his courage by standing firm, when his
men took to flight. He was nearly being killed, when some of his
well-wishers.showed devotion and seized his rein and brought him

1 Lit. " drew baek their feet from
their limit," that is, kept themselves
within bounds.

2 Apparentlyametaphortakenfrom

the procesa of extraeting the worm
that prodiîces the Delhi sore.

3 Text 1008, but evidently it
should be 1088.

♦ Khâfî K. II, 233, 243, ete.

out from that dangerous place. Amir K., after showing the
strength of his army, by degrees practised such soofching and kind-
ness towards those strangers to the kingdom of civility that the
heads of the tribes gave up their savagery and wildness and visit-
ed him withouc any apprehensions. They settled accounts, and
during his government of two and twenty years he never met with
any disaster, nor submitted to any humiliation nor did any evil
act. On 27 Shawâl of the 42nd year 1109, 27th April 1698, he
bade the world adieu. He was attached to the Imâmiya (Shia)
religion, and sent much money to the learned and pious men of
Persia. He was buried in the capital in his father's tomb. He
was an officer full of wisdom and sagaeity. it wouldbe good if
the secretaries of the age and learned thinkers could take sketehes
of plans, wholesale or in par t, from the margin of his heart. Hi&
ingenuity of thought removed the wickedness of strife from the
kingdom 's conscience, and his index-finger deteeted the pulse of
the age and grasped the vein l which puts sedition to sleep. His
effective hands made the hands of oppressorSjSurrender, and his
aetive feet tripped up the feet of robbery. He cast down the
foundation of force. He stripped off the wings of tyranny. A
lofty fortune is a great possession! Whatever nursling he planted
in the garden of his thoughts became a fruit-bearing tree. Noth-
ing appeared on the tablet of his projects but what was success-
ful. Nor did anything appear on the page of his hopes which did
not take the form of fulfilment. He so drew by the noose of
kindness the Afghan leaders— who held their necks and heads
higher than the heavens— that they became obedient, and he so
captured by sincerity and friendship those savages that they
voluntarily bound themselves to the saddle-straps of obedience.
By the magic of his right- thinking, the leaders of that tribe spread
out the carpet of mutual dissension and fell upon one another.
Stranger stili, every one of them sought to improve his affairs by
taking the advice of Amir K.

They say that at one time there were few of the Atghan
tribes which did not rally round imal Khân. Every one in the

1 rag-i-khvjâb-i-fitna. See Vullers II, 49a, for this phrase.
32

250

THE MAASIR-TTL-UMARA.

hill country took some days' provisions and presented themselves.
There was tumult and there was a great assemblage. it was im-
possible for the army of the subâhdâr of Kabul to cope with this.
Amir Khân was troubled and got 'Abdullah K. Khweshgi, who
was a leading man among the manşabdârs and auxiliaries, and was
famed for his dexterity and craft, to write afalse letter to thechief
of every tribe to this effect: " We for a long time were waitingfor
some hidden good, and that the sovereignty might be transferred
to the Afghans. God be praised that our old hope has been
realized. But we are unacquainted with the disposition of the
person who has been raised to the throne. Write to us if he be
fit for empire ; then we too shall approach him, for service with
the Moghuls is a profitless thing." in reply they wrote praises of
imal Khân and urged him to come in. 'Abdullah K. again wrote,
" These qualities are excellent, but the finest thing in rule is justice
and consideration for the subjects of every class. in order to test
him, be good enough to take the trouble to enquire how he will
divide the territory among the tribes if it come into his posses-
sion. If he be timid or partial, it will at önce become evident."
The heads of the tribes acted upon his counsel and sent a message
to imal K. He was at a stand-stay as to how he should divide a
smal! country among a great number. On this account there was
a schism among them. Many of the ignorant and of the general
public went off. He was compelled to make a beginning of a
division. As of course he paid attention to his own set and
favoured those who were nearer to him, the others raised a dis-
pute. Each of the leaders went off to 'his own country and
wrote letters to 'Abdullah K. forbidding him to join.

Amir K.'s wife was known as Şâhibjî, and was the daughter
of 'Alî Mardan K. Amiru-1-umarâ (the famous maker of canals).
She was a wonderful lady for her prudence and knowledge of
affairs. She took part in political and financial matters and
showed excellent sense in the conduct of business. They say that
one night news came to Aurangzeb of the death of Amir K.
Immediately he sent for Irshad K. , who for a while was diwân
of Kabul, and at this time was diwân of the Khâlşa, and said to
him that a heavy misfortune had occurred, viz. the death of Amîr

THE MAASIB-UL-UMARA.

251

K. A country which was prepared for any amount of tumult
and disaffection was left unguarded, and it was to be feared that
there would be a rebellion before another governor could arrive.
Irshad K. insisted upon it that Amîr K. was alive ; who said he
was dead? The king put the official report into his hands, and
he replied, " I admit it, but the administration of that country is
bound up with Şâhibjî. As long as she is alive, there is no prob-
ability of a disturbance." Aurangzeb immediately wrote to that
able administratrix , and told her to conduct affairs until the arri-
val of Prince Shah 'Alam.

They say that as the coming and going of governors in that
turbulent country was not devoid of danger, it seemed impossible
that the camp of a deceased governor could depart in safety.
Şâhibjî so concealed the death of Amîr K. that there was absolutely
ııo rumour of it. She got a person who resembled Amîr K. to sit
in an ayînadâr l palanquin and so make the journey, stage by stage.
Every day the soldiers saluted him and took leave. When the
cortege emerged from the hill-country, she performed the mourning
rites.

They say that till Bahâdur Shah arrived, and he was a long
time in coming, Şâhibjî made great arrangements for the adminis-
tration of the country. As most of the chiefs had come to mourn
for Amîr K., she kept them honourably near her, and sent mes-
sages to the Afghans to the effect that they should act according te
their customs and abstain from tumult and highway robbery, and
not exceed their position. " Otherwise the ball and the field were
ready (metaphor from polo). If I win, my name will remain till
the judgment-day." They felt the justice of this, and renevved
their oaths and promises, and did not in any way prove dis-
obedient.

it was reported by trustvvorthy persons that when this chaste

1 Lit. ' ' mirror-hölding. ' ' Probably
it here means a palanquin or litter
provided with glass-doors. See Ber-
nier II, 235, whosaysthat takht-rawân
or littera were furnished with glass-
doors, II, p. 23<>. As Grant-Duff

points out, there is a difference be
tween a palanquin and a palki, III , 79
n. in the Maasir A., p. 354, we have
the phrase pâlkî ayına applied to a
palki sent as a present by Aurangzeb to
his second son Muhammad A'zimShah.

252

THE MAASIE-UIrüMABA.

lady was one day in the time of her youth passing along the
narrow streets in her litter, a royal elephant, which was the pre-
mier one of them ali, appeared, in the height of its pride, in front
of her. Though the guardians of order wanted to turn him, the
driver would not be restrained, for his tribe is never without
haughtiness, and the glory of the imperial equipage added to his
arroganee. He drove the elephant on, and though men put
their hands to their quivers, the elephant put his trunk on the
litter, and wanted to twist it and to tread it under foot. The
bearers threw the litter on the ground and fled. That lion-
hearted woman jumped out on to a money-changer's shop which
was opposite the litter, got inside, and shut the door. Amir K.
for some days was nıoved by Indian jealousy to displeasure, and
wanted to separate from her, but Shah Jahan rebuked him and
said, " She did a manly act, and saved her honour and yours. If
the elephant had twisted her in his trunk and shown her to the
world, how would her modesty have remained ?"

Amir K. had no children by Şâhibjî, and as she fully ruled
him, hein great secrecy kept mistresses and had many children by
them. At last this came to Şâhibjî's knowledge, and she behaved
kindly to them and brought them up. Two years af ter Amîr K.'s
death and after she had administered the affairs of Kabul she
came to Burhânpür. As permission had been giren to her to go
to Mecca she sent off Amîr K.'s sons to court and hastened to the
port of Surat. Afterwards, when Amir K.'s property had been
examined, an order was sent that Şâhibjî herself should come to
court, but her ship had sailed before the order reached her. As
she spent large sums of money at Mecca, the Sharîf and others
treated her with honour. The eldest son of Amîr K. obtained
the titie of Mîr Khân and the rank of 1000 with 600 horse,
and was married to the daughter of Bahramand K. Mîr Bakhshî.
İn the time of Bahâdur Shah he was appointed as deputy of
Asâfu-d-daula to the government of Lahore. Another of his sons
was M. Jâfar 'Aqîdat K. who in the time of Bahâdur Shah was
made governor of Patna, and afterwards bakhshî of Prince
'Azîmu-sh-shân. The accounts of M. ibrahim Marhamat K. and
M. Isâhaq Amir K.— who were more distinguished than their other

THE MAASIR-TJL-UMARA.

253

brothers, and both of whom as well as KhadijaBegam, the wife of
Rüh Ullah K. the 2nd, were by one mother — have been written
separately. The other sons did not attain so much fame. For
instance there were Hâdî K. who went to Patna when Marhamat
was Naib there, and Saif K., who was faujdâr of Purnia, and
Asad Ullah K. who on the recommendation of Nizâmu-1-mulk
Aşaf Jâh was made bakhshî of the Deccan.

AMÎR KHÂN SINDHÎ.

His name was 'Abdu-1-Karîm, and he was the son of Amîr
K., son of Amîr Abü-l-qâsim 1 Nimakîn. When his grandfather
became attached to Bhakkar in the time of his government he
made his tomb there. His father also died in the province of
Tatta and was buried beside his father. On this account that
country has been the birth-place and educational home of many
of the family. Hence the application of the word Sindhî. But
they really were Saiyids of Herat, as has been shown in the
account of Amîr K.'s ancestors. Also in the biography of Amîr
K. deceased it has been stated* that he, like his father, had many
children. Even at the age of one hundred he did not fail to
beget children. Mîr 'Abdu-1-Karîm was the youngest of ali his
brothers. As none but the sons of amîrs and khânazâdas (house-
born ones) is reckoned fit for the personal service of kings, and
the passage to this is by being a khwâsi (personal attendant),
'Abdu-1-Karîm was at first a tehwâşî and af terwards a leader of
Içhıvâşls. As promotion 3 and exaltation were in his horoscope, he
in the 26th year, when the eity of Aurangabad had acquired the
name of Khujasta Banyâd by the king's advent, was made
şuperintendent of the oratory. Afterwards he had charge of the
seven guards* (haft caukî) along with the çare of the oratory. As

1 Blochmann 470.

2 See above, p. 173.

8 See Blochmann 472. His first
employment was apparently that of
collector of the poll-tax for Burhân-
pür, Khâfî K. II, 278-79. See also id.
338, where he is called Sharîf K. and

8poken of as having collected the poll-
tax with great severity.

* Blochmann 257. The guarding
of the palace, ete, was apparently
arranged by having seven changes of
guards. See Maaşir A. 240.

254

THE MAASIR-UL-TJMARA.

the king desired to advance him, he was also appointed superin-
tendent of the naqqâsh-lçhâna. 1 in the end of the 28th year he
was found * in fault and was removed from the office of superin-
tendent of the oratory (jânamâzkhâna). in the 29th year when
Prince Shah 'Alam Bahâdur and Khân Jahân defeated the army
of Abü-1-hasan, the ruler of Telang, and took the city of Haidara-
bad, Amîr K. was sent 8 (by Aurangzeb) with robes of honour and
jewels to the prince and the leading officers. Some other persons
of note accompanied him. When they came within four kos of
Haidarabad, Shaikh Nizâm of Haidarabad fell upon them with a
body of men. Najâbat K. and Aşâlat K. — whom Qulîj K. the
governor of Zafarabâd* hadgiven as guides — on account of the old
association that they had with the enemy, joined him (Nizâm).
The jewels, the dresses of honour, and other things, and the
merchandise, and the equipments of the men who had accom-
panied the party as if it were a caravan, were plundered. Mır
'Abdu-1-Karîm, who fell wounded on- the field, was made prisoner
and conveyed to Abu-1-hasan. Four days aftervvards he was
conveyed from Golconda to the prince 's canip near Haidara-
bad by men who then withdrew 6 themselves. Muhammad Murâd
K. hâjib (chamberlain or perhaps here envoy) heard of this and
brought him to his house and treated him kindly. When his
wounds were healed, he waited upon the prince, and conveyed
the verbal messages he had been entrusted with. On taking leave
of him he went with Khân Jahân Bahâdur who had been sum-
moned to the Presence, and rubbed his forehead on the thresh-
old of sovereignty. During the siege of Golconda, as Sharîf K.,
the Kron of the camp-treasury, had been appointed to collect the
poll-tax of four provinces of the Deccan, Amir K. was appointed
to act as his deputy as treasury-fcron. At the same time he was

1 Maaşir A. 255. "The picture
gallery," but probably Aurangzeb did
not allow of portrait-paintjng. The
paintings were probably illvııhinatiöns
to books. The author of the Maaşir
A. states in the same place that Amîr
K. was made accountant (mashraf) of
the same office (naqqâshjchâna).

2 id. 261.

8 id. 268.

* Another name for Bidar, W.N.W.
Haidarabad. it probably received
the name of Zafarabâd becâuse it was
taken in one day by Aurangzeb. See
Grant-Duff I, 156, and note.

' Maaşir 'Alamgîri 269.

THK MAASIE-UL-UMABA.

255

also appointed süperin tendent of Fines. 1 in the 33rd year as a
reward for his good service as Treasury-fcror» , whereby he showed
plenty and cheapness alongside of the scarcity and dearness in
Haidarabad, he received the title of Multafat K. (the provident
Khân). Aftenvards, on the death of KJrvvâja Hayât K. , he was
put in charge of the abdârkhâna* (stillroom). in the 36th year he
was made superintendent of the pages (darogha-i-khwâşân) on the
death of Anwar K. the son of Wazîr K. Shahjahanî, and obtained
a manşab of 1000 and became envied by his contemporaries for
his intimac3 r and understanding of the disposition (of Aurangzeb).
in the 45th year he had the title of Khânaz&d K. , and after that
had the title of Mir prefixed to that of Khanazad K., and in
the 48th year, after the taking of Torna, he obtained the heredi-
tary title of his father — that of Amîr K. At that time the
king said, " Your father Mir K., when he became Amîr K., gave a
lac of rupees as peshkash to Shah Jahan for the additiori of the
letter alif, what do you offer?" He replied, '' May there be
thousands and tbousands of life-sacrinees for the holy personality î
My life and property are devoted to Your Majesty. ' ' Next day
he presented the Koran written by Yâqüt. 3 His Majesty said:
' ' You ha ve presented a thing which the world and ali that , ia
"therein could not equal in value." After the taking of W&kin-
kera he go,t an increase of 500 and had a manşab of 3000. in the
end of Aurangzeb's reign he was his companion, and had no
superior in companionship and in the confidence reposed in him.
Night and day he was in attendance. in the Maaşir Alamgîri itiş
stated * that at Devâpür, three kos from VVakinkera, the king was
attacked by illness, and this was so severe that he sometimes be-
came delirious. As he had reached the age of 90, men began to

1 Blochmann 131. See Maaşir A.
304. His business probably was to
realize the fines imposed on the inhabi-
tants of Bîjapûr and Goleonda.

2 Blochmann 55.

8 A famous calligraphist , but Yâqût
is also the name of a kind of writing.
* 508 et *»q. Aurangzeb wrot»

many letters to Amîr K. Sindhî. See
Rieu's Cat. t, 400b. The Maaşir A.
507 sayış, t- Thrcekosfrom Rahmânba-
khsh Khaira. : ' Hut this w as the name
given by Aurangzeb to VVâkinkhera
after its capture. See Khâfi K. II,
538. W5kinkhera id E. S. E, Bijapur,
and DevSpûr was near the Kistn*.

25G

THE MAASIR-ÜL-UMABA.

despair, and the country was nearly being upset by the dread
of what might happen.

Amîr K. used to teli ' how one day at this time when the king
was very weak he heard him saying under his breath : —

Verse.

When j^ou have reached your 80th and 90th year,
Many evils have you suffered from Time,
When after that you attain the lOOth stag^
İt is death in the form of life.

" VVhen this fell upon my ear I quickly said, ' Save Your
Majesty, the Şhaikh of GanJ (Nizamî), May God's mercy be upon
him! uttered these lines as a prelude to a couplet, which is this : —

Verse.

Then, 'tis better that you remain joyful.
And that in that joy you remember God.

He said, " Repeat the lines." I did so several times, and he
signed to me to give them him in writing. I wrote them out, and
he read them över. The Giver of strength gave him povver, and
in the morning he came out to the hail of justice. He sa!id, "Your
verse has given me perfect health, and conveyed strength to
vveakness."

The Khân was endovved with a quick intelligence and an
exoellent understanding. One day during the siege of Bîjâpür the
king w as earried in a litter (takht-rawân) to see a mound
(damdama) vvhich had been raised to a level with the battlements,
and cannon balls from the fort were passing över the litter, when
Amîr K., who was then superintendent of the oratory and had not
yet become a person of consequenee, made this impromptu line
and wrote it on a piece of paper with a lead-pencil * (qalm-i-

i id. 59. The lines come from the
Khusrau and Shîrîn, near the begin-
ning.

2 See Vullers, s.v. qalm, p. 737,
cols. 1 and 2. M.A. 279.

THE MAASIR-Ur.-UMARA.

257

surb) and presen ted it, Fath Bîjâpür 1 zûdl mî shawad "The
conquest of Bijapur will soon take place." 1099(1688). The
king received it as a good omen and said, " God grant that it be
so." in the same week the fort was surrendered. After the fort of
Golconda was taken the chronogram ' was found (by Amir K.) : —
Fath qilâ Gul kanda, mubârak bâda. " The conquest of Golconda,
may it be blessed. " 1099 (1688;. He was approved of by the
king , and as he had the demerits of annoyance and presumption ,
he gave himself airs (lit. he set the peak of the cap of presump-
tion orookedly on the haad of license), and though of low rank he
bore himself head and shoulders higher than the leading officers.
He acquired such influence that the highest of them made en.
treaties to him. When an order had been given that with the
exception of him who had had a palanquin given him from the
imperial establishment, no one, either of the princes or of the
officers entitled to travel in a palanquin, should enter the
enclosure (guUcfbâr' 1 ), he, vvho was at that time termed Multafat

1 The two chronograms seem to
yield 109!» or 16S7-SS, but if so they
are both vvrong. Bîjâpür and Gol-
conda were not taken in the same
year. Bîjâpür was taken first, and in
the year 1097 or 1686, some time in
October. The chronogram in the text
gives *Abdu 1-Karîm's oorrectly as
stated in the Maaşir •Alamgirî 279,
but 1 think the editors have made a
ınistake in reckoning the p of Bija-
pur as equal to b and eonsequently
as representing the figüre 2. There is
no p in Arabie, and though p is often
in abjad regarded as = b, this is not
the case here. If we deduet the p, we
get 1097 the real dato of the capture
of Bîjâpür as shown in the M.A. and
in Khafî K. Possibly 'Abdul-1-Karîm,
as he was writing extempore. made a
mistake in his count and forgot that
though hâ is the sixth letter of the
Arabie alphabet, it counts 8 in abjad.
Golconda was taken in the following
year 1098 or about September 1687.
The chronogram in text wrongly has

bâda as the last word, whereas it
should be only bâd as in Khafî K.
368, and in M.A. 300. This gives
1098, which is the correct date, a»
appears from the M. A., pp. 298-99.

With reference to the litter or
takht rawân of the text it may be
noticed that the M.A. represents it as
being carıied on the baeks of horses,
p. 278, unless indeed takht-rawân
is used there rhetorically for a saddle.
Ordinarily a takht-rawân was borne
by men. See Bernier II, 235, and
238. The date of the visit was 25
Shawâl 1097, 4 September 1686, and
Bîjâpür was taken on 4 Zilq'ada in
the 30th year of the reign 1097 =
12 September 1686. Golconda was
taken on 24 Zîlq'ada 1098, or 21 Sep-
tember 1687.

* The gulâlbâr was a red sereen
round the daulat-khâna or colleetion
of imperial tents. The privilege re-
ferred to is mentioned in the Maaşir
A. 354. For gulâlbâr or " red wall "
see Blochmann 45 and 54, and Irvine

258

THE MAASIR-TJL-TTMARA.

Khân, and the Jumla-ul-mulk AsadKhân, were, shortly afterwards,
al!owed to enter in their palanquins. After that, permission was
also granted to Bahramand Khân, Mukhlaş Khân and Ruh üllah
Khân. it may be gathered from this what his position was and
whal a plaee he had taken in the king's heart. He was also of
surpassing trustworthiness. Agents ' at his orders would send him
the productions of every country at one-half or one-third of the
real prıce. He took notiee of this and privately made a full
enquirv and ascertained what the price was. After the death of
Aurangzeb he accompanied Muhammad 'Azim Shâh, but as he had
no foree he remained with the baggage in Gwaliyar. When
Bahâdur Shah became king and the officers of the former reign,
vvhether loyal or the reverse, obtained promotion, AmîrK. too was
raised to the rank of 3000 with 500 horse, but he had not the
same intimacy nor the same pomp. He felt helpless and accepted
the governorship of Agra fort and retired into obscurity, and
saved himself from seeing things that shönld not be seen. Mun'im
K. Khân-Khânân, who for worth and humanity was the unique of
the age, gave him in consideration of his old pre-emi nence the
governorship of Agra. Afterwards he w as removed from this and
confined to the government of the fort.

When in the middle of the reign of Muhammad Farrukh Siyar
vveakness had crept into the management of public affairs owing
to the predonlinance of the Saiyids of Bârha, and there came a
necessity for consulting the officers of Aurangzeb, 'Inayat Ullah
K., Hamidu-d-dîn K. Bahâdur and Muhammad Niyaz K. ali were
again received into favour, and Amir K. also was summoned from
Agra and made superintendent of the personal attendants. After

A. of M. 199. Perhaps gulâl is Turki
and meanB '* red rose. ' '

l ahi rüzgâr, whieh I think must
mean here agents, though it may also
mearı workmen or men of business.
Presumably the goods were sent to
him in his public capacity. His
agents perhaps understated the price
in order to gain his favour, or it may
be that workmen and others sent him
the goods under cost price, knowing

that he would ascertain the real value
and pay them accordingly. The test
differs from the Blochmann MS. and
from 1.0. 628-. The text has dar parda
gadaghan-i-iali'ab where the MSS.
have tadyın instead of gadaghan. I
think however the text is right. The
text -has arz •• price " but the MSS.
have âz " avarice " and they have
' hazîz ' instead of hissas.

THE MAASIR-ÜL-TJMARA.

259

the deposition of the king and when the reins of power fell into
the hands of the Saiyids of Bârha, Amir K. was made Şadru-1-
şadür in the place of Afzal K. They say that Qutbu-l-mulk (the
elder Saiyid) out of regard to his former eminenoe did not cease to
honour him, and made him sit on a corner of his own maanad. At
this same time death called him. Nohe of his sons distinguished 1 -
themselves. They were contented with their father's acquisitions ,
except Abu-1-Khair K., who, on account of his relationship with
Khân* Daurân Khwâja 'Asim, ohtained the titleof Khân in the
reign of the deceased emperor and had a position (dastgâh). He
died in company with the Khân Daurân aforesaid. Mir Abü-1-
wafâ, the grandson of Zîyâü-d-dîn K. the elder brother of Amîr K. ,
became distinguished in coraparison with his sons. in the end of
Aurangzeb's reign he was honoured by being made superintendent
of the Oratory. The emperor was impressed by his ability and
resource. Accordingly, 3 one day a report in cypher of Prince
Bahâdur Shah was produced before the emperor. As the cypher
was not known, the emperor made över his private memorandum-
book to the Mir and said, " We have entered in it explanations of
two or three cyphers. Compare them with this cypher and make
out its meaning. ' ' The Mir by his cleverness and quickness
brought out the meaning of the hidden cypher and wrote it out
and prese nted it, and was applauded.

'AQIL KHAN INAYAT ULLAH.

Brother's son and adopted şon of Afzal K. Mullâ Shukr
Ullah. His father's name was 'Abdul-1-Haqq, who during Shah

1 One son, Ashraf, collected and
published Aurangzeb'» lotters to his
father. See Rieu 1 , 400b.

* Maaşir I. 819. He was Amiru-1-
Umarâ and \vas wounded in battle
with Nadir Shah and died of his
wounds. Mir 'Abdul-l-wafâ fell along
with him. This Khân Daurân is not
tnentioned by Beale in his list of
.Khan Daürâns, but his death is des-
cribed in Elliot VIII, 62. The Bm-
peror referred to as deceased is pre-

sumably Muhammad Shah who died
in 1748.

8 Maaşir A., pp. 459, 460. Thpre
we have the negative " du «İh ramz
nâıoâzah ' ' " two or three obscure
cyphers " but I am not sure if this is
right. The Maaşir A. adds that Mir
Abü-l-wafâ received the revrard of a
muhr weighing 50 muhra, Rs. 500, and
an increase of horse for interpreting
the cypher !

260

THE JTAASIR-UL-UMARA.

Jahan's reign attained the rank of 1000 with 200 horse and was

called Amânat Khân. He \vrote naskh exceedingly well, and in

the 15th year, as a reward for the inscription which he had

written on the cupola (the Taj) of Mamtâzu-z-zamânî, received the

gift of, an elephant. He died in the 16th year. 'Âqil K. , in the

12th year, was made 'Arz mukarrir (reviser of petitions), and after-

wards received the title of 'Âqil K. in succession to Multafat K. he

was made diwân of the Biyütât and in the 15th year his rank was

2000 with 500 horse, and he had the appointment of Mîr Saman.

in the 17th year, when Müsavi K. died, he was made 'Arz Waqâî

of the provinces and of the department ' of presents which also

had belonged to Müsavi K. in the 18th year he had an increase

of 200 horse, and the office of Arz Waqâi of the provinces was

given to Mullâ 'Alâ-ul mülk in his room, in the 19th year his

rank was 2500 with 800 horse. Afterwards, when, in succession

to him, the office of Khânsâman was given to Mullâ 'Ala-ul-mulkî,

he received an increase of 200 horse and was made 2rıd Bakhshî,

and Arz Waqâ'î of the provinces. in the 20th year he was sent

off with a body of troops to convey 25 lacs of rupees to Ghorî to

Shâh Beg K. the thânadâr there. in the same year his rank

became 3000 vvith 1000 horse, and he had the gift of a flag. in

the end of the 22nd year oorresponding to 1059, 1649, at the time

when Kabul was the halting-place of the standards of victory, he

suddenly died, He was versed in poetry and in accounts. The

adopted daughter of Sati 2 Khânim — who had charge of the king's

harem — was married to him.

The said Khânim was descended from a Mâzhindarân family,
and she was the sister of Tâlib 3 Âmulî who in the reign of Jahangir
received the title of Maliku-sh-sh'aarâi (king of poets). After the
death of her husband Naşîrâ, the brother of Hakîm Rukna* of
Kâshân, she by good fortune entered the service of Mamtâzu-z-
zamânî (Nür Mahal, the wife of Shah Jahan). As she was adorned
with an eloquent tongue, and a knowledge of etiquette, and knew
house-keeping and medicine, she advanced beyond other servants

l Risâla-i-in'aâm. Pâdshâhnâma
I, 373.
» Pâdshâhnâma I. 151, 394 ; II. 628.

8 Rieu 679b.
♦ Rieu 603a.

THE MAASIR- Pir UMARA

261

and reached the rank of mutırdâr (sealer). As she knew ' the art of
reading (the Qoran) and was acquainted with Persian literatüre,
she was appointed to be instructress to the Begam Şâhib (Aurang-
zeb's eldest daughter) and so attained to high distinction (rose to
the sphere of Satürn, the seventh heaven). After the death of
Mamtâzu-z-zamânî, the king, who appreciated her merit, made
her head of the Harem. As she had no child, she after Tâliba's
death adopted* his tvvo daughters. The eldest was married to
'Âqil K., and the younger to Zîâ-ud-dîn, who was styled Rahmat K.
and who was the son of Hakim Qutba, the brother of Hakim
Ruknft. in the 20th year, when the royal residence was Lahore,
the younger daughter — of whom the Khânim was very fond —
died in childbed. The Khânim went home and mourned for her
for some davs. After that, the king sent for her and placed her
in the quarters that he had in the palace, and personally came to
her there and administered her consolation. She, after discharging
the duties connected with the presence 3 of the king , went to her
appointed dwelling and surrendered her soul to God. The king
gave from the treasury Rs. 10,000 for her funeral and burial, and
ordered that her body should be kept in a temporary gra ve. After
a year and odd it was conveyed to Agra and buried at a cost of
Rs. 30,000 in a tomb west of the sepulchre of the Mahad 'Alîya
{Nür Mahal) in the Jilaukhâna Chauk (the aquare of the equi-
pages?). A village yielding Rs. 3000* was assigned for the ex-
penses (of the upkeep) of the tomb.

(RAJAH) ANÜP SINGH BADGÜJAR. 6
He is known as Anî Rai Singhdalan. Badgüjar is a tribe of
Rajputs. His ancestors were zamindars. They say that his grand-
father on account of poverty used to hunt deer, and live upon
their flesh. By chance he one day in the jungle fired at what h©
thought was a tiger. He hit a royal clta which they had let loose

l Pâdshâhnâma II. 629.

1 She sent for them from Persia.
Pâdshâhnâma II. 630. Sea also Maa-
şir ü. II. 283, notice of Rahmat K.

S The duty of preparing Shah

Jahan's breakfast. Pâdshâhnâma II.
030. ( Khûrândln mâhazar khâra).

* Text 30,000. but it is 3000 in
Pâdshâhnâma II. 629.

' Elliot's Supp. Gloss. I. 38. " On»
of the 36 royal racas of RajpuU."

262

THE MAASIR-UL-TTMARA.

at the deer, and which had secretly entered the jungle. The beli
and golden collar enabled Anüp Singh's grandfather to recognize
that it belonged to the royal establishment. He took off the
trappings and flung the body into a well. Those who were
looking for the clta came to the well and gathered that this was
the vvork of the Rajput who was always going about hunting.
They went to his house and got the beli and collar. They also
seized him and brought him before Akbar. When he was told
what had happened, he approved of his courage and marksman-
ship and took him into his service. On account of his love for
shooting he gave him a suitable office. His son Bîr Narayan also
received a post and rose higher than his father, When his son
Anüp came to years of discretion, he by his good service attained,
in last years of Akbar's reign, the rank of head of the khidmatgârs
who are called khvvâşş. He also discharged the same du.ties for
a time dtıring the reign of Jahangir. in the fifth year of his reign
Jahangir was one day engaged in pergunnah Bârı in hunting with
leopards (yoz), in the course of this, Anüp Sing who was bringing
on a party of the hunters ' learnt that there was a povverful tiger
and went off towards it. With the help of the party he sur-
rounded it and sent word to the king. Though it was the end of
the day, and the elephants — which are necessary for hunting this
dangefous animal — were not present, Jahangir, from his love for
tiger-hunting, rode off to the spot. Af ter seeing the tiger he
dismounted and fired at it twice. As it was not badly wounded,
it went to a low place and lay down. As the sun had declined
and he was bent on shooting the tiger, and exeept Prince Shah
Jahan, Raja Ram Dâs Kach\vâha, Anüp Singh, I'timâd Rai,
Hayat K. K., superincendent of the abdarkhâna (\vine-cellar),
Kamâl Qarâwal and three or four Jçhıvâşş, no one else was present,
he advanced some steps and fired. it happened that this time
too no such wound was produeed as would stop the tiger's spring.
in his rage the tiger rushed at the king, roaring and growling.
There was such a stampede of men that Jahangir was pressed

1 The test has the word bâra which
I do not know, but which the Maa»ir
eıplaina as meaning a number. Ap-

parently the word is para for this
occurs in the Tüzük J. 89, üne 16.

THE MAASIR-TTL-UMARA.

263

backwards and at the side, and af ter going back one or two paces
he fell. He himself writes that two or three in their confusion
trampled över his chest. Meanwhile the prince fired, but without
effect. The tiger came upon Anüp Singh who was sitting down
and holding the stand (paya) of the special gun in his hand.
He struck the tiger on the head with a stick that he had in his hand.
The tiger threw him down. At this time when the tiger's head
was towards the king, Anüp Singh put one hand into the tiger's
mouth and rested the other on his shoulder. The Prince on the
left side drew his sword and wished to strike the tiger on the
shoulder, but seeing Anüp Rai's hand there, he struek the tiger on
the loins. Ram Dâs also used his sword, and Hayat struck some
blows with a stick. The tiger lef.t Anüp and went off. He, as
his hand, on account of the rings, had not been made useless,
followed the tiger and struck him with a sword. When the tiger
turned round, he struck him again on the face so that the skin of
his eye-brows came off and fell över his eyes. Meanwhile men
assembled and at last disposed of the tiger. 1 Anüp got the fcitle
of Anî Rai Singhdalan, i. e. the subduer of the tiger, and an
increase to his mansab. When one day Jahangir for some reason
blamed him, he immediately drew his dagger and struck himself
on the belly. From that time his rank and inflyence increased.
Sometimes he was leader of an army. in the 3rd year of Shah
Jahan, when his father Bîr Narayan, who had a mansab of 1000
with 600 horse, died, Anüp Rai got the title of Rajah. in the
lOth year he died. He had attained to the rank of 3000 with
1500 horse. He also had some literatüre and skül in letter-writ-
ing. Jai Ram was his son. Of him an account has been given.

RAJAH ANÜRÜDHA GAUR.

Eldest son of Rajah Bethal Dâs. When his father was made
faujdâr of Ajmere, he was made his deputy and took charge of
the office. İn the 19tb year of Shah Jahan, his rank vvas 1500
with 1000 horse, and in the 24th year he was given a flag.

• The account of the afîair is abridg-
ed from that in the Tüzük, J. 89,
«t seq. Jahangir, p. 90, says that ani

means in Hindi a Jetder, and singh-
dalan mean* tiger slayer. See also
IqbâlnSma 40. &<-■

264

THE MAASIR-UL-UMABA.

THE MAASIR-UL-TTMARA.

265

in the 25th year, when his father died, his rank was 3000 with
3000 cavalry, two-horse and three-horse, and he had the title of
Rajah and the gift of a drum, a horse, and an elephant. On
his father's death, he was made governor of the fort of Rantham-
bhür. Afterwards he was sent off with Prince Aurangzeb who
was appointed for the second time to the Qandahar expedition.
When he returned in the 26th year, he was allowed to go to
his fîef and after that he went off with prince Dârâ Shikoh to
Qandahar. After coraing there he went off with Rustum K.
Bahâdur Fîrüz Jang to Bast. in the 28th year he went
with S'aad Ullah K. Bahâdur to raze Chitor and to punish
the Rajah, in the 31st year when Sulaimân Shikoh under the
guardianship of the Mîrzâ Rajah Jai Singh was appointed to
put down Shujâ— who was doing futile things — he received the
rank of 3500 with 3000 horse — two-horse and three-horse — and
went off with Sulaimân Shikoh. After the accession of Aurangzeb
he entered into service, and in the İst year he was directed to
accompany Muhammad Sultan who had been appointed to the
affair of Shujâ. Meanwhile on account of some illness he stayed
in Agra and went off while stili ili. After leaving the capital he
died in 1069, 1659.

AQIL K. MIR ASKARl.

He was originally of Khawâf , and he was one of the Walâ
Shâhls (household troops) of Aurangzeb. in the time when the
latter was prince, he was his second bakhshî. When the prince
was proceeding from the Deccan to Upper India on the oecasion
of his father's illness, 'Aqil K. was left in Aurangabad to protect
the city. After Aurangzeb's accession, he came to court and
received the title of 'Aqil K. and was made faujdâr of the Miyân
Dûâb. in the 4th year he was removed, and on account of
illnesses went into retirement and went to Lahore on an allowance
of Rs. 10,000 a year. in the 6th year, at the time when the
emperor returned to Lahore from Kashmır, he was treated with
favour and came out of his retirement. He received a robe of
honour and a mansab of 2000 with 700 horse. Aftervrards, he
was made superintendent of the ghusalkhâna.. in the 9th year he

had an increase of 500 personality, and in the 12th year agaın went
into retirement and received an annual allowance of Rs. 12,000.
He again became an object of favour, and in the 22nd year was
made bakhshi-i-tan (superintendent of grants) in succession to
Safî K. in the 24th year he was exalted by being made governor
of the metropolitan province (Delhi), and was for a long time in
that appointment. He died (lit. went into the retirement of non-
existence) in the 40th year, 1107, l 1695-96. He had a disposition
disposed to poverty and independence, and was of a steady mind.
He did service in a stately manner, and was haughty with his
equals.

When Mahâbat* K. Muhammad Ibrâhîm was appointed to
the government of Lahore, he asked for an order for viewing
the fort and the royal buildings (of Delhi). His request was
complied with and an order was issued to 'Âqil K. in accordance
therevvith. He wrote in reply that for certain reasons he could
not send (nakhwâham talbid) for Mahâbat: Firstly, a Haidara-
bad man was not a fitting person to see the royal buildings.
Secondly, the entrances to the houses were, out of precaution,
kept closed, and the rooms were uncarpeted. Nor was it right
that they should be cleaned and carpeted for his inspection.
Thirdly, the behaviour -vvhich was expected from him ('Aqil)
at an interview would not be displayed. For every reason it
was preferable not to give him admission. - After Mahâbat came
to the capital and sent a message, he absolutely declined (to admit
him). The king too had regard to his long service and to his
fidelity and Ioyalty, and overlooked his presumption and obstinacy,
and entrusted the highest offices to him. He was not without
external perfections. As he was devoted to the service of Shâh
Burhânu-d-dln Râz ilâhî — may the mercy of God be upon him ! —
he adopted the pen-name of Râzî. 3 His diwân and masnavî

1 1108, aceording to Rieu Cat. II.
699a. it is also 1108 in Maaşir A.
883, from which the account in text
of his raanners ia taken.

2 Maaşir, III. 628. See the story
in Maaşir A. 383. 51. İbrahim was a
renegade.

» Rieu II. 699a and Ethe I. O. Cat ,
pp. 896-95. His muraqqa is an imita-
ti'on of Jalâlu-d-dîn Rumİ's Masnavî.
Ethe, p. 895, Sprenger Cat. 543 and
123. Shâh Burhanu-d-dîn belonged
to BurhSnpûr and died in 1083, 1672-
73.

266

THE MAASIE-tJL-tTMAKA.

THE MAASIR-tTL-UMARA.

267

are well known. He regarded himself as unique for his capacity
of explaining the niceties of the masnavî of the Maulânâ of Rûm
(Jalâlu-d-dîn). He was of a liberal disposition and compassionate.
This verse is his, 1 and he repeated it when Prince Aurangzeb went
a-riding on the day of the death of Zainâbâdî.

Verse.

How easy love appeared, how hard it was,
How hard parting seemed, what ease the beloved at
tained !

The prince bade him repeat the lines önce or twice, and
then asked him whom they were by. 'Âqil replied, "They are
by one who does not wish while in the service of his benefactor to
cali himself a poet."

•ARAB BAHADUR.

in Akbar's time he was one of the officers appointed to
the eastern districts, and he earned a good name by his bravery
and useful service. The pargana of Sasseram in Bihar was
held by him in fief. When the officers of that quarter stirred up
rebellion, he too threw the dust of disloyalty on his head and
showed signs of sedition. in the 25th year, when Mozaffar K.,
the governor of Bengal, sent the goods of Khân Jahîm Husain
Qulî to court, and many solding and traders accompanied them,
Muhibb 'Alî K.— after the convoy had reached Bihar— appointed*
one Habsh K. to go with it with a body of troops. 'Arab
hastened after the caravan, and when it had crossed at the
Causâ ferry, he laid hands on some elephants whieh had f ailen
behind. After that he attacked Purokhotam, the diwân of the
province, — who was collecting the soldiers in Baksar (Buxar), —
on a day when he was performing his devotions on the bank of
the Ganges. He defended himself. but vvas wounded and fell
on the tield, anddied 3 on the second day. When Muhibb 'Ali
lıeard of this, he came and fouglıt with 'Arab and made him take

1 See the story in Maasir X. 792 in
notice of the Khân Zaman Mîr Khalîl.

2 A.N. III. 286.
S A.N. III. 287.

to flight. Aftemards, \vhen Shahbâz K. was sent ofî to that
quarter from cöurt, and came to the estates of Dalpat Ujjainiya,
and after chastising him, placed Sa'adat 'Alî K. in the fort of Kant, 1
a dependency of Rhotas, 'Arab, in oonjunction with Dalpat, at-
tacked the fort. A great fight took place, and Sa'adat 'Alî was
killed while doing his duty, and 'Arab wickedly drank* his blood
and smeared some on his forehead! Afterwards, he joined M'aşüm
K. Farardchüdî, and took part with him in two battles with
Shahbâz K. After he was defeated, he separated, and raised the
dust of dissension in Sambal. As the fief-holders there acted
with concord and fought, he vvas defeated. He then went to
Bilfar and had an encounter with a force sent by the Khân 'Azim
Koka and fled. He hastened to Jaunpür. When Govardhan, the
son of Rajah Todar Mal, was by Akbar's orders sent to punish
him, he retreated into the hills. Aftervvards he made his home
in the hill-eountry of Bahraich and built a fort. He made this his
refuge \vhen lıe returned from plundering. One day he had göne
off on an expedition. Kharak 3 Rai the land-holder sent his son
Dülah Rai against the fort. 'Arab's gate-keepers thought he was
'Arab and did not resist him. The zamindar's people seized
the accumulated property. As they were returning, 'Arab lay
in wait for them, and when they came up he scattered them.
Dulah Rai, who had remained behind, came up and defeated him.
'Arab and two men with him fell into a place;* the landholder
follovved them and put an end to 'Arab. This affair occurred in
the 31st year corresponding to 994, 1586. S. Abu-i-fasJ recorda*
in the Akbarnâma that three days before this the Mîr Shikâr,

1 o-if in text. But apparently
it is the Kot of the Ain J. II. 157.
See also Beames, J.A.S. H. for 1885,
p. 181, who identifies it with Bijyay-
garh, the fort in the Mîrzapür district »o
well known in connection with Chait
Singh. There is a Kantît in Allahabad
Sarkar, J. II. 161. Possi b! y aome of
the authorities have made a oonfusion
between "Arab Bahâdur and 'Arab,
which was another name for Niyâbat
K.

* A.N. III. 324.

8 A.N. III. 492.

* Jömibe. A.N. III. has /at "place,"
and there is the variantcâA» " a well."

• A.N. III. 493 : it is not mentioned
there that Akbar was then at Chinhat.
Nor does it appearthat there is a Chin-
hat or C'hanhat in the DGâb. There
w'aa a Chanîıvat in the Rechnan Düâb,
Jarrett II. 320. The Tabaqât A. says
'Arab BahSdur was killed in pargana
Sherkot. Elliot V. 453. Sherkot was
in Sarkir Sambhal, Jarrett II. 290.

268

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

Arab by name, fell into the river Bihat (the Jhilam) and that the
king who was then in Chinhat (?) in the Düâb said, ' ' I have a pre-
sentiment that the days of 'Arab have come to an end."

ARAB KHÂN.

His name was Nur Muhammad. in the reign of Shah Jahan
he obtained a manşab, and in the third year, vvhen the city of
Burhanpur was the royal residence, and three armies w ) pre sent,
under the command of three leaders, to chastise Khân Jahân Lodî
and to devastate the lands of Nizâmu-1-mulk Deceanî, as he had
taken Khan Jahân under his protection, he was appointed to
accompany the 'Azim K. Af ter that he was appointed to the
Deccan contingent, and in the 7th year, when Prinee Shujâ' came to
the Deccan to take Parenda, and the Khân Zaman was sent in
advance, he was lef t in Zafarnagar with 5öl> troopers to guard the
routes. in the end of that year he had the title of 'Arab K. and
his rank was 1500 with 800 horse. in the 9th year, \vhen the
Deccan was the royal abode for the -second time, and an army
marched to chastise Sâhü Bhonsla, and to ravage 'Adil Shah's
country, he was sent with Khân Daurân, and did good service in
chastising 'Âdil K.'s men. İn the lOth year his rank became
2000 with 1500 horse düâspa and sihâsjm, and he was made gover-
nor of the fort of Fathâbâd Dhârwâr. Afterwards he received an
increase of 500 horse. in the 24th year he was given drums.
Afterwards, when he had for seventeen years spent his days with
honour inguarding Fathâbâd Dhârvvar, he in the 27th year, corres-
ponding to 1063, 1653, went to Paradise. His son \vas Qil'adâr K.,
and of him a separate account has been given.

ARSLÂN KHÂN.'
Son of Ilahwardî K. the İst. in the 5th year of Aurangzeb
he was made faujdâr of Benares in the place of Khwâja Şâdiq
Badakhshî. in the 7th year he became faujdâr of Siwistân in
Sind in place of Zîyâu-d-dîn K. and got the rank of 1000 with 900
horse, of whom 700 were two-horse and three-horse, and the title

1 Maaşir 'Âlamgirî, 82.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

269

,ot Aralan K. (the Lion-khân). in the lOth year he was appointed
faujdâr of Sultanpur Bilehri ' and had the rank of 2000 with 800
horse which were twc~ and three-horse. in the 40th year he had
an increase of 500. No more details of him have been received.

ASAD KHAN MÂMÜRl. 2

Son of 'Abdu-1-Wahâb K. who had the poetical name of
Inâyatî, and was the younger brother of Mozaffar K. Mâraürî
He (Mozaffar) held a good position as an eloquent writer, and
wrote a divan, in Jahangir's time Asad was first the governor of
Qandahar. Afterwards, when Sultan Dâwar Bakhşh s. Khusrau
became governor of Gujarat under the guardianship of Khân
'Azim Koka, he was made bakhshî thereof, and died there.
Asad Khân loved soldiering. When he went with his uncle
Mozaffar to Taita he took into his service young men of the
Arghünia elan and distinguished himself by his courage. He was
also noticed b}' the sovereign, and when Sultan Parvez went,
under the guardianship of Mahâbat K., in pursuit of the heir-
apparent (Shah Jahan), he \vas one of the auxiliaries. Mahâbat
K., af ter coming to Burhanpur, put him in charge of Ilicpür.
When the other offîcers and the manşabdars of the Deccan were
appointed to help Mullâ Muhammad (Lârl) 'Âdil Shâhî, he went
with them. Suddenly 'Âdil Shâh (of Bijapur) received a great
defeat in the battle of Bhâtürî, 3 which was between Mullâ Muham-
mad and Malik 'Ambar, and some of the imperial offîcers were
made prisoners. Asad K. by his activity got away from the
battlefield and arrived at Burhanpur. When Shah Jahan
returned from Bengal and proceeded to besiege that city, Asad *
m conjunetion with Râo Ratan defended it well. The prinee had
to raise the siege, and Asad was promoted by being made Bakhshî
of the Deccan.

They say that Khân Jahân Lodî, who became governor of the

1 Variant Malharî. Perhaps Bileh-
ri in Oudh. Jarrett II. 174.

2 'Mamura is near Kabul. EUiot V.
Si 6.

» Battle fought 6 kos from Ahmad-

nagar in 1033, 1624. Iqbâlnâma236,
EUiot VI. 415 Mullâ Muhammad
was killed,

« Elliot VI. 394, 395.

270

THE MAAS1B-UL-UMARA.

Deccan af ter the death of Sultan Parvez, used to rise up in honour
of Fâzil K. Aqâ Afzal, who was diwan of the Deccan, but did not
rise for Asad. The latter was much displeased and would say, .
"He rises for a Mogul, and does not rise for me \vho am a
Saiyid." in the beginning of Shah Jalıan's reign he was removed
from office and came to court, bringing ' with hini 14 elephants
as peshkash. As at the time of the siege of Burhanpur his men
had used foul language in the presence of Shah Jahan's men, he
was muchfrightened, but as Shah Jahan was an ocean of kindness
he received h'im well and comforted him. in the seeond year he
was made l faujdâr of Lakhî Jangal (in Sind), and with a personal
allowance of 500 was made manşabdâr of 2500 with 2500 horse.
in the 4th year, 1041, 1632, he died 3 in Lalıore.

ASAD KHÂN ÂSAFU-DAULA JAMLA-AL-MULK.

His name was Muhammad ibrahim, and he was the son of
Zül-fiqâr K. Qaramânlü. He was the grandson of Şâdiq K. Mîr
Bakhshl and son-in-law of Yemenu-d-daula İsaf K. From his
early years he was, on account of his personal beauty and external
accomplishments, a favourite with Shah Jahan, and was con-
spicuous among his contemporaries. in the 27th year he received
the title of Asad K. and was made Master of the Horse, and
aft©rwards 2nd Bakhshi.

When the throne of the Caliphate was adorned by the acces-
sion of 'Âlamglr, he was encompassed by favours, and af ter
having for a long time zealously served as 2nd Bakhshî, he was in
the fifth year raised to the rank of 4000 with 2000 horse. in the
13th year, after the death of the prime minister J'aaf ar K., he
was made Deputy Vizier and received an ornamented dagger and
two quids* of pân from the king's own hands. An order was given
that he should be styled the risâla 6 (dâr) of Prince Muhammad

1 Pâdshâhnâma I. 197.
l Pâdshâhnâma I. 288.
i Pgdshâhnâma I. 397.
* M.A. 103.

6 This İS an obscure passage. it
is taken {rom the M»aşir 'Âlamgîri

103-4, but the word for astrologer
(munajjim) is \vanting there. How-
ever the text is probably right, for at
p. 124 of the «srae work Dîânat K.
is described as an unrivalled astrolo-
ger. I am not sure of the meaning

THE MAASIR-TJL-UMARA.

271

'Muazzam and that Dîânat K., the astrologer, should be made his
sealer. in the same year he was removed from the office of 2nd
Bakhshî and in the 1 4th year made Mir Bakhshl on the death of
Lashkar K. in the beginning of Zî-1-hajja of the 16th year Asad
K. resigned ' the deputyship (of the diwâni) and an order wa»
isaued that Amânat K., diwân of the Khâlşa, and Kifayat K.,
diıvân-i-tan, should put their seals below that of the chief diwân,
and carry on the affairs of the diwânî. On 10 Shabân of the
19th year the Khân again received the ornamental ink-stand
and obtained the great name of Grand Vizier. in the end of the
20th year, when Khân Jahân Bahâdur Kokaltâsh was censured and
dismissed from the Deccan, the charge of the affairs there was
bestowed on Diler K., until a subâhdâr should be appointed.
Jumla-al-mulk, with a largearmy and suitable equipment, was sent
to the Deccan, and arrived at Aurangabad when the occurrence of
much tumult was reported to the king. Shâh 'Alam was sent off
to the Deccan as Nazim, and Asad K. returned. in the beginning
of the 22nd year he waited on the king at Kishngarha* in the
province of Ajmere. When in the 25th year Aurangzeb proceed-
ed to the Deccan to chastise Sumbhâ Bhonsla (the son of Sivaji),
who had given shelter to Prince Muhammad Akbar, Jumla-ul-
mulk was left in Ajmere with Prince 'Azîmu-d-din 8 in order that
the Rajputs might not make a disturbance. After that in the
27th year he paid his respects at Ahmadnagar and, after the vic-
tory of Bijapur, he was made Vizier. The chronogram is Zİbâ ahuda
maanad wazârat. 1097, 1686. "The divan of the Vîziership was

of the word risâla, but think it is
used for risâladâr as at p. 259 of
Blochmann's Aîn. The fact that
mu/ır is almost certainly used in the
text and in the Maasir 'Alamgiri for
muhrdâr favours this view. See
Blochmann's note 21. The verb
naudstan is used here to siguify
" styled, or oalled." See a similar use
in M. Alamgiri 460, 1. 9 from foot.
where we are told that the hail of
justice was no w styled \minawisand)
the diuıân-i-magâlim, and also KhSfi
K. II, 602, line 8. it is noticeable that

in the M.A., pp. 103—04, the verbs
are in the plural, viz., nawUand and
bâ>hand, instead of naıvitad and
bâshad as in tezt. Risâla or RisSla-
dar probably means either Secretary,
or keeper of diary. I.O. M.S. Ethe
628 has naıeuand and bâshad.

1 M.A. 125-6.

» M.A. 172 "Kishngarh is in
Bajput anah , north east of Ajmer. ' '
Irvine, •« I.ater Mughals," A.S.B.J.
for 1896, p. 152, note.

3 That is, Prince Muhammad 'Azîm.
See Musir 'Alamgiri 212.

272

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

adorned." Af ter Golconda waa taken he had an addition of 1000
horse and arrived at the lofty rank of 7000 with 7000 horse. Tn
the 34th year he was appointed to chastise the enemy on the other
side of the Kistna (i.e., the south side) and to take the fort of
Nandiâl » otherwise Ghâzipur, and to arrange for the government
of the Bâlâghât of the Haidarabad Carnatic. Af ter taking Nan-
diâl, he encamped in Cuddapah, which is on the borders of the
Carnatic. An order was given to Prince Kâm Bakhşh to take the
fort of Wâkinkera. As Ruh Ullah had been ordered to undertake
that work he proceeded towards Wâkinkera to assist Jumla-ul-
mulk. Af ter the imperial army had arrived at Cuddapah, an order
came in the 37th year that both forces should proceed to help
Zülfiqâr K., who was besieging Ginjee. Af ter coming there a dis-
agreement arose between the prince and Jumla-ul-mulk on
account of certain matters. By the exertions of evil-disposed
persons , this became vehement. Jumla-ul-mulk , on the strength of
the documentary evidence of some secret letters, which the prince
had sent to Râmâî* the governor of the fort by the instrumentality
of some men who did not think of their latter end, wrote to the
king and was authorized to keep Râo Dalpat Bundila night and
day in attendance on the prince and to put a stop to equipages
and councils (diıvân) and to the coming and going of strangers.
At this time it was ascertained by spies visiting the fort that Kâm
Bakhşh, on account of his dislike of Jumla-ul-mulk, had decided
upon going off to the fort on a dark night. Accordingly Asad K. ,
after consulting with Zul-fiqâr K. (his son) and other leaders of the
siege-force, presumptuously entered the prince's quarters and put
hini under arrest. He removed from Gingee, and in accordance
with orders sent the prince to court. He himself stayed for a time

1 Nandbal in text : it is Nandiyal
or Nandial in M. A. 354 »nd in I.G.
it ig south of Kurnool.

» Text has Rai only. There is
the variant Râmâî. and this is sup-
ported by Maaşîr A. 356 which has
Râmâî Jahannamî " the hellish
Râmâî." He is the Rajah Ram of
Grant-Duff I. 301. He was a son of

Sivaji and succeeded to the throne
after gumbhaji, id. 37 I . it wos from
him that the English obtained the site
of Fort St. David For account of
Kâm Bakhşh's iotrigues, ete-,
Maasir A. 356, Khâfî K. II. 420
Elliot VII. 348. and 'Grant-Duff I.
381.

THE MAASIE-UL-UMARA.

273

in Sankar. 1 Afterwards,* when summoned to the presence, many
apprehensions about the painful case of the prince occurred to him.
On the day of his attendance when he came to the place of salu-
ting, Multafat K. (Amir K. Sindhî), the superintendent of the pages,
was standing near the throne and whispered, " There 's a pleasure
in pardoning which is not inrevenge." The king said, " You have
quoted aptly." He permitted him to do homage and treated him
with favour.

When Aurangzeb, in the 43rd year of his reign, after staying
four years in Islampürî commonly known as Bramapura, 8 placed his
world-conquering foot in the stirrup of a ,world-traversing steed
with the laudable design of waging a holy war and of taking the
forts and devastating the territories of Sîva Bhonsla, in 1110,
1698 — 99, he left the holy Nawâb Zinatu-n-nisâ Begam (his
daughter) there with the aervants of the harem and appointed
Asad K. to guard them. in the 45th year, at the beginning of
the affair of Khelna,* he was summoned to court and received the
title of Amîru-1-Umarâ. Fath Ullah K., Hamidu-d-dîn K. and
Rajah Jai Singh were appointed to act under him in taking the
fortress lofty as heaven (Khelna). After it was taken, as the
Amiru-1-Umarâ was feeble, a gracious order 5 was issued that he
should come out by a passage (râhrâ, a corridor) from the inside
of the Hail of Justice — which had received by command the
name of Diwan-i-Mazâlim ("The hail of grievances") — and sit

1 Text jixm Sankar. The passage
is taken from the Maasir A. 364, tbird
last line, where we have the state-
ment that the Jumla-ul-mulk stayed,
according to orders, in NasratâbSd-
Sakkar. For an account of this
mint-town see Irvine, A.S.B.J. for
1893, p. 264. İt is Sağar of the maps
and is in the Nizâm 's territory, and
is W.S.W. Haidarabad.

* Maasir A. 364—65. The line
quoted by Multafat occurs in Bada-
yüni I. 447.

* The Brimhapooree of Grant-Duff
I. 378, 391. it was on the Beema
(Bhima) below Punderpur and N.N.W.

Bijapur. The toxt wrongly has 1010
instead or 1110. Sîva had been dead
for 18 years when Aurangzeb made
this erpedition.

« No w Vishalgurh, Grant-Duff, I.
62 note and 377 Maasir A.. 445. it
is in the Syahadri range or VVestem
Ghats and is S. Sattara and W.
Panala, i.e. Banî Shahdrug. The
taking of Khelna is also described in
Khâfî K. II, 491.

' This is taken from the Maasir
A. 460, though the staff is not men-
tioned there. The chamber was prob-
ably Aurangzeb's private room.

274

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

within a railing (kathara) at the distance of one cubit from the
steps of the chamber (hujra). For three days he was to sit there,
and after that he was to get a staff .

Af ter the death of Aurangzeb, Prince Muhammad Azim Shah
also treated Asad K. with honour and made him Vizier. When
the prince left Gwaliyar in order to fight with Bahâdur Shah he left
him there with the baggage. and he also left there his full sister
Zinatu-n-nisa Begam whom Bahâdur Shah (afterwards) styled
Begam Şahib. When the breeze of victory blew, by the favour
of God, on the standarda of Bahâdur Shah, that mild sovereigh
had fegard to Asad K.'s long service and his confidential position
and summoned him to court. Some courtiers said that he had
been the leading partner in 'Azim Shah's affairs. The king
replied, 1 " If at that disturbed time our own sons had' been in the
Deccan, they would have felt themselves obliged to support their
uncle." After he had presented himself , he received the title of
Nizâmu-1-mulk Aşafu-d-daula and was made Vakil~who in former
times was master of ali affairs, political and financial — and
was allowed to have his music played in the king's presence. As
the king considered it a matter of the first importance to conciliate
Mun'im K. the Khân Khânân — who had manyclaims to considera-
tion and was Grand Vizier — and as it was proper* that the Vizier
should stand at the head of the divan and present the papers to
the prime minister (vakil-i-matlaq) for signature, as other leading
officers of departments did, and as this was felt by the Khân
Khânân to be disagreeable , it was arranged that as Âşafu-d-daula
was old and wanted comfort and repose he should go to Shah-
jahanabad (Delhi) and spend his days in peace, and that Zülfiqâr
should carry on the duties of the Vakâlat as deputy. But on
account of preserving the dignity of Khân-Khânân no other
vakâlat duty was attached (to Zülfiqâr) except that of using
the vakâlat seal which was to be put on grants and orders sub-
sequent to the seal of the viziership. Asafu-d-daulah fi ve 3 times

l Khâfî K. II. 600.

« Khâfî K. II. 601. See also Siyaru.
Mutakharîn I. 15 and Irâdât K.'s
Memoirs, p. 46.

8 Probably this refenf to the faet
that Bahâdur Shah reigned for five
years. Or perhaps it means that hiâ
orehestra played five times a day.

THE. MAASIR-UI/-UMARA.

275

beat the music of success in the capital and possessed the mate-
rials of a prosperous life.

When the sovereignty came to Jahândâr Shah, and Zülfiqâr
became supreme in the affairs of the empire, Asad K. gave up
the insignia of office. On the two or three occasions that he went
to court, his palanquin was put down at the diwan-i-'âmm and he
sat near the throne. The King in conversation used to cali him
uncle. After Jahândâr x Shah had been defeated and had fied
from Agra he came to Âşafu-d-daulah's" house (in Delhi) and
wished to collect a force and to make another attempt. Zulfiqâr
too came *• and was vehement about doing this. Asad K., who was
an old and experienced man, of a good disposition and fond of
repose, did not agree and 3aid to his son : " M'uîzu-d-dîn is a
drunkard and addicted to frivolity and low company, and is un-
appreciative ; he is unfit to rule. How can it be right to
support a man like this, and to stir up slumbering strife again,
and to cause evil to the country and ruin to the world. God
knows what the end will be ! it is right that you and 1 should
support whatever scion of the Timurids is fit for the throne."
On the same day he arrested Jahândâr and sent him to the fort.
He did not know that fate was laughing at his plans. This
thought for the end and prudence for self-interest were the cause
of the destruction of his son's life ând the ruin of the honour and
prosperity of his house! But as inquiries about Fate and per-
spicacity about the Secrets thereof are not within human power,
why should helpless man incur reproach and blame for such a
purpose ? The right 3 thing for the time and the best for the final

1 Khâfî K. II. 725. Elliot VII,
440.

* He arrived after the emperor. .
This passage m ay be compared with
the Siyar Mutakharîn. Apparently
both tmters are following the same
original. Irâdat K., Memoirs, p. 95,
says that the populace compelled
Asad K. to'impriton Jâhandar Shah.

8 I am not sure of the meaning of
this or the preoeding aentence. I
tmderstand the passage as meaning

that, seeing that the decrees of Fate
cannot be known, man should not try
to be too elever and incur blame by
doing wrong in order that good may
come. But perhaps the meaning is
that as the decrees of Fate cannot be
known one should not be blamed for
being mistaken about them. The
Blochmann MS. has a different read-
ing just before the passage "But they
say, ete." it has goind inatead of
büd. " They say what he did was ex-

276

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

result may be one and the same thing. But people say that
honour and a regard to reputation, or rather justice and hu-
manity, did not require that, when the king of India, with ali his
rights, and after granting so many favoure, had come to his
house in reliance upon him at such a time of misfortune, and con-
sulted him about his plans, he .should seize and make him över to
his enemies to be evil-entreated. If he himself, from old age,
was incapable of exertion, he might have let him go oflf with his
followers. He would then have göne to whatever waste or wild
his ruined fortunes led him. Nor would Asad K. have pushed
him further on the road he was going.

Be this as it may, when Muhammad Farrukh Siyar perceived
that the distracted king and vizier had göne oft to the capital he
was afraid lest they should turn again and there be a new distur-
bance. So he sent through Mîr Jumla Samarkandî comforting
letters to father and son and soothed their troubled minds by
flatteries and cajoleries. They say that the Saiyids of Bârha did
not share the king's counsels in this matter and did not know
about this. On the contrary, they felt certain that they (Asad
and his son) would come to the battle-field. Why would not they
act in accordance with their own interests ? They sent l them
messages that they should enter into service through them, so
that no harm might come to them. As the managers of fate had
a different intention, father and son were deceived by the false
promises of the king, and did not trouble themselves about the
Saiyids, but regarded the applying to them as a cause of loşs to
themselves. When Mîr Jumla heard of the Saiyid's message he
hastily sent Taqarrab K. Shirâzî to Asafu-d-daula (Asad K.), with
the announcement that if they wanted to recommend themselves
to the king they should be on their guard against joining Qutbu-1-
mulk and the Amîru-1-Umarâ. They say that he even swore this
on the Koran. At any rate, when the king arrived at Bâra
Pula, 4 Delhi, Aşafu-d-daula and Zülfiqâr K. went and with perfect

pedierrt for the time and in agreement
with the (probable) final result. ' '

For a full account of Jahândâr's
flight to Delhi, and his eapture by

Asad K., see lrvine's Later Moghuls,
A.S.B..T. for 1896, p. 204, ete.

1 Khâfî K. II, 732.

2 Ab jjb bâra pula. This must be

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

277

serenity waited upon him. The king comforted them by present-
ing them with jewels and robes of honour, and by gracious words,
and then dismissed them. He ordered that Zülfiqâr K. should
remain in attendance on account of certain business. Aşafu-d-
daula perceived that something evil was going to happen and went
to his house with a sad heart and inflamed eyes. On the same
day they killed Zülfiqâr in the manner that has been described in
his biography. Next day Asad K. was imprisoned and his house
confiscated. Nothing was lef t to him, but a hundred rupis a
day were allowed him from the treasury for his subsistence. At
the feast of the Aecession they wished to send him jewels and a
robe of honour. Husain Alî K Amîru-1-umarâ desired that he
might personally convey them. They say that the Amîru-1-umarâ
paid his respects according to the old formula, and that Asad K.
also, according to old custom, when he was coming and going
(majî-u-zahâb), laid ' his hand upon his (own) breast — and gave
the pân with his own hands and dismissed him. in the 5th year,
1129 1717, when he was 94 years old, he departed from this vvorld
full of sorrow. Another Amir of such a good disposition, so
little injurious, and so patient, possessed of external beauty and
of goodness, who treated his inferiors with kindness and gentle-
ness, and wâs firm anddignified with his rivals, could not be
found among his contemporaries. From the beginning of his
career he was successful and ahvays threw double sixes into the
cup of his desires. Heaven — that deceitful dicer— played unfairly
the last hand with him, and the doubling Çossack (qazâq-i-inqilâb)

the Bâra Pool of Haroourt's Delhi,
and Mr. Keene's map, and which is
described by the forraer as " a large
native bridge with eleyen arehes,
paved with stone slabs. it is just
beyond Hümâyûn'» tomb, on the
high road to Bullubghur." it is
therefore to the south of Delhi (about
four müee away). Bâra Pul might
mean the tvrelve arehes. Pul is a
common name for a bridge. The
bridge w as built in Jahangir's time
and is described and figured in Syed
Ahmad's Aşar Şanidîd, p. 27. it has

only eleven arehes. For an account
of Asad K. and his son's presenta-
tion to Farrukh Siyar and of the
murder of Zü-l-fiqâr, see lrvine's
Later Moguls, A.S.B.J. for 1898, p.
145, ete.

I This passage seems to be illus-
trated by the note to Siyaru-1-Muta-
kherin i, 246. The old way of mak-
ing obeisance was to place the hands
över the navel, which, according to
the translator, is higher up innatives,
and Asad Ullah probably did obeisance
in this way to the robes sent him.

278

THK MAASIR-TTL-UMARA.

made a two-horse * attack upon the höme of his peace when he
was close to his goal. A morning of joy ne'er shone from a piti-
less heaven that evening did not darken : Nor a sweet morsel ever
tiekled the palate which was not blended with a hundred poisons.
Wbom did the faithless one ever ünite with that it did not cast
away ? Wherever it sate, it soon rose up.

Verse.

Heaven soon repents of its bounties ;

The sun bestows a cake a in the morning and takes it back
at eve.

Among the goodnesses of Jumla-ul-mulk they relate that
when Aurangzeb in the 47th year, af ter the taking of the fort of
Kandana known as Bakhşhanda Bakhşh (the gift of the Giver).
came to Mahîâbâd-Püna to spend the rainy season, by chance the
quarters of the Amîru-1-umarâ were in low ground, and the tents
of 'Inayat Ullah K. diıvân-i-khâlsa-u-tan were on high ground.
Af ter some days had elapsed, when the said Khân had put an
enclosure round his female apartments, Amîru-1-umarâ's eunuch
Basant, 3 who controlled his household, sent a message to 'Inayat
K. to clear out as the Nawâb's tents would be placed there. The
Khân said, " Good, but give time in order that I may And another
place." The eunuch, a haughty Türk, replied by bidding him
leave at önce. As 'Inayat was helpless he moved to another
place. Theking came to know of this, and sent a message to
Jumla-ul-mulk through Hamidu-d-dîn K. Bahâdur directing him
to give the place to 'Inayat K. , and to move and take another
place. Asad K. delayed a little, and an order was given that he
shouldgo to the quarters of 'Inayat Ullah and apologize. At,
that time it chaneed that 'Inayat Ullah was in his bath. Jumla-
ul-mulk came and sate in the diwânkhâna, and 'Inayat quickly

l DuSspa tâkht. General Briggs,
in a note to Ferighta, says that the
düaspa or two-horse mode of attack
isdescrîbed by Malcolm in his history.
The Turkoman robbersoften took two
horseg inio the field.

4 The sun'g diak is often compared
to a round cake of bread.

3 Nisbat in text, but see Maaşı r A.,
475.

THE MAASIR-UL-TTMARA.

279

came out. Amîru-MJmarâ took his hand and brought him to his
house (tent) and presented him with nine pieces of cloth and
humbled ' himself before him. He showed him kindness and
friendship to the end of the interview and af terwards never showed
any dislike or displeasure, but was more and more gracious.
Such men have existed under the heavens! They say that
the expenses of his harem and for the purveyors of music and
song were so great that his revenues did not meet them. On
account of chronic haemorrhoids he never sate on the ground if
he could help it. Always in his house he lay on a couch.
Besides Zülfiqâr K. he had a son named 'Inayat K. by Newal Bâî,
who was called Rânî. He ('Inayat) wröte a good hand, and
became superintendent of the jewel-room and had a suitable
mansab. By order of the king he married 4 the daughter of Abül-
Hasan of Hyderabad, but he fell into evil ways and became
insane. He got permission to go to the capital and there eon-
ducted himself improperly. Gontinually there came complaints
about him from Delhi. There he died in the same condition.
His son Şâlih K. obtained in the time of Jahandâr Şhah the title
of 'Itiqâd K. and a high rank. His brother Mîrzâ Kâzim, by
associating with dancers and convivialists, ruined his reputation,
and by his evil wavs opened the doors of disgrace on his
career.

ÂŞAFU-D-DAULA AMÎRU-L-MAMÂLIK.

He was the third son of Nizâmu-1-mulk Aşaf Jâh. His real
name was Saiyid Muhammad. in the life-time of his father he
reoeived the title of Khân and the name Şalâbat Jang Bahâdur,
and was appointed to the government of Haidarabad. After
his father's death when Naşir Jang, the martyr, went to Pondi-
cherry to suppress the rebellion of Mozaffar Jang, Şalâbat went
with him. After Nâsir Jang's martyrdom, he returned with

1 iqâmat goyân—worâs expressive,
apparently, of earnest entreaty.
More probably the meaning is " gave
him them. saying they were in
honour of his visiting him," t.e. as
his footing. The »tory is told at

length in the Maaşir A., 475, ete.

ı Khâfî K. II, 407, Abül-hasan
was the unfortunate king of Haidara-
bad and Golconda. The marriage
was in 1 103, 1692.

280

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

Mozaffar Jang. When, on the march, Mozaffar Jang was killed
by the Afghans, Şalâbat J. sate upon the masnad, as he was
older than the other brothers. He received from the emperor
Ahmad Shah an increase of rank and the title of Âşafu-d-daula
Zaffar Jang. Afterwards ' he received the title of Amîru-1-mamâ-
lik. Rajah Roghanâth Dâs, who was his minigter, conciliated
and took into service a body of hat-wearing Frenchmen who had
come with Mozaffar Jang. Şalâbat K. came to Aurangabad in
1164, 1751, and attacked the country of the Mahrattas. After-
wards peace- was made and he came to Haidarabad. On the
march Roghanâth Dâs was killed* by his soldiers, and Raknu-d-
daulah Saiyid Lashkar K. became his prime minister. in the
second following year (1165) when Ghâzîu-d-dîn Firüz Jang, his
elder brother, was appöinted to the government of the Deccan
and came to Aurangabad along with the Mahrattas, though he
shortly aftenvards died, the Mahrattas on the strength of his
grants took most of Khandes and some parts of the province of
Aurangabad. His household affairs throughout his rule were
dependent on the opinions of his officers. When the grant of the
government of the Deccan w.as given from the emperor to his
brother Nizâmu-d-daula Âşaf Jah — who had formerly been de-
clared to be heir-apparent, and been invested with the duties of
government— he was necessarily put into retirement. He died
in prison in 1177, 1763, and a report spread that his guards had
killed 3 him.

ÂŞAF* KHÂN KHWÂJA GHÎYÂSU-D-DIN 'ALT
QAZWlNI.

He was the son of Âqâ Mullâ dawât dâr (inkstand-holder),
who, itiş notorious, was in the time of Shah Tahmâsp Şafa,vî

1 in the time of Alamgîr the 2nd
(fiholâm 'Alî Azal).

î AtBalkee on 7 April 1752. Grant-
Dufi II, 54. Siyaru-1-M. III., 324 and
note. On 13. Jumâda al-akhirî 1165
(Gholam Ali).

8 He was imprisoned in Joly 1762
tnd waa mutdered on 8 Rabî-al-awwal

1177, 16 September 1763. Grant-Duff
II, 167. The sarne.date is given in
the Khazâna 'Amr5, Lücknow lith.,
p. 71. He was imprisoned in the
fort of Bîdar. This biography may
be compared with that in the Kha-
zâna 'Amrâ

* Blochmann 433 and 369. He is

THE MAASIR-UL-ITMARA.

281

one of the privileged courtiers. His other sons M. Badî'u-z-
zamân and M. Ahmad Beg became Viziers of Persia. They say
that he was descended from the Şhaikh of Shaikhs Shihâbu-d-dîn *
Suhrawardî, whose perfections it is unneeessary to describe, and
whose lineage asoended to Muhammad, the son of Abü Bakru-ş-
şâdiq. in Şüfism he (Suhrawardî) was allied to his uncle S.
Najîbu-d-dîn Suhrawardi. He was a congeries of exoteric and
esoteric scıences and was the Şhaikh of Şhaikhs of Bagdad. He
was the author of elegant treatises such as the 'Awârifu-l-m'uârif
(Sdentiae scientiarum). in the year 633, 1235-36, or 632, he
died. Khwâja Qbiyasu-d-dîn 'Alî was distinguished for his elo-
quence and industry, and was not without vigour and oourage.
When he came to India he had the good fortune to be the
recipient of favours from Akbar and to be made Bakhshî. in
the year 981, 1573, he took part in the nine days' rapid march
o Gujarat and did good service in the battle with the rebels
there who had besieged M. Koka in Ahmadabad, and received the
title of Âşaf K. At the time of the victorious return to the
capital he was made Bakhshî of the province in order that he
might co-operate with M. Koka in improving the army. in the
21st year he was appöinted with a number of other officers to
the province of Idar, which is a dependency of Ahmadabad.
He was to clear it of rebels. The zamindar Narain Dâs Râhtor
presumptuously came out from the defiles to give battle, and
there were great hand-to-hand combats. The imperial vanguard
gave way and M. Muqîm Naqshbandî, who was in command, was
killed, and a disaster was imminent. Âşaf K. and the leaders
of the right and lef t wings redoubled their efforts, and the enemy
was defeated. in the close of the 23rd year Akbar sent' him to
Mahva and Gujarat in order that, having with the co-operation of
Shihâbu-d-dîn Ahmad K., the Nâzim of that place, brought
the army of Malwa to submit to the branding regulation,
he might hasten to Gujarat. He was, with the co-operation 2

the Âşaf K. II of Blochmann. Hi»
daughter married Ghiâş Beg aud be-
came the mother of Nur JahSn.

ı Beale, p. 360, eol. 2. He wa* born

in 1145 a. d., and died
cording to Beale. See
mann's note, p. 433.
t A.N. III. 264.

in 1234 ac-
also Bloch-

282

THE MAASIR-UT/-UMARA.

of Qulîj K. the governor, there to improve the oondition of the
troops, and to asoertain their condition. Âşaf K. performed the
duty in accordance with the royal orders and acted with honeaty
and truth. in 989, 1581, he died in Gujarat. One of his sons
was Mîrzâ Nüru-d-dîn. When Sultan Khusrau was captured
and was placed by Jahangir for some days in the charge of Âşaf
K~, M. J'aafar ; Nüru-d-dîn, who was Âşaf K.'s cousin, went by
himself to Khusrau and kept him oompany and arranged that
vvhenever an opportunity offered he would have him released
and made prosperous. Aftervvurds, when Khusrau was made
över to I'tibâr K. the eunuch, Nüru-d-dîn took into his confidence
a Hindu who used to visit Khusrau and gave a list to him of ali
the devoted followers of Khusrau. in the course of five or six
months nearly 400 persons had become bound by oaths that they
would attack Jahangir on the road. By chance one of the party
got offended (with his comrades) and gave information to Khwâja
Waİ8î Diwân of Prince Sultan Kharram. The Khwâja immediately
reported to the Prince, and he conveyed the news to Jahangir.
immediately those doomed men were produced, andan orderwas
given that Nüru-d-dîn, Muhammad Sharîf , the son of Ftimâdu-d-
daula, and some others shouldbe executed; The list of the names
which had been obtained from the Hindu servant of I'tibar K.
was at the petition of Khân Jahân Lodi thrown by Jahangir into
the fire unread. Othenvise many would have been capitally
punished. 1

ÂŞAF KHÂN MİRZA QIWÂMU-D-DÎN. J'AAFAR BEG.

Son of Mîrzâ Badî'u-z-zamân, who was son of Aqâ Mullâi
Dawâtdâr (inkstand-holder) of QazwînM . Badî-z-zamân was
vizier of Kâshân in the reign of Shah Tahmâsp Şafavî, and M.
J'aafar Beg along withhis father and grandfather was oııe of the
Shâh's courtiers. in the 22nd year, 985, 1577, he in the prime of
his youth came to India and waited upon Akbar in company* with

1 See Khâfî K. I. 258 and Tüzük

J. 58. The conspiracy was in the

2nd year and was discovered when J.

w as in Afghanistan and returning from

Theac

ly taken {rom the IqbSlnâma, p. 28.
it appsars that the plot had been
going on for five or siz months.
« A.N. III, 228.

THE MAasÎR-UL-ÜMARA.

283

his paternal uncle M. Ghiyâsu-d-din 'Alî Âşaf K. Bakhşhî. who
had come to court after he had finished the affairs of Idar.
Akbar appointed him to the rank of 200 in the contingent
(dakhil) ' of Aşaf Khân. He was not pleased with the smallness
of this appointment, gave up service and eeased to attend court.
The emperor was displeased, and sent him to Bengal, which was an
unhealthy climate then, and where criminals who were sent there
did not survive.

They say Maulânâ Qâsim Kâhî* of Transoıiana, who was one
of the old poets and lived in a perfectly free manner, met in with
J'aafar in Agra and enquired about his circumstances. When he
heard his story he said : "My dainty youth, don't go to Bengal."
The Mîrzâ replied : 'What can I do, I am going in reliance upon
God." The. jovial fellow said, " Don't go in reliance on Him. He
is the same God who sent such a person as imâm Husain to the
Karbala to be martyred." it chanced that when the Mîrzâ
arrived in Bengal, Khân Jahân, the governor, was ili, and after-
wards died. Mozaffar K. Turbatî then succeeded him. No long
time had elapsed when the rebellion of the Qâqsbâls and the tur-
bulence of M'aşüm K. Kabulî raised the dust of disaffection in
that country. Things went so far that Mozaffar K. came to
the fort of Tanda and shut himself up there. The Mîrzâ was
with him. When he was seized, many of his companions were
held to ransom, but he by cleverness and plausibility escaped
such demands, and came away and did homage at Fathpür Sîkrî.
As he had göne away in contempt and failure and had again,
owing to the guidance of good fortune, attached himself to the
saddle-straps of fortune, Akbar approved of him and shortly
afterwards gave him the rank of 2000 and the title of Âşaf Khân
He was also made 8 Mir Bakhşhî in the room of Qâzî «Alî, and waa
sent against the Rânâ of Üdaipur. He did not fail to attack and
plunder and to kül and to distinguish himself. in the 32nd year

1 B. 231 and Irvine, Moghul Army,
160. B. 411 following M'utamid,
Iqbâlnâma 4 makes the appointment
one of bîsti, i.«. 20. And evidently
the 200 of the Maaşir is a mistake.

î Badayünî III. 172 and B. 566.

The atory comes from the Iqb51nSma,
p. 5.

• Apparently he was made Mîr
Bakhahî in 989 when Akbar was on
the way to Kabul. See Tüzük, J. 50.

284

THE MAASIK-PIj-TTMARA.

when Ism'aîl Qulî K. Turkoman was censured for leaving the
passes öpen so that Jalâlu-d-dîn Raushânî got out, Âşaf K. was
appointed to succeed him and made thânadâr of Sawad (Swat).
in the 38th year, 1000, 1592, when Jalâla Raushânî, who had
göne to 'Abdullah K., the king of Türân, had come back unsuccess-
ful and begun a disturbance in Tîrah, and had been joined by the
Afrîdis and the Orakzai, Âşaf K. was sent from court to extirpate
him. in 1001, 1592-93, he, in conjunction with Zain K. Koka,
chastised 1 Jalâla and made his family prisoners fcogether with
Wahadat 'Alî, who was said to be his brotber, and other relatives
and connexions to the number of nearly 400 persons, and produced
them before Akbar. in the 39th year when Kashmîr was taken
from M. Yûsuf K. and given in fief (tanlçhîvâh] to Ahmad Beg K.,*
Muhammad Qulaî Afshâr, Hasan Arab and Aimâq Badakhshî, 3
Âşaf K. was sent off in order to divide the oountry properly
among the fief-holders. He reserved the saffron and the game for
the exchequer and fixed the revenue at 31 lacs of karwârs in
accordance with the settlement * of Qâzî 'Alî, each karuûr being
estimated at 24 dâms. After dividing the fiefs properly he in
three days made the journey from Kashmîr to Lahore. in the
42nd year, when the territory of Kashmîr became disorganized on
account of the disputes among the fief-holders, Âşaf K. was
appointed governor. in the 44th year, beginnıng of 1098, he, in
plaee of Rai Patr Dâs, was appointed to the Dituânl-kul (the
whole diwânî) and carried on the duties for two years in a con-
summate manner. When in 1013, 6 1604-05, Sultan Selîm (Jahan-
gir) cast away the thoughts of rebellion, and on the occasion of
condolences for the death of Miriam Makânî waited upon his
father and was for twelve days shut up in the ghusalkhâna* and
then was treated graciously, and it was agreed that he should get

l Elliot V. 467, Badayüni II. .388,

♦ A.N. III, 661.

A.N. III. 640, ete.

s A.N. III, 832.

2 Blochmann's MS. has Kabuli.

6 Private audience chamber, lit.

* Perhaps the Aimâqs of Badakh-

bathrooın. Seo Bernier. The ghusal-

shar. The original passage is A.N.

khâna was another name for the

III. 654, line 38. There the passage

diwân khâna khâs. See Gladwin's Per-

reads "MuhammadI Beg Aimâq of

sian Munshi, " Kules observed during

Badakhâhan."

the reign of Şhah Jahan," p. 51.

THE MAASIR-UL-TJMAfeA.

285

the province of Gujarat in fief and give up Allahabad and Bihar
•vhich he had taken possession of without orders, the subahdârî
of Bihar was given to Âşaf K. and he was raiaed to the rank of
3000 and sent off to govern that province. When the crown
came to Jahangir, Asaf K. was sent for and made guardian of
Prince Sultan Parviz. He was sent to chastise the Rânâ, — & busi-
ness which arose at that time — but on account of the rebellion of
Sultan Khusrau he was recalled. in the 2nd year, 1015, 1606-7,
when Jahangir proceeded to Kabul, he was made Vakil in place of
Sharîf K., the Amîru-1-umarâ, who remained in Lahore on account
of severe illness, and raised to the rank of 5000 and received a
jewelled writing-case. The leading men (danyüdârân, see B. 412,
n. 2.) of the Deocan, especially Malik 'Ambar the AbysBİnian,
after the death of Akbar put forth the foot of audacity and
wrested many of the estates in the Balâghât from the imperial
servants. The Khân-Khânân from insouciance and factiousness
did not strive in the beginning to extinguish the flames, and
allowed them to rise high. Afterwards, when he did attend to the
matter, and asked for help, Jahangir appointed Sultan Parviz
under the guardianship of Âşaf Khân, and also sent, one after
the other. great officera such as Rajah Mân Singh, Khân Jahân
Lodi, the Amîru-1-Umarâ, the Khân A'zim and 'Abdullah K.—
each of whom was able singly to conquer a kingdom — but from
want of guidance on the part of the prince, excessive wine-drink-
ing, and plundering enterprises, the work did not go forward. On
the contrary, on account of the treachery of the officers, every
time that they led an army into the Balâghât it had to tura back
with failure and disgrace. in consequence of these oppositions
Âşaf K.'s plâns did not succeed. At last, in the 7th year, 1021
161 2, he died there ' ' ' from natural causes." " A hundred regrets
for Âşaf Khân" gives the date * (şad haif z Asaf Khân, 1021.
" One hundred regrets for Asaf K."). He was one of the unique
of the age. He was supreme in every science, and complete in
ali knowledge. His swift intelligence and lofty capacity were

' He di«d at BurhSnpür at the age
of 63. Tutuk J. 108. 322 of transla-
tion.

* M'utamid K. in the IqbSlnâma,
p. 67, clairns to have extemporized

thU ohronogram.

286

TflE MAASIR-TTL-ÜMABA.

famous. He himself used to say, " Whatever I do not compre-
hend off-hand will turn out to be without meaning." They say
he could read a whole seri es of lines at a glance. in eloquence,
skill and the disposal of financial and political matters he was
pre-eminent. He was adorned outwardly and inwardly. He had
great power in poetry and in polite literatüre, in the belief of a
number of persons no one has treated better than he the subject '
of Khusrau and Shîrîn since the days of S. Nizamî of Ganj.

( Veraes.*)

They say he took much pleasure in flowers, and rosbeds, and
gardens and parterres, and planted seeds and seedlings with his
own hands. He frequently worked, spade in hand. He had also
gathered 3 together many women. in his last illness he sent away
one hundred beauties.* He lef t many children, male and female,
but none of his sons distinguished himself. Mirza Zain-l-'âbidîn
attained the rank of 1500 with 1500 horse and died in the second
year of Shah Jahan. His son M. J'aafar, who had the same name
and takhoUas as his grandfather, wrote good poetry. He had a
passion for collecting animals in every season. There was great
friendship between him, Zâhid Khân Koka and Mirza Şaqi,' the
son of Saif Koka, and Shah Jahan called them the '* Three
friends." At last he left his office and settled in Agra. Shah
Jahan made him an annual allowance, and in the time of Aurang-
zeb it was inoreased. He died in 1094, 1683. These verses are his.

(Verses.)

Another of Âşaf K.'s sons. was Suhrâb K. in Shah Jahan 's
time he obtained an office of 1$00 and 1000 horse, and then died.
Another was M. 'Alî Asghar. He was the one of the brothers
who was the greatest voluptuary and least restrained. He did

1 His poejn wag called the Nûr-
nâma and waa dedioated to Jahangir.
Tüauk, p. 108. Bieu, Supp. Cafc 200.

4 See B. 572 for other speoimens.

s Cf. Iqbâlnâma, 67.

* Suhailî, the star Canopua, and
perhaps a name for a beautiful

woman. J'aafar is frequaotly
tionad in the Akbarnâma. Sea III,
301, ete. Âşaf K. waa one of the
continuators of the T. Alfî, Rieu, 1,
118, and Badayûnî, Lowe, 329.
6 Variant Shafi and in B.

THE MAASIR-TTL-IIMARA.

287

not keep his tongue in order, and of ten spoke without regard to

time or place. in the Parendah ' expedition he created dissen-

sions* between Shah Shujâ' and Mahâbat K., the Commander-in-

Chief. After that he received an appointment in the affair of

Jujhâr ? Bandîla. When the governor of the fort of Dhamünî 4

came out in the darkness of the night, the soldiers entered it and

commenced to plunder. The Khân Daurân 6 was compelled to

enter the fort in order to stop them. A man called out from the

south side that in one of the bastions a number of the enemy

were to be seen. 'Ali Asghar said, " I'Il go and seize them."

Though Khan Daurân dissuaded him, saying it was night and that

it was not advisable in this kind of general confusion, when

friend could not be distinguished from foe, to go out, he did not

listen but went off. When he got to the top of the wall of the

fort, suddenly the ashes of a torch which the plunderers had

lighted in order to look for goods, fell upon a store of gunpowder

which was at the bottom of the tower. The whole bastion with

eighty yards of wall on each side, which wall was tenyards thick,

was blown into the air. 'Alî Asghar 8 and some of his companions

and the whole of the plunderers who were on the wall were

annihilated. The daughter of M'utamid K. was in his house, but

as the marriage had not been consummafced, she was by the

King's orders afterwards married to Khân Daurân.

ASAP K. known as AŞAF JAHI.
He was M. Abü-1-hasan by name and was the son of I'timâdu-
d-daulah and elder brother of Nür Jahân Begam. After the
Begam was married to Jahangir he received the title of I'timâd

' " Near the Sîna river on the
route from Ahmadnagar to Shola-
pur." Elliot VII, 22. See also id.
43.

* The words are miyân Shah Shuja
u Mahâbat sangandâzthâ namüd, and
Blochmann 413 translates : ' 'he created
dissensiona between Shah Shuja and
Mahâbat Khan." But though this
may be the meaning, sangandâzi ab o
means to be continually drinking, and

■possibly what is meant is that Alî
Asghar was continually drinking in
the company of Shah Shujâ and
•Mahâbat. But we are not told any-
vvhere that Mahâbat was a drunkard.

8 Pâdshâhnâma II, 94.

* Elliot VII, 47 and 49, and Pâd-
shâhnâma II, 109.

6 Khan Daurân No. 2 of Beale.

6 Pâdshâhnâma II, 109, et seg.

288

THE MAASIR-TTI-ı-UMARA.

K., and became the Khftnsâmân (steward). in the 7th year of
Jahangir, 1020, 1611, his daughter Arjmand Bânü Begam, who
is known as Mamtâz Mahal and was the daughter's daughter of
M. Ghiyâşu-d-dîn Âşaf K.,' was married to Prince Sultan Kharram
who was called Shah Jahan. in the 9th year he received the
title of Âşaf K. and had increases, one after the other, until he
obtained the rank of 6000 with 6000 horse. At the time when
there was the dust of trouble between Jahangir and Prince Shah
Jahan, intriguers and evil-thinking persons suspected Âşaf K. of
favouring the prince, and alienated the mind of the Begam from a
brother who was the pillar of the empire.

Verse.

When self-interest appears, vvit goes into hiding.
A hundred veils spread from the heart to the eyes.

As she considered him to be an obstacle to her designs, she
had hhn removed from the court on the pretext that he should
bring away the treasures from Agra. But as the prince (Shah
Jahan) had arrived at Fathpür, Âşaf K did not think it advisable*
to remove the treasure from the blessed fort of Agra and turned
back to go to court. Hç had not reached Mathura when the
counsellors of the prince urged that at such a time it was not
advisable to allow a leader like Âşaf K. to depart and that the
neglect of such an opportunity was contrary to prudence. The
prince — whose sole desire was to win his father's favour — behaved
vvith the utmost moderation. Afterwards, when the prince turned
back from confronting his father and turned his rein to Malwa,
Aşaf K. , in the 18th year, was appointed Governor of Bengal.
But when it became known that the prince had göne to Bengal,
the Begam became apprehensive about the departure of her

' Nur Jahân's marriage took plaoe
in the sixth year, not in the seventh,
and on New Year's Doy of 1020,
corresponding to 10 or 11 March O. S.
of 1611. See the Iqbâlnâma 56 and
Blochmann 509. Arjmand Bânü, the
wife of Shah Jahan, was her niece,

her father being Nûr Jahân 's elder
brother. Arjmand Banu's mother
was the daughter of Ghiâsu-d-dîn
Qazwinî, the Aşaf K. II of Badayûnî
and Blochmann 433. He was s.
Agha or Aqa Mullâ Dawâtdâr.
2 Elliot VI, 384—85.

THE MAASIB-TJL-UMARA.

289

brother ' and had him turned back. When in the 21st year, 1035

1626, Mahâbat K. prevailed on the bank of the Jhilam, owing
to Âşaf 's negligence and perfunctoriness, and got possession of ,
Jahangir, Âşaf K — who was the cause of ali this disturbance —
saw after this ill-omened movement had taken place that his
efforts had failed, and that it was hopeless to attain release from
so povverful an enemy. He was compelled to go to the fort of
Atak, which was in his fief, and to take shelter there. Mahâbat
K. sent a body of troops under the command of his son M.
Bahravvar * to prosecute the siege vvith activity. Aftervvards
he went himself and brought him out by promises and agree-
ments and guarded him near himself along with his son Abü
Tâlib and son-in-law Khalil Ullah. After he (Mahâbat) became a
fugitive from court he delayed to release Âşaf, but after the king
became urgent he remembered his oaths and promises and sent
him to court. At this time Âşaf was made governor of the Panjab
and also had the high office of Vakil conferred upon him. After
that he obtained the rank of 7000 with 7000 horse. in the year 1037,

1627, and 22nd year of Jahangir 's reign, the king lef t the station
of Rajaur on his way back from Kashmlr. On the road he asked
forhis accustomed cup, but when he put it to his lips, he could
not swallow. 3 Till he reached the next station he was in this
state. Next day, 27 Şafr,* he took the last journey (şafr). There
was a great commotion in the camp. Âşaf K. released Dâwar
Bakhşh, Khusrau's son, from prison and made him an imagi-
nary king. He did not believe in tliis, but they comforted him by
strong oaths and he set out for the next station. The Begam who
wished Shahriyâr to attain the sovereignty, wanted to imprison
Âşaf K. and Â'zim K., the Mir Bakhşhî, both of whom were
pillars of the empire and obstacles to her plans. But though she
sent people to summon her brother he made excuses and did not

1 Text wrongly has barâdarzâda.
Blochmann's own MS. has only barli-
dar, and this agrees with the source,
viz. IqbâlnSma 213. The meaning is,
that Nur Jahan was apprehensive
fest her brother should eollude with
Shah Jahan, who was his son-in-law.

His appointment to Bengal is noted
at p. 205 of Iqbâlnâma, and it seems
that he actually left to take it up.

* At vol. iii, p. 409, he is called
II. Bihrûz.

S Iqbâlnârna 293.

4 Should be 28-28 Oetuber 1B37.

290

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

go to her. The Begam also follovved with the body. Âşaf K.
sent off from the station of Chingiz Hatî a Hindu named Bana-
rasî, who was the accountant of the elephant-stables and was
famous for his aotivity and stviftness, to wait upon Shah Jahan.
And as there w as not time for writing he gave him a verbal mes-
sage and his own signet-ring as a guarantee. 1 That night was
spent in Naushahra , and n&xt day they came dawn from the hills
and encamped at Bhimbar. They made arrangements for con-
veying and shrouding the body and sent it on in order that it
might be committed to earth in a garden on the other (i.e. other
than Lahore) side of the river of Lahore (the Râvî) which the
Begam had made. As every one, high and low, was convineed
that ali these proceedings were but a smoothing of the way for the
sovereignty of Shah Jahan, and that Dâwar Bakhşh was nothing
but a sheep * for the feast, they universally followed the orders of
Âşaf Khân He, who was not sure about the Begam, did not
drop from his hand the thread of caution and prevented people
from visiting her. Indeed, they say 3 that he brought her away
from the royal quarters and assigned her a place in his own.
When they were within three kos of Lahore, Shahriyâr, who had
lost his hair from the fox's disease [îox-mebnge , dâu-s-şâlab , " alo-
pecia ") and was blighted by syphilis, and had previously * hurried
off to Lahore, gave himself the name of Sultan, and in the cöurse
of seven dayş, by expending seven ty lacs of rupees, gathered
together an army and sent it across the river under the command
of M. Baisanghar, the son of Sultan Daniel. He himself
remained in Lahore with 2 or 3000 horse and awaited the doings
of destiny.

Verse.

" Expectant of what the heavens would reveal "
At the first 6 encounter his army dispersed, and went off.

1 Elliot VI. 437 and Iqbâlnâma,
298. Banarasî accomplished the
journey to Junair in the Decoan in
twenty days.

! gosfand garbâni. See Vullers s.v.
and Khâfi K. I. 389.

« Khâfi K. I. 390 and Iqbâln5ma

395 and Pâdshâhnâma I. 71. Elliot
VII. 6.

* He went oa to Lahore, in hopes
of being cured, before Jahangir'a
death, Khâfi K. I. 390.

' With Âşaf and Dâwar Bakhşh's
troops. Iqbâlnâma 296,

THE MAASIR-tTL-ÜMARA.

291

Shahriyâr, when he heard of this dismal news, did not understand
what was tor his own welfare and entered the fort. With his own
feet he threw himself into the net. The officers entered the
citadel and put Dâwar Bakhşh on the throne. Fîrüz K., the
eunuch , brought out Shahriyâr, who had crept into a corner in the
female apartments of Jahangir, and made him över to Ilahvardî
Khân. He took off the string of his (Shahriyâr's) waist and
bound his hands with it and produced him before Dâwar Bakhşh ,
and after he had performed the kornish (obeisance) he was im-
prisoned and two days aftervvards he was blinded. 1

When these events became known to Shah Jahan from the
letters of bankers 2 (of Gujarat) he sent 3 off Khidmatpurust
Khân Rezâ Bahâdur from Ahmadabad to 'Âşaf K. and wrote
with his own hands that it tvould be well at this time, when the
heavens were troubled and the earth was seditious, if Dâwar
Bakhşh and other princes were made wanderers in the plains of
non-existence. Âşaf K. on Sunday 22 Rabî-al-akhir, 21 December
1627 of that year, bound Dâwar Bakhşh and had the proclama-
tion made in the name of Shah Jahan On 26 Jamada-al-awwal,
23 January, 1628, he brought him out* from the prison of life

l Makhül, lit. was anointed with
antimony. Elliot VI. 437 translates
"blinded. "

* Iqbâln5ma 301.. Sâhükârân, Sou-
oars. See Wilson's Glossary.

3 Iqbâlnâma 303.
Iqbâlnâma 303 ha3 22 Jamâda-
al-awal, 19 January 1628, as the day
öf the proclamation.

* The Iqbâlnâma and Khâfi K.
describe Dâwar Bakhşh as having
been put to death, and it is difflcult
to see how he could escape from
Lahore, unless, indeed, Aşaf K. con-
nived at this. But, as Elphinstono
points out, Olearius in his travels
speaks of having seen at Qazwîn a
Prince Pclagî. Polagî may be the
same as Bolâqî which, aecording t.o
Bloohmann, was another name of
Dâwar Bakhşh. But I rather think
that there has been some mistakes

and that the Polagi whom Olearius
saw was some other prinoe and per
haps a son of Shahriyâr. Olearius 's
acoount is at pp. 253, 256, and 257.
His narrative is not quite satisfac-
tory,forit disagrees with the native
historians, but is to the effect that
Jahangir left two sons. The ^lder,
he says, sueceeded the father but
soon after died, and then Shah Jahan
usurped the throne. The expression
' ' elder ' ' would raake the ref erence
be to Khusrau, but then it would be
ineorrect to say that he survived his
father, for he died some five years
before him. Possibly Shahriyâr is
meant. He did sucoeed his father,
or at least claimed to do so, and then
was put to death. He may have
left a son. Olearius speaks of Polagi's
being very young when his father
died, but this does not fit D5war

292

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

together with his brothers Garshâsp, and Sultan Shahriyâr, and
Tahmüraş and Hüshang, the two sons of Sultan Daniel. When
Shah Jahan arrived at Agra and became sovereign of India,
Âşaf K., together with the princes Dârâ Shikoh, Muhammad
Shujâ, and Aurangzeb — who were his grandchildren (daughter's
children) — and the officers, came from Lahore and on 2 Rajab, 27
February, 1628, did homage. Âşaf received the title of Yemenu-
d-daulah (right hand of the State) and vvas designated in corres-
pondence by the name of uncle ('amrnû, paternal uncle). He
vvas made Vakil and had eharge of the Azuk ' seal and had the
rank of 8000 with 8000 horse of the two-horse and three-horse
rank, a rank which no officer had hitherto received. Af ter this,
when Yemenu-d-daulah had paraded before Shah Jahan 5000 vvell-
eauipped cavalry, he received the rank of 9000 with 9000 * horse
and a jagir yielding 50 lacs of rupis. in the beginning of the
fifth year he vvas sent off witlı a powerful army to chastise
Muhammad 'Âdil Shah of Bijapur. When he was encamped at
Bijapur he stretched forth his arm to bind and to beat, and Mus-
tafa K. Muhammad A. Ahmin, the son-in-la\v of Mullâ Muhammad
Lârî Khairit K., the uncle of Randaulali Khân, the Abyssinian,
came out from the fort and made peace by tendering forty lacs of
rupis and then returried to the fort. Khavvâş Khân, the centre of
affairs in Bijapur, on perceiving the desolation of the country and
the want of supplies in the imperial army, exerted himself to
remedy this. They say that the scarcity was such that a pair of

Bakhsh, who had a daughter married
to Daniel's son Hüshang vvho was
put to death in 1628. it was in 1637
that Olearius saw I'oiagi. He never
calls him Dâwar Bakhsh, and Polagi
after ali is not very like the name
Bulâqi nor is it likely that Olearius,
vvho was a Persian scholar, vvould
write Polagi instead of Bulâqî.
Either Polagi was another prince of
the blood than Dawar BakUsh or he
was an impostor. The last sugges-
tion is by no rneana an improbable
one. The author of the JqbâlnSma
could hardly be mistaken about

Dâvrar Bakhsh 's fate for he was
probably in Lahore at the time. At
least he was with Aşaf on the march
there. See Iqbâlnâma 296, seven
İmes from foot.

Tavernier also speaks of having
met Sultan Bulâql in Persia and of
having eaten and drunk with him.
He adds that the prince had long
wandered in India as a faguir and
eventually had escapec to Persia.
II, 215 ol ed. 1676.

1 A small round seal. B. 52.

* 2 horse and 3 horse, Padshah-
naına II, 258.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

293

slippers fetched forty rupis and the shoeing of a horse ten rupis.

Yemenu-d-daulah vvas obliged to leave Bijapur and to proceed to

Rai Bâgh and Mirach, 1 vvhich were cultivated countries, and to
plunder everything. When the rains arrived, he returned.

They say that at this time Âşaf K. had a private meeting and
Â'zimK. said, " The king now does not need you or me." Âşaf said,

'The work of the State vvould not go on without you and me."
This speech reached the king , and he disliked it. He remarked :

" His good deeds are remembered by us, but in future we m us t
not trouble him with the affairs of the kingdom." After those
discourses, though the position was " Hold (the cup) awry, but
don't spill," 2 there was not a hairbreadth's difference in the
respect with vvhich he vvas treated. On the contrary, after the
death of Mahâbat K., he vvas in the 8th year made Khân Khânân
and commander-in-chief. İn the 15th year, 1051, he died in
Lahore of chronic dropsy. They say he had a great liktng for
good eating. His daily food came to a Shahjahânî ma.n (maund).
When his illness had lasted long a cup of vetch-vvater vvas enough
for him. " Oh the grief for Âsaf Khân! " Zihe âjsös Âşaf Khân
gives the date 1051, 1641. He vvas buried in the neighbuorhood 3
of the tomb of Jahangir. in accordance vvith orders a building
and garden vvere prepared. On the day that Shah Jahan visited
him during his illness he, besides his residence in Lahore, vvhich
vvas valued at tvventy lacs of rupis, and other houes and gardens
in Delhi, Agra and Kashmir, vvrote dovvn 2 krors 50,000 rupis in
jevvels and coin and in gold and sil ver, ete, and shovved them to
Shah Jahan in order that they might be oonüseated. The king
granted tvventy lacs to his three sons and five daughters and gave
the Lahore residence to Dârâ Shikoh. The rest vvas resumed

Âşaf Khân possessed something of every science. He vvas
especially proficient in excogitated matters, and so in the titles
vvhich vvere applied to him in the royal books it vvas vvritten

1 Pâdshâhnnma I. 416, where it is
«ritfcen Maraj.

2 A proverb meaning to do vvhat
is imposaible. it ia quoted by Bada-
yüni.

3 " The tomb of Asaf K. stands in

Üne with the emperor's, but separated
'rom it by an immense serai "
Keene's Agra, 37, note. He died on
17 Sh'abân 1051 =12 November, 1641.
Pâdehâhnama II. 257.

294

THE MAASIR-TJL-UMARA.

"Ligbtof thegeniusof the Illuminato (the Platonists), learned
in the science of the Peripatetics. " He was also an elegant
writer and had a correct idiom. He was a good accountant and
versed in business. He personally examined the accounts of the
officers of the exchequer and of the other officers. He had no
need of any guide in this. The expenses and disbursements of
his establishment were beyond comprehension, especially those
which he incurred for the frequent visits to hım of the king, the
princee and the begams. Besides the peshkashes and the presents,
which came to a large sum, what splendour there was in eating
and drinking ! And what ornamentation and decoration there
were inside and outside ! His servants too were of the best, and
he looked after them. Like his father he was very gentle and
affable. The sons and other relatives of this great officer who
attained to high office in the State have been described in these
pages r each in his own place, but Mamtâz Mahal, his daughter,
was married to Shah Jahan in her twentieth year, and became
pregnant fourteen times. Among them, four sons and three
daughters survived their grandfather. in the 4th ' year of the
reign. 1040, 1631, in the city of Burhampur, that chaste lady,
whose age exceeded 39 years, immediately after giving birth to a
daughter named Goharârâ * Begam, experienced a change in her
condition and signed that the king should be sent for. He came.
in an agitated state and had a final intervievv in which he gathered
the treasure of the period of separation. On the 17th Zîq'ada,
7 July 1631, the Begam was buried temporarily in the garden
Zainâbâd on the other side of the Taptî. "May the place of
Mamtâz Mahal be paradise." Jai B Mamtâz Mahal jinnat bâd
gives the date 1040, 1631.

They say that there was an exceeding love between the two
noble spouses, so that Shah Jahan, after her death, for a long time
abandoned coloured raiment and the hearing of music and the

1 See Pâishâhnâmn, I. 384, and
Khâfi K. 1. 459.

t Called by some Daharâra, but
GohararS is the name in Pâdshâh-
gâma, p. 293. She is the Genorara
Begam of Manncci, I, 227.

' Pâdshâhnâma I. 389. The chrono-
gram was made by Bebadat Khân.
The tomb in vvhich the body waa
temporarily plaeed was in the middle
of a tank, id., 386.

THE MAASIR-TJL-UMARA .

295

use of perfumes, and put a stop to feasts, ete. For two years he
shunned every kind of delicacy. Half of the property left by her,
and which amounted to more than a kror of rupees, was given to
the Begam Şâhiba (the eldest daughter known as Jahânârâ), and
the other half was divided among the other children. Six months
after the death, Prince ' Muhanımad Shujâ, Wazîr K., and Satî
Khânim the Şadru-n-nisâ (mistress of the women), conveyed the
body to Agra and buried it in a place 2 south of, and elose to, the
river, vvhich had belonged to Rajah Mân Singh and was now
the inheritance of Rajah Jai Singh. in the course of tvvelve
years, a tomb, such as has no parallel in India, was ereeted
at a cost of fifty lacs of rupees. Thirty villages belonging to the
Sarkar of Agra and pargana of Nagarcand, 8 yielding annually
one lac of rupees, and the colleetions from the shops and serais
attached to the tomb, and which amounted to two lacs of
rupees, were bestowed in mortmain (waqf).

AŞÂLAT K. MÎR 'ABDU-L-HÂDI.

Mîr Miran * Yezdi who, along with his father Mir Khalil üllah,
left Persia on account of oppression in the second year of Jahangir
and came to India, the abode of security. Shah Abbâs Şafavî
became aüenated from the Mîr (Khalil Ullah) and was very wrath-
ful with him, so that the morning of the Mîr 's prosperity ended
in a gloomy hight. As he was helpless he fled to a foreign land.
When he took himself off, only half-alive* from the place of danger,
he could not take his grandehildren 'Abdu-1-Hâdî and Khalîl
üllah with him, on account of their tender age and the want of
time. They vyere, therefore, left in Persia. When the Khân 'Alam
went on an embassy to Persia, Jahangir, out of his great kindness
and affection for the Mîr Mîrân, mentioned the children in his

ı id., 493.

î " it «as laid in a spot in the
garden, stili pointed out, elose by the
mosque, until the mausoleum was
ready for her reception." Keene's
Agra, p. 23.

8 Perhaps this should be Nogar-
chin, the wellknown pleasure resort

of Akbar. But it is Nagarcand in
the Pâdshâhnâma II, 330. There is
a full account of the building at this
place, and the names of the thirty
villages are given, with the contribu-
tion fixed upon each of them.
« Pâdshâhnâma II, 528, 629.

müM*

296

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

letter and spoke to the Khân 'Alam about bringing them. The
Shah sent the two suffering ones to India, and af ter they had
kissed the threshold their griefs were washed away.

in the third year of Shah Jahan, Mir 'Abdu-1-Hâdî was
the subject of favour and received the title of Aşâlat Khân. By
his good qualities, his loyalty and his zeal he became trusted,
and in the 5th year w as sent off along with Yemenu-d-daula
to chastise 'Adil Shah, and to devastate the country of Bijapur.
When they came to Bhâlkî and besieged it, the garrison, af ter
firing with guns and muskets during the day, evacuated the place
during the darkness of night by going out at a place where there
were no batteries. Aşâlat K., who was prominent in this
campaign, mounted on the top of the fort on a wooden platform
under which pyrotechnic weapons had been lef t. Suddenly, fire
caught them, and Aşâlat K. was blown up into the air along with
the platform, and carried into a magazine. A part of his arm
as well as of his face were burnt, but by God's protection he was not
killed. 1 in the 6th year he received the rank of 1,500 vrith 500 *
horse and was made bakhshî of the army which was setting out
with Shah Shujâ for the conquest of Parenda. in that affair
he so distinguished himself by his activity that Mahâbat K.,
the commander-in-chief, in spite of ali the crookedness of his
nature, had his attention drawn to him and made över to him
the signing of receipts and orders, and made him his deputy.
When he came to court from that campaign in the 8th year he was
appointed governor of Delhi in succession to Bâqir Khân Najm-
sânî with an increase 8 of 1,500 and 1,700 horse, an increase
necessary for the management of the pro vince, and made a
mansabdâr of 3,000 with 2,500 horse, and the gift of a
flag, an elephant and a special robe of honour. When Jagtâ*

1 Pâdshâhnama 1, 412.

î Pâdshâhnama I, Part 2, p. 67,
says 800. it also says he vras made
bakhshî of the ahadîs.

s Pâdshâhnama I, Part II, p. 87.
The faet that he now had 2,500 horse
shows that 800, and not 500, was the

ht amount above.

* This seema. an abridgrnent of the
name Jagat Singh. See Pâdshâh-
nama II, 261. The Mau here men-
tioned is a hill state, and Nürpür was
one of its towns. The expedition
belongs to the 15th year. .

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

297

the zamindar of Mau became ungrateful and raised a presumptuous
head, three armies, composed of 30,000 horse, were sent against
him, and one of these was commanded by Aşâlat K.. The Khân
set about besieging Nürpür, and every day the besieged were more
and more hard pressed. When the fort of Mau, which was
Jagtâ's chief reliance, was taken, the garrison of Nürpür fled
at midnight, and that place was easily conquered. Afterwards,
Aşâlat K. went with other chiefs to take Târagarha. This too
was accomplished. in the 18th year he was appointed, on the
death of Şalâbat K., to the high office of Mîr ■' Bakhshî.

When*the king determined on the conquest of Balkh, an
order was given to the Amîru-1-Umarâ, who was governor of Kabul,
that during the interval before the arrival of the army he should
get possession of as much as possible of Badakhshân. in 1055
(the beginning of February 1645), Aşâlat K. and several mansabd&rs
and ahadîs were sent off to Kabul in order that they might recruit
active men from among the Caghata and other tribes in Kabul
and in the passes (of Badakhshân). The Amîru-1-Umarâ was
to examine them and to assign manşabs to some, and to enroll the
others among the ahadîs. They were also to acquaint themselves
with the routes to Turan and to choose the easiest and to improve
it. Af ter Aşâlat had done these things he, in the 19th year, went
from Ghorband in company wi th the Amîru-I-Umârâ and wished
to make an attempt on Badakhshân. When they came to Gulbihâr 8
it appeared that the road was exceedingly difficult, and that
provisions were unprocurable. With the approval of the Amiru-1-
Umarâ, Aşâlat K. went off rapidly with 10,000 horse and eight
day s' provisions in order to attack Khinjan *and Andarâb. He
crossed the Hindu 6 Koh and arrived at Andarâb and captured

1 Pâdshâhnama II, 385.

2 Pâdshâhnama II. 415, 416.

s Text Kulhar, but it really is
Gulbihâr, a well-known place north of
Kabul. See Pâdshâhnama II, 462,
eight lines from foot.

* Khinjan and Andarâb are in the
north of Afghanistan towards Badakh-
shân.

6 The teıt has only az Hind.

guzashta, "crossed from India," but
of course Aşâlat was then in Afghan-
istan and a long way out of India.
The true reading is Hind,u Koh as
appears from the Pâdshâhnama II,
462, whioh is the original of the
passağe before us. There we have az
kotal Hindu Koh guzashta, " having
crossed the defiles of the Hindu Koh."
See also Khafî K. I, 614.

298

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

numerous quadrupeds and other goods of the inhabitants. He
then took with him the retainers x of 'Alî Dânishmandi and
of the summer-quarters of Karmakî, together with the Khvvâjazâdas
of Ism'aîl Atâî and Maudüdî, and Qâsinı Beg, Mir of the Hazarîs of
Andarâb, and returned vvith equal rapidity.

When in this year Prince Murâd Bakhsh was sent off to Balkh
with a victorious army , Aşâlat was appointed to the centre (tarah) *
of the right wing. He went on rapidly in advance from Kabul
and worked with zeal and energy in widening the difficult parts of
the road. 3 Af ter the royal army had reached Balkh he, together
with Bahâdur K. Rohilla, pursued Nazr Muhammad K. theruler of
Turan, and put to flight the vagabonds of the desert. He received
an increase of 1000 and was made a panjhazârî (5000). When
the prince did not approve * of staying in the country, he turned
baok, and the government of the locality was made 6 över to
Bahâdur K. and Aşâlat K. To the former was entrusted the
duty of extirpating the rebellious, while the business of the
army and of the treasury and looking after the peasantry was
committed to the latter. in the end of the same 20th year 1057,
1647, Khüshî Labcâq, with 5000 ahnânân 6 (freebooters) horse,
at the orders of Âbdul-l-'Azîz K. , the ruler of Bokhara, crossed
(the Oxus) at the ferry of Kilîf with the intention of making
a raid on Daragaz (tamarisk vale) and Shâdmân whieh were
the pasturage-ground of the quadrupeds of the imperial army.
Aşâlat K. considered it his business to chastise those raiders,
and so he went off swiftly and came up with them when they

l The word in text is ahshâm, for
whieh see Irvine A. of M. 160. 'Alî
Dânishmandî is, I auppose, the name
of a plaoe or tribe. The text has

t^°j* (3 ~ lyîlâq karmaki. I
have taken the first word to be
ailâq " summer-quarters. " Karmaki
may be kömahi, " militia." The
Pâdshâhnâma ba s ,£*}* _j iî&> J/l
Perhaps they are ali names of places.
Apparently one objeet of Aşâlat K.'s
raid was to bring back some leaders
of tho tribes. Şee Khâfî K. I, 614.

2 Irvine 227.

3 Pâdshâhnâma II, 509. Aşâlat
eserted himself to clear away the
snow, id. 513.

* Pâdshâhnâma II, 558. Elliot
VII, 70.

6 Pâdshâhnâma II, 560.

« Pâdshâhnâma II, 654, 656. See
Pavet de Courteille Dict. s. v. and his
translation of Bâbur's Mem. II, 363
n., and A. N. Trans. I, 269 note.
Khâfi K. II, 658, has Almanîân; Elliot
VII. 77 and 78 has Almanş.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

299

were driving off some of the cattle. He attacked them like
a Rustaın and killed many and rescued the animals, and then
pursued the remainder who had escaped the sword. When night
threw her dark pall he halted in Daragaz, and for the purpose of
renewing his ablutions threw off his doublet (chilta, Ut. forty-
folds). The wind caught him and he got fever, and returned
to the city (Balkh). From this blow he lay powerless on his bed,
and in the course of tvvo weeks he folded up the carpet of
his life. Since as yet forty stages on the road of his life
had not been passed, and he had performed noble deeds, the
king lamented l his death and said if death had given him
time he would have done stili greater things, and have risen
to high office. Aşâlat K. was famed for his good qualities and
good life, and was the unique of the age for gentleness and
modesty. Harsh language never issued from his lips, and he
never tried to injure anybody. Courage in him went hand in hand
with counsel.* His sons were Sultan Husain Iftikhâr K., Muham-
mad Ibrâhîm Multafat K., and Bahâü-d-dîn. They have been
mentioned in their own place. The last of them did not so much
dîstinguish himself.

AŞÂLAT KHAN MIRZÂ MUHAMMAD.

Son of Mirza Badîa' of Mashhad, who was one of the great
Saiyids of that holy place. His ancestors had been the guardians
of the shrine of the holy eighth imâm 'Alî bin Mûsâ — Peace be
upon him and on his ancestors! The Mîrzâ came to India in the
19th year and entered the service of Shah Jahan. He received a
suitable office, and the daughter of Shah Newâz Şafavî was given
to him in marriage. When in the 22nd year Prince Murâd
Bakhsh was made governor of the Deccan and went off there,
Shah Newâz Şafavî, who had been appointed to protect the coun-

» Khâfi K. II, 660.

2 Aşâlat Khan died in Balkh on
22 Rabî-al-awal 1057, 17th April, 1647.
He had attained the rank of 5000
with 4000 horse. Pâdshâhnâma, II,
720. Khâfî K. II. 566 mentions a son

of Aşâlat named Muhammad S'âîd.
Khâlîl Ullah, the brother of Aşâlat
went into retirement after his death.
Khâfî K. II. 660, but after wards re-
turned to service.

300

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

try after tbe death of islâm K. , was made vakjl and guardian of
the prince. The Mirza on account of his marriage went with Shah
Newâz, and at the prince 's request, obtained the rank of 2000
with 1000 horse. Shah Newâz made him general of the army of
the Deccan and sent him against the ruler of Deogarha (after-
wards Daulatabad). The Mîrzâ at first was a great stickler for
the etiquette of the Persian kings, and the imperial servants,
who regarded themselves as his equals and as his fellow-servants,
were much offended. Afterwards he adopted Indian manners,
and laboured to amend this dislike. As he had good sense, he
soon conquered the country and brought things into order.
Afterwards Shah Newâz arrived and arranged Deogarha in accord-
ance with the Mîrzâ's recommendations. When he returned to
Burhânpür, he had a great gathering on account of the birth of a
son, and brought Prince Murâd Bakhşh and ali the officere to his
quarters and lavished gold. When in the 23rd year the şubahdârî
of Mahva was given to Shah Newâz K., the Mîrzâ was appointed
to that province and received the faujdârl and fiefdom of Manda-
sor. in the 25th year he was made faujdâr of Mândü. When in
the 30th year Prince Aurangzeb was ordered to devastate the ter-
ritory of 'Âdil Shah, the Mîrzâ was appointed to go with him. The
work had not been finished when the times assumed another aspect
and there was change and confusion in ali the imperial territories.
The Mîrzâ remained in the Deccan. When Aurangzeb went off
from Burhânpür to Agra he conferred on the Mîrzâ the title of
Aşâlat K. and the rank of 4000 with 2000 horse and a togh (stan-
dard) and drums. After the beginning of the reign he had an in-
crease of 500 horse and was sent to the Deccan. He conveyed
Prince Muhammad Akbar, who was then a baby at the breast, and
the ladies to the capital. At this time he went into retirement,
but in the 3rd year he again became an object of favour and
received the rank of 5000 with 3000 horse and was made faujdâr
of Moradabad in succession to Qâsim K. in the 7th year he had
an increase of 1000 horse. After that he had a severe illness and
was for a long time indisposed. in the 9th year and end of 1079,
1669, he died. His brother Mîr Muhammad arrived at court from
Persia in the 14th year of 'Âlamgîr and received the rank of 1000

THE MAASlK-UL-UtoAKA.

301

with 4000 horse and the title of 'Aqâdat Khan. Kabul' Begam, the
daughter of Ruh Ullah K. the İst, was given to him in marriage,
and he soon afterwards died.

\SHRAF KHÂN-MÎR MUNSHl.

His name is Muhammad Asghar, and he belonged to the Hus-
ainî Saiyids of Mashhad. The author of the Tabaqât AkbarI
reckons him among the 'Arabshahi Saiyids, and probably there is
not much difference between these two statements. Abul Fazl's
statement, however, that he was of Sabzawâr is undoubtedly a
writer's error. He was skilful in letter-writing and in the niceties of
words, and did not deviate a hair's breadth from correctness. As
a calligrapher he was one who could write in seven styles. He was
specially skilful in the Ta'alîq and Naskh ta'aliq styles, in which he
was unique of the age. He reduced the science of j'afar (magic)
into practice. He was in the service of Hümâyûn and obtained the
style of Mîr Munshî. After the conquest of India he was made Mîr
'Arz and Mir Mâl. (Master of petitions, ete, B. 257, and Master of
the Privy Purse, B. VI. note). in the battle whieh Tardî Beg Khân
had with Hemü Baqqâl (grocer), he as well as others took to flight.
He was imprisoned by Bairâm K. along with Sultan 'Alî Afzal
Khân, and aftervvards went off towards Mecca. in the 5th year,
968 (1560) he presented himself before Akbar when he was pro-
ceeding from Macîwâra to the Siwaliks to make an end of the affairs
of Bairâm K. After that he was always treated with kindness and
promoted. in the 6th year he received the title of Ashraf K. on
Akbar's return from Mahva. He was sent off to Bengal along
with Mun'im K. the Khân-Khânân. He died in Gaur in 983 i
(1575-76) at the time of the pestilence there. He attained to an
office of 2000. He had a poetical turn and occasionally wrote
verse. The follövving are his : —

Verse.

God, burn me not with the fire of wrath,
Light the lamp of peace in my soul's house,

l Text wrongly has 973, having copied the Mirât Alam. See Blochmann,

389 n.

302

THE MAASIR-tTL-TJMARA,

Graciously knit with the thread of pardon

This robe of service 2 which has been torn by trespasses.

He made the following chronogram on the reservoir which
Maulânâ * Mîr constructed in Agra : —

Verse.

Mullâ Mîr made on God's highway
A well to succour the poor and needy,
Should a thirsty lip ask the year of building
Say, " Take some water from the boon reservoir."

His son Mîr Mozaffar also obtained fitting rank during Akbar's
rcign and in the 48th year was appointed to the government
of Oudh. Husainî and Barhânî the grand-children of Ashraf K.
held small appointments in the time of Shah Jahan.

ASHRAF K. KHWÂJA BARKHÜRDÂR.

Son-in-law of Mahâbat K. and one of the Khwâjazâdas of
the Naqshbandî order. They say that when Mahâbat K. married
his daughter to the Khwâja, without informing Jahangir,
the latter beoame angry and summoned the Khwâja to his
presence } and had him whipped with a thorny 3 scourge. When

1 This verse is quoted by Badayüni,
III. 182, and he has zindagl " life "
instead of bandagî as in the text here.
Bandagi, howevor, seems more poeti-
cal.

2 Apparently the Mullâ Mîr of
Bloehmann, 542, No. 73. He was a
phyBİcian. He may also be the Mullâ
Mîr Tabîb of the Tabaqât, or he may
be the Mulla Mîr Kalan of the same
book. The chronogram is very in-
genious. By sayirıg " Take some
water " 56», it means that 13, the
abjad value of abı, should be taken
from the words baqâ-i-kkair " The
boon reservoir," the abjad value of
which words is 987. If we deduct 13
from 987 we get 974, or 1567, which
is the date of the making of the well.

This biography seems to be one of
those which was added to by 'Abdu-1
Hayy for the poetry does not appear
in the first edition. Ashraf's takhal-
laş was Haif " Alas." He is men-
tioned as a calligrapher in the Aîn,
Bloehmann, 101.

3 Khâfî K. I. 360. Elphinstone
say s be was beaten with thorns, but
perhaps khârdâr is merely a rhetorieal
epithet. it even seems doubtful from
Khâfî K. if there was any whipping,
and perhaps what was done was that
Barkhürdâr had a belt of thorns put
round him and was sent with naked
feot to prison. Apparently, however
this is only Khâfi K.'s rhetoric.
Both the Tüzük 40} and the Iqbâl-
nâma 253 say the young man was

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

303

Mahâbat K. joined Shah Jahan the Khwâjah came with him, and
entered his service, in the first year of Shah Jahan he obtained
a commission of 1000 with 500 horse. in the 8th year he got a
commission of 1500 with 800 horse ; in. the 23rd year by the
inerease of 700 horse his staffs (tâbînân) was made equal to his
personal (zât) allovvance. in the 28th year of Shah Jahan he
was appointed to the government of fort Üsâ (Owsa) in the Dec-
can and obtained the rank of 2000 vvith 2000 horse. in the
beginning of the reign of Aurangzeb he received the title of
Ashraf K. in the second year he was removed from the govern-
ment of the fort above mentioned and Came to court. The year
of his death is not known.

ASHRAF K. MIR MUHAMMAD ASHRAF.
Eldest son of islâm K. Mashhadî. He possessed ali spiritual
qualities, and was noted for his compriaing ali the excellences of
humanity. When his father was Nâzim of the Deccan he was
appointed by him to take charge of Burhânpür. When his father
died he got an inerease of 500 with 200 horse and obtained the
rank of 1500 with 500 horse. in fche 26th year he was made
superintendent of the branding. When in the 27th year Prince
Dârâ Shikoh went with a large army on the Qandahar expedition,
Ashraf had an inerease of 500 and was made diwân of the force
with the title of I'timâd K. After that he was made superinten-
dent of the royal hbrary. in the end of the 31st year, when the
reign of Shah Jahan was nearly at an end, he was made diwân and
bakhshî of the army of Sulaimân Shikoh when that Mîrzâ was
appointed under the guardianship of Mîrzâ Rajah Jai Singh, to
act against Shujâ'. After the battle of Samugarh and the defeat
of Dârâ Shikoh, when the standards of 'Alamgir were raised for
vvorld-conquest, Ashraf separated from Sulaimân Shikoh's com-
panionship and went from Islâmâbâd-Mathura to do homage, and
obtained an inerease of rank. At the same time when the royal
army erossed the Sutlej in pursuit of Dara Shikoh, Ashraf was

flogged, though Deither speaks of thorns. He was the son of Khwâja 'ümr
Naqshbandî, and the whippüıg was in the 2 İst year of the reign of Jahangir.

304

THE MAASIR-tTIi-UMAEA.

made governor of Kashmîı in the place of Lashkar K. in the
lOth year he received a robe of honour and was made diwân of
the estate of Begam Şâhiba (Jahânârâ, eldeat daughter of Shah
Jahan) in the room of Rezavî K. of Bokhara. in the 13th year
he obtained the rank of 3000 and was made Khânsâmân. He
served in this employment for a long time and in the 2 İst year
was Wâq'akhwân (historiographer). When in the 24th year
Himmat K. Mir Baklıshî died, Ashraf became İst Bakhsbî and
did good service. On 9 Zîlq'ada of the 30th year, 1097, 17 Sep-
tember 1686, the lamp of the life qf that noble nature was
extinguished He was adorned with peacefulness, piety and
purity. Inasmuch as he had a taste for Sufism, he made a selec-
tion from the MasnavI of the Maulânâ (Jalâlu-d-dîn) and had
much pleasure in studying the poem. He also wrote * perfectly
Naskh, Shikasta, T'alîq and Nast'âlîq. High * and low made his
shikaat-v/riting their exemplar of good penmanship. He had no

son.

'ASKAR KHÂN NAJM ŞANI.

His name was 'Abdullah Beg. in Shah Jahan's reign in the
12th year he received a suitable rank and was made governor of
the fort of Kâlinjar. Afterwards he joined Prince Dârâ Shikoh
and was made his Mir Bakhshî. in the 30th year he had the title
of 'Askar K., and when, after the defeat of Maharajah Jeswant
Singh, Aurangzeb marched towards Agra, he, on the part of Dârâ
Shikoh had in oompany with Khalîl Ullah the charge of gııarding
the Dholpür ferıy, and on the day of battle he was in the van-
gnard. At the second 3 engagement (the one at Ajmere) he was in
the battery nea- Garha * Pathlî. When Dârâ Shikoh went off in
confusion, and without announcement, to Gujarat, 'Abdullah heard
of this at the end of the night and obtained quarter from Şaf-
shikn K. and joined him. He was admitted into service and

1 There iş in the British Museum
«n albüm presented by him. See
Rieu's Catalogue II. 778. There is
also a reference to Aşhraf in Khâfî K.
II. 381.

î Perhaps " Young and old."

8 Khâfî K. II. 73, 74.

* 'Alamgîrnâma 313, where the bat-
tery, or entrenchment (sibâ), is oalled
Garha Bethalî. See also for name of
entrenchment, id. 326.

THE MAASIR-ÜL-UMAR

received a robe of honour. Afterwards he was enrolled among
the auxiliaries of the Khân-Khânân Mu'azzam K. and went to
Bengal. 1 in the 8th year of Aurangzeb he went with Buzurg
Umed K. to take Chittagong. Nothing more is known of him.

ÂTISH K. HABŞHÎ.

One of the officers of the rulers of the Deccan. in the tim
of Jahangir he came to court and was promoted to a suitable
manşab. After that, when Shah Jahan succeeded, he in the first
year received the rank of 2000 horse, and in the third year, when
the imperial army came to the Deccan, he received a reward of
25,000 rupees, and was chosen to accompany Shaista K. in his
expedition to punislı Khân Jahân Lodî and the Nizâm Shah.
After that he was entered among the Deccan auxiliary forces and
in the siege of Daulatabad in company with the Khân-Khânân
Mahâbat K., and afterwards with Khân Zaman performed zealous
service. Afterwards he came to the Presence and in the 13th
year received a robe of honour and a horse and 10,000» rupees
and was made faujdâr of Bhagalpur in Bihar. in the 15th year
when Shaista Khân, the governor of that province, proceeded
against the zamindar of Palamau, he had charge of the right
wing. in the 17th year he came to court and presented an
elephant as peshkash. it appears that he was again appointed to
the Deccan, and that he came back in the 24th year and presented
another elephant. İn the 25th year, 1061, 1651, he died.

ATISH KHÂN JÂN BEG.

Son of Bakhtân 3 Beg Rüzbihânî, who in the first year of Aurang-
zeb's reign was killed in the battle with Muhammad Shujâ'. Jân
Beg became known to the king in his father's lifetime, and in the
21st year obtained the title of Âtish Khân. in the 25th year he

1 'Askar was at one time faujdâr
of Benares, 'Alamgîrnâma 625. He
was also in the Assam expedition,
Khâfî K. II. 171, and went to Kooh
Behar, 'Alamgîrnâma 948.

2 Padshâhnâma II. 180 has 2000.

3 Khâfî K. II. 57 where it is sug-
gested that the name shouid be Bâkh-
tiyâr, and 'Alamgîrnâma 262, last line.
He was in charge of the artillery.
Rüzbihânî was the title of two Mu-
hammadan saints

306

THE. MAASIR-U1>TTMARA.

became Mîr Tüzük in the place of Salâh K. One of his brothers
was Manşür K., and for some time was Mir Âtish (chief of the
artillery) of the Deccan, and afterwards became governor of (the
fort of) Aurangabad. The second was Yûsuf K., who in the time
of Aurangzeb was faujdâr of Qamarnagar, i. e. Karnül. in the
time of Bahâdur Shah he was made Nâzim of Haidarabad. it
was he who put to death the sedition-monger Pâprâ. Theır de-
scendants are stili in the Deccan.

The brief account of Pâprâ is as follows ; he was one of
che low tradesmen ' of Telingâna. in the time of Aurangzeb',
when Rustum Dil K., son of Mukhtar, was the şubâhdâr of Haida-
rabad, Pâprâ killed his own sister, who was rich , and thereby
collected footmen (piadas), and having made himself a refuge on a
mountain, he stretched out the hand of robbery and oppression
över the travellers and the peasantry. The faujdârs and land-
holders tried to seize him, and he hearing this went to Wankat
(Venkat Rao), the zamindar of pargana Bülâs, 2 in the sarkar of
Ilkandal, and became his servant. Afteı some time he began there
to practise robbery, and the zamindar having proof of this put
him in prison. As the zamindar's son fell * ili, he was released
along with the other prisoners, and having göne to the village of
Shâhpür in the pargana of Târîkanda. (Narganda), sarkar of Bhun-
ger (Bhonaghir), which was a rugged place, he a ssociated himself
with a turbulent person named Sarwâ. There he built a fort and
, openly practised attacking and plundering. Rustum Dil K. com-
missioned Qâsim K. jama'dâr, who was faujdâr of pargana Kul-
pâk, which was in the neighbourhood of Shâhpür, and strictly
charged him to seize Pâprâ. in the battle Qâsim K. was killed,

THE MAASIR-TJL-UMAKA.

307

1 Khâfî K. says he belonged to the
caste of the toddy-sellers, II. 631.
See EHiot VII. 410 where he is called
Pâp Rm.

s Bülâs is Kûlâs or Kaulâs in
Khâfî I". II. 631. it is marked on
the maps tu Kowlass and Kaulâs, and
is in the Haidarabad State, N.N.W.
Haidarabad and N. Bidar. Ilkandal
is the Eilgundal of the map and lies

east of Kaulâs. Kaulâs is interesting
as being the place where 'Abdu-1-Hayy
the son of Shah Newâz, and part
author of the Maaşir, died. See Rieu,
Cat. I. 342.

3 The boy's mother released ali the
prisoners in hopes that thereby her
son would get better. Khâfî K. II.
631.

and Sarwâ having engaged in a foolish dispute with Pur Dil K.,
the jama'dâr of his own piadas, about military matters, they
f ought a duel in which Sarwâ was killed. l Pâprâ was now su-
preme and set about building the fort of Târîkanda. He raided as
far as Wârangol and Bhunger, and set öpen the gates of calamity
for the inhabitants of that country.

Bahâdur Shah after his victory över Muhammad Kâm
Bakhşh made Yûsuf K. Rüzbihânî şubâhdâr of Haidarabad and
issued strict orders for the seizure of Pâprâ. The said Khân
appointed Dilâwar K. jama'dâr with a suitable force, and the
latter attacked Pâprâ at a time when he was pressing the siege of
Kulpâk. After a fight he defeated him and established a military
station (thâna) in Kulpâk. Meanwhile Pâprâ's father-in-law's son
had for a long time been imprisoned in Shâhpür along with others,
and was subjected to severe treatment. Except his wife, who
cvery day brought him his food, no one was allowed to visit him.
By means of his wife, he procured several files, and with them he
cut his leg-irons and also those of some other prisoners, and on a
day when Pâprâ had göne out of Shâhpür to fîsh, he came out of
prison along with others, and killed the piadas who were guarding
him, and also those at the gate, and took possession of the fort.
On hearing of this Pâprâ became agitated and came near the fort,
and a gun was fired from the top of the fort. As his brothers 2
had informed the zamindars of Kulpâk that this (the firing of the
cannon) would occur, so as soon as the report was heard, Dilâwar
K. set off with a force. When he came near Shâhpür there was a
great disturbance and fîghting. At last Pâprâ was defeated and
fled to Târîkanda. 3 When Yûsuf K. heard this he fîrst appointed*

I Khâfî K. II. 633 says they were
both killod. Perlıaps the meaning is
not that they quarrelled about mili-
tary matters, but that like soldiers
they challenged one another. Ferishta
refers to the frequency of duels in
the Deccan. The text has jang îlcmg,
KhâîS K. has jang ikangî, and this is
right, yakang being a Deccani word—
one body. Instead- of Tur Dil Khân,
which seerns an unlikely title here.

I. O. MS. 628 has Tabal " drummer."
İt also has 6a jang yakang " in a
duel."

4 Barâdarânaah , but from Khâfî K.
it appears that the brother-in-law told
his wife to inform the zamindars.
Probıbly we should read barödar ba
zan.

8 Here spelt w£th a long a.

« Khâfî K. II. 841.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMABA.

309

308

THE MAASIR-UL- UMARA.

M. Alî his manager, and then went himself with a suitable force,
and besieged Târîkanda for nine months. Then he set up a flag '
of truce (jhanda-i-qaul) to the effect that whoever came out of the
fort would get a present. Pâprâ changed* his appearance and
canve, out of the fort, but fell into the hands of the same brother-
in-law and was arrested. When they brought him bef ore Yûsuf
K. he divided him, limb by limb, and sent his head to eourt.

Verse}

How well did the old farmer say to his son,
" Light of my eyes, you'll reap naught but what you've
sown."

'AZDU-D-DAULA IWAZ K. BAHÂDUR QASWARA JANG
(LlON of Battle).

His name was Khwâja Kamâl and he was daughter's son of
the sister of Mîr Bahâu-d-dîn of Samarkand. His father, Mir
'Ivvaz by name, was one of the Haidarî Saiyids, and 'Azdu-d-
daulah was married to Khadija Begam, the daughter of Qullj* K.
Saiyid Niyaz K., his mother's brother, held in the 47th year of
Aurangzeb the rank of 1500 with 500 horse and the deputy-gover-
norship of Bijapur. After that monarch's death, when Sultan
Kâm Bakhşh went against Bijapur, he, on the ground of making
some inquiries, delayed a while (saying that he would) join Kam
Bakhşh later. But without giving him notice he suddenly went
off and joined A'zim Shah. Saiyid Niyaz K. the second, who was
his son and was married to the daughter of I'timâdu-d-daulah
Qamaru-d-dîn, was ripped öpen in the time of Nâdir Shah on
account of his exhibiting some insolence. 'Azdu-d-daula came

1 Cf. Khâfî K. II. 642.

2 id.

S This biography is marked Q, it
being an addition bj the author's son
' Abdu-1-Hayy. it is abridged from
Khâfî K. II. 630 et seq., and even the
concluding verse i» taken from there.

The story of PSprâ is also told in
the Hadiqau-1- 'Alpm of Abü-l-QSsim

II. 15 (lithograph). The verse is from
Hafız.

* This is 'Abid Khwâja, the grand-
father of the famous Nizâmu-1-mulk
Âşaf Jâlı. See Maaşir II. 872 and
Khâfî K. II. 951, where it is said that
'Azdu-d-daulah was married to Fath
Jang's, i. e. Nizâmu-1-mulk's, aunt.

from Türân to India in the time of Amangzeb, and by the in-
fluence of Khân Fîrüz Jang was given the title of 'Iwaz K. and
accompanied Fîrüz Jang, and in the provinee of Ahmadabad
looked after his household. After Fîrüz Jang's death he came to
court, and at first through the instrumentality of Mîr Jamla
('Abdullah, Maasir II. 761) he was attached to the provinee of
Berar in the time of Farrukh Siyar. Afterwards as deputy of
the Amîru-1-Umarâ Husain 'Alî K. (one of the Bârha Saiyids) he
was made governor of the said provinee. He applied himself
to the management of the provinee and displayed courage. in
the 2nd year of Muhammad Shah, when Nizâmu-1-mulk Âşaf
Jâh Bahâdur went to the south from Malwa, he gathered the real
meaning of fche letters, and colleeted a proper force, and joined
Âşaf Jâh in Burhanpur. in the battle with Dilâwar 'Ali K , who
made a violent attack on him and killed many of his men,
though his elephant * turned back a little, he did not lose
courage and was not lacking in jeopardizing his life. in the
battle with 'Alam 'Ali K. he was on the right-wing, and after
the victory — which took place near Aurangabad — he received the
rank of 5000 with 5000 horse and the title of 'Azdu-d-daulah
Bahâdur Qaswara Jang (Lion of Battle), and was made substan-
tive governor of Berar. Gradually he attained to the rank of
7000 with 7000 horse, and in the 2nd year when Âşaf Jâh ad-
dressed himself to the task of settling the Bijapur provinee,
'Azdu-d-daulah was left behind in Aurangabad as deputy. After-
wards, when Âşaf Jâh according to the summons of Muhammad
Shâh proceeded to the capital, he left the offices of the diwânî
and the bakhshîship with 'Azdu-d-daulah and made him deputy
with full powers. After going to court when he (Âşaf Jâh) was
ordered to chastise Haidar Qulî K. Naşir Jang, who was making a
disturbance in the provinee of Ahmadabad (Gujarat), 'Azdü-d-
daulah was sent for by him and came with a force and for some
time accompanied him, but at the stage öf Jhâbwa, a dependeney
of Malwa, he left him and obtained leave to go to his own estates.
in the battle with Mubâriz K. 'Imâdu-1-mulk, he did good service

Khâfî K. II. 879.

310

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

and afterwards, in the year 1143, 1730-31, he died of disease, and
was buried at the shrine of S. Burhânu-d-dîn Gharib (may God
have mercy upon him ! ). He had a share of learning, and strove
to put it into practice. He behaved with respect to learned men,
and with courtesy to faquirs and pious personB. He used great
exertions to put down the oppreasors and to support the weak.
He was swift in observing the rules of justice and in inflicting
punishment. He built the mosque of Shâh Ganj in Aurangabad,
of which the chronogram is Khujasta 1 Banyâd. Though the
tank in front of it was made by Husain 'Alî K., yet he widened
it. The Hawelî and BârahdârJ which he made in that city are
famous. He kept a good and abundant table. Of his sons, the
eldest was Saiyid Jamâl K., who in his father's lifetime attained
to maturity and distinguished himself by courage in battles.
After the battle with Mubâriz K. he attained the rank of 5000
with 5000 horse and was made his father's deputy in the govern-
ment of Berar. Wben Âşaf Jâh went to court and left Nizâmu-
d-daulah in the Deccan, and the Mahratta disturbance increased
more and more, he was appointed to the government of Berar and
received the title of Qaswara Jang. After the return of Âşaf
Jâh he went and sate with Naşir Jang in the Rauza of Shâh
Burhânu-d-dîn Gharîb, and he took part along with Naşir Jang
in the battle with his father. Âşaf Jâh pardoned his offenees and
sent fdr him and confirmed him in his jagir. He died in 1159,
1746. He left many sons. The second son (of Azdu-d-daulah) was
Khwâja Mümin K. who in Âşaf Jâh's time was made Naib-gover-
nor of Haidarabad and Matşadî there. He did good service in
chastising 'Alî K. Qarâwal who was servant of Roghü Bhonsla.
F or a time he was governor of Burhanpur, and in the time of
Şalâbat Jang he obtained the title of 'Azdu-d-daulah and was
appointed to be governor of Nandair. At last he was contented
with the jagir of pargana Pâtwar* Shaikh Bâbû in Berar. He
died some years ago. He left a Iarge family. The third son was
Khwâja 'Abdu-1-Hâdî K. who for a long time was governor of the

1 The auspicious foundation. "

The ohronogram yields 1135. 1722-23.

S Pâtar Shaikh Bâbû in Sarkar

Narnâlah, J. II. 234, the Pâtür of
I.G. XX, 76. it is in the Berars.

THE MAASIR-UL-TJMAKA.

311

fort of Mâhvvar. 1 in the beginning of Şalâbat Jang's rule he was
removed and afterwards restored and given the title of Zahîru-d-
daulah Qaswara Jang. He died sorhe years ago. He too left
şons. He was a princely-minded man and of an awakened heart,
and had much affection for the writer. The fourth was Khwâja
' Abdu-r-Rashîd K. Bahâdur Himmat Jang. The fifth was Khwâja
'Abdu-sh-Shahid K. Bahâdur Haibat Jang. Both are servants of
Nizâmu-d-daulah * Âşaf Jâh.

A'ZIM K. KOKA.

Knovra as Fedaî K. Koka, his name was Mozaffar Husain and
he was the elder brother of Khân Jahân Bahâdur Kokaltâsh.
in the time of Shah Jahan he distinguished himself during his
long service of H.M. by his rectitude and trustworthiness. At
first he was darogha of the court of justice, and affcerwards he
was sent as ambassador to Bijapur to convey some presents
to 'Âdil Shah. in the 22nd year he had an appointment in
the Tüzük department. in the 23rd year he was made bakhshî
of the Ahadîs, and in the 24th year he had the rank of 1000
with 400 horse and was made bakhshî of the mansabdârs of Kabul,
and darogha of the artillery there. in the 26th year he came
to court and was made Mîr Tüzük. After that be was made
superintendent of the special elephants, and eventually of ali
the elephants. in the 29th year he was made superintendent
of the mace-bearers, and on the removal of Tarbîyat K. the
post of Mîr Tüzük was added to his duties. He had an increase
of 500 with 200 horse, and in the beginning of the 30th year
he had the title of Fedaî Khân conferred upon him. After
that vvhen Aurangzeb became the ruler, he was, on account of
his fosterage relation, the recipient of royal favours, and when
the king, in pursuit of Dara Shikolı, halted at the garden of
Agharâbâcl* near Delhi, he was given a drum and sent* off

1 The Mahur of Haig's Hist. Land-
marks, p. 134.

* The son of the original Niz5mu-1-
mulk Âşaf Jâh.

3 N. of Delhj and the same as Shâlı-

mâr, Irvine, J.A.S.B. for 1904, 307.
Text has A'zâbâd, and so has the
Alamgîrnâma 145.
* 'Alamgîrnâma 148.

312

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

with the Amîru-1-umarâ Shaista K. to dispose of the affair of
Sulaimân Shikoh who had hastened from Lucknow and was
seeking to join his father. The Khân (Fedai) went ahead
of the Amîru-1-umarâ to Bûriya 1 (?) and learnt that Sulaimân
Shikoh wished to go with the assistance of Prithî Singh, the
ruler of Srînagar, by the crossing at Hardwâr to Lahore.
Fedaî travelled eighty kos in twenty-four hours and arrived
at Hardwâr. On account of his arrival, Sulaimân Shikoh was
unable to cross and had to go to the hill-country, to Srînagar. 2
Fedaî returned to court and obtained leave to go with Khalîl
UUah K. who had been appointed to pursue Dara Shikoh.
At the time when Aurangzeb came to Qasür with the intention
of proceeding to Multan, he was summoned to the presence, and
on the death of Irâdat K., the şubahdar of Oudh, he was made
faujdâr thereof and of Gorakhpur. After the battle with Shujâ
and his flight, he was appointed to assist 'Muazzam K. Mir Jumla
and attached to Sultan Muhammad and directed to pursue the
fugitive Shujâ'. When Sultan Muhammad in the very crisis of
the struggle with his uncle became vexed by the supremacy
of M'uazzam K. and joined Shujâ', and afterwards repented
and became an object of ridicule by returning to the imperial
army, M'uazzam K., in accordance with orders, sent 3 Fedaî
with a body of troops to take charge of the prince and to con-
duct him to court. in the fourth year he became Mir Atish
(superintendent of artillery) in succession to Şafshikan K. , and
received a robe of honour.

Iıı the beginning of the sixth year the delightful country of
Kashmîr was visited by Aurangzeb. There was the Sambal* tribe,
which was a branch of the Afghan Niyâzî tribe, and it dwelt
on the other side of the Indus. in former times some of them
dwelt in the village of Dhankot, 6 which is known as M'uazzam-
nagar 8 and is situated on this side of the river, and as they were

1 The 'Âlamgîrnâma speaks of

4 Perhaps the Samal- of Bellew.

Bûriya and Sahâranpur. The Mirâtu-

See 'AlaBagîrnama 827 and Elliot IV.

l-'Alam has Biharpür Bûriya.

428—32 and 496, where they are ealled

' 'Âlamgîrnâma 166. it is in the

Sambhals.

Siwâliks.

» Jarrett JI. 401.

s Maasir A. 30.

6 Apparently Aurangzeb gave this

THE MAASIR-TTL-UMARA.

313

sources of wickedness and sedition, the faujdârs and governors had
caused them to move from this side to the other. At this time
this tribe, on account of their ignorance, trod the path of dis-
affection and crossed the Indus and took possession of the royal
thâna. Fedaî, who was on the bank of the Chînâb with the
artillery, was directed to uproot them, and he cleansed the
country of the thorn of their existence. He made a settlement
of the land, and after making över the administration to Khanjar
K., who had been appointed to the faujdârl thereof, he returned.
in the same year the king, when he was returning from Lahore
to the capital , halted at the hunting-place of Kânwâdahan ' and
sent Fedaî to chastise the seditiöus people of Patna-Jâlandhar
who had raised up the head öf disaffection. I"n the seventh year
he was made a manşabdâr of 4000 with 2500 horse. in the tenth
year he was made faujdâr of Gorakhpur with an increase of 1500
horse, becoming a manşabdâr of 4000 with 4000 horse. After-
wards the şubah of Oudh was added. in the thirteenth year he
came to court and was made şubahdar of Lahore. When a
strange (gharlb) defeat happened at the station of Gharîbkhâna*
to Muhammad Amîn K. the subahdâr of Kabul, Fedaî hastened
from Lahore to Peshawar and arranged for the subjugation
of the tract. Afterwards he took part in the Jamü campaign.
When in the 17th year the king encamped at Hasan Abdal, Fedaî
was appointed to the government of Kabul in succession to Ma-
hâbat K. and went off there with a suitable force and equipment.
With Aghar 3 (Aghuz) K. in the van he endeavoured to chastise
the evil-minded Afghans and fought his way by Bâzârak and
Sehcoba from Peshawar to Jalâlâbâd, and from thence to Kabul.
At the time of returning, the Afghans gathered together more
numerous than ants or locusts and blocked the road. There

name to the vilUge. 'Âlamgîrnâma
828. Dhankot or Dhinkot, the Din-
kot of Erişkine, Babar's Mem., p. 140,
note 4 , appears to have been on the
east sid6 of the Indus, as here stated,
though the 'Âlamgîrnâma has anrûl
instead of inrûl as in the Maaşir.

I ^A.j^Uf variant Kânü wa Ahn,

but in Ain, Persian text I, it is Kânû-
wâhan. Jarrett II. 319 has Kaon
Wâhan. it was in the Bârî Dûâb.

2 " Betvveen Peshawar and Kabul."
Khâfî K. II. 232. Amîn K. was son
of Mîr .Tamla, it is mentioned in
A.N. III. 519 as a thâna.

3 Khâfî K. II. 240.

314

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

was a severe engagement. The vanguard became l disorganized
and the bulk of the artillery and the baggage was plundered. it
was near being a great defeat. Fedaî kept the centre firm and
he recalled Aghar K. from the thâna of Gandaraak, and re-
arranged the vanguard. Again there was a severe engagement
at the difficult pasa of Jalak. 2 Besides arrovvs and bullets they
rolled down from the tops of the hills stones big enough to oarry
away elephants, so that the position of the imperial army became
critical. Only by God's aid was there such brave fighting that at
Jast the Afghans turned and dispersed. Fedaî reached Jalâlâbâd
and set about building forts and establishing thânas. He made
admirable exertions for the destruction of that turbulent tribe
and for destroying their villages. He was lauded for his endeavours
and received the title of A'zim K. Koka. in the 20th year he
came to court and was appointed to the high office of the
government of Bengal in succession to the Amîru-1-umarâ (Shaista
K.). in the 2Lst year, when the government of that province
was assigned to Prinoe Muhammad A'zim Shah, he vvas nominated
to the government of Bihar in succession to the Prince's agents.
The Khân was arranging to go there when on 9 Rabî'ul-akhir 1089j
21st May 1678, he wentto the final stage 3 (died) (at Dacca). His
house is in Lahore, and one of the finest mansions there. it was'
long the residence of the şubahdârs of that province. His eldest
son Salih K., who obtained the title of Fedai Khân, has been
separately noticed. His second son Şafdar K.* was the son-in-law
(and nephew) of Khân Jahân Bahâdur. in the 33rd year of
Aurangzeb when he was faujdâr of Gwaliyar he died of a gunshot
wound whüe attacking a fort.

1 KhafîK II. 241. Aghar K. w as
not tlıcn \vith tha vanguard. but
came lrurriedly from Gandamak on
being sent for.

2 id. Chalak. Perhaps ifc is the
famous Jagdalak Pass.

S See for the English eatimate of
Fedaî K., Stevvart's Hist. of Bengal,
302, where it is said that Aurangzeb
ordered him to leave Dacca and re-

şide at Kidderpore (Khizrpiîr), but
that he died on 25th May 1678 before
hr had left Dacca. The date of his
death given in the Maaşir A. 168 is
12 Kabîu-lakhir and not 9 as in the
Maaşir U. ; 12 corresponds with 24th
May 1678 and so nearly agreea with
the date given in the English records.
Fedaî is alao mentioned by Manucci,
II. 197. * Maaşir A. 335.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

315

A'ZIM KHAN MIR MUHAMMAD BÂQIR, otherwise
IRÂDAT KHÂN.

He belongs to the noble Saiyids of Sâvâ which is one of the
old towns of 'Irâq. The drying up of its lake 1 (buhaira) at the
birth of the seal of the prophets — the peace of God upon him — is
well known. When the Mîr first came to India he vvas appointed
on the part of Âşaf K. Mîrzâ J'aafar to be faujdâr of Siâlkot,
Gujarat and the Panjab, and afterwards became his son-in-]aw,
and so became known to Jahangir. After that he got promotion
thröugh Yemenu-d-daulah Aşaf K. and became khânsâmân
(steward). As in this service he shovved loyalty and much
economy he received much favour and in the 15th year was made
governor of Kashmîr. From there he went to court and became
Mîr Bakhshî. After the death of Jahangir he was associated
with Yemenu-d-daulah in the affair of Shahriyâr, and did good
service. He waited upon Shah Jahan at Agra before Yemenu-d-
daulah came there from Lahore. He had an increase' 2 of 500
and 1000 horse and he obtained the rank of 5000 both zât and
cavalry, and a drum and flag, and was confirmed in the appoint-
ment of Mîr Bakhshî. After that, at the regue'st of Yemenu-d-
daulah, he on 5th 3 Rajab, 2nd March 1628, at the beginning of
the reign \vas made Vizier. in the second year he was appointed
to the Deccan.

When in the beginning of the third year, Burhanpur was
visited by Shah Jahan, Irâdat K. had the honour of paying
his respects and was exalted by having the title of A'zim K.
conferred on him. He was sent* off at the head of three bodies
of troops, composing 50,000 horse, to defeat Khân Jahân Lodî

1 The Burhan Qâti' says that Sâvâ
had a small lake or stream (daryâca)
which every year drovvned a man, and
that it dried up on the night of
Muhammad 's b«th. See also Yâqüt
in Barbier de Meynard. Sâvâ lies
between Rai and Hamadân, being
30 farsakhs from each. it is S.S.W.
Tehran. it is from this town that
Yûsuf 'Âdil Shah of Bijapur took his
name, which the Portuguese changed

into Cabaio. There is an account of
Sâvâ in the Nuzhat-al-qalüb which
C.Scheffer hasextracted in the Supple-
ment to his translation of the Sîâsat-
nâma See p. 185. it seems that the
lake did not dry up, but flovved away
underground.

* Pâdshâhnâma I. 159.

3 Do. 186, where the

date given is 8 Rajab.

* KhSfI K. I. 424.

316

THE MAASIRrUL-UMARA.

and to conquer the territories of the Nizâm Shah. He had spent
therains in Devvalgâon and then encamped ir Râmpür 1 on the
banks of the Godavery, and when it appeared that Khân Jahân
had not conıe out of Bîr, he left his camp in Majlîgâon,* made a
night-march and suddenly came upon Kbân Jahân. When the
latter saw that the road of flight was closed, and that he could
not escape, he of necessity had to fight. But as many men of
the imperial army had turned to plundering his baggage, the
troops were out of order. By this opportunity Khân Jahân came
out on to the hill and fought stubbornly. At last he took to
flight. Though it was diffioult for him to escape from the clutch
of so powerful an army when also Bahâdur K. Rohilla and some
Rajputs did their duty in exposing their lives, yet as the
imperial army had marched more than thirty kos it had been
exhausted and could not follow. After that Khân Jahan crept into
Daulatabad, and A'zim K set himself to punish Nizâm Shah.
When he arrived within three kos of Dhânvar 3 he wished to attack
the town and to leave the taking of the fort which was famous in
the Deccan for its difficulty and for ite abundance of munitions,
and was on the top of a ridge and had on two sides streams which
were not easily crossed, to another opportunity. The garrıson
employed themselves in discharging muskets and arrows, and
the townspeople, who had brought their goods to the moat, took
to arms in order to protect them. in consequence a number of
men got up to the moat and carried off much plunder. A'zim K.
with consummate courage came on foot to the moat at night and
ascertained that in one place (in the wall)* there was a window
(or door) which had been filled with stones and mortar. I.f that
were opened out by pick-axes and mattocks and filled with
gunpovvder it would be possible to get into the fort. He also
found that there vvere no aangandâz / and that the methods of
defending a fort were not observed. He set his heart upon taking

1 Râmbhüri in Pâdshâhnâma I. 321.

2 Khâfî K. 430. it is MaclîgSon
in Pâdshâhnâma I. 321.

S Pâdshâhnâma I. 331, 339 Grant-
Dun" III. 148 and I. G.

* Pâdshâhnâma I. 341.

6 Embrasures or loop hules through
whieh stones vvere discharged. See
Irvine, Army of the Moguls, 266.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

317

the fort. When the garrison saw the skill and valour of the
besiegers they withdrew from fighting and on 23 Jumâda-al-akhirî
of the 4th year, 1040, 17th January 1631, Khân A'zim and the
other officers entered by the little door. Sîdî Sâlm, the governor,
and the family of I'tibâr Râo, and the household of Shams, 1 the
uncle of Malik Badan, and the maternal grandmother of Nizâm
Shah, with ali the establishments , vvere made prisoners. Much
booty was obtained. The fort received the name of Fathâbâd
and the charge of it was made över to Mîr 'Abdullah Rezavî.
A'zim K. was raised to the rank of 6000 with 6000 horse. As
the affairs of the Nizâm Shah ceased to be prosperous, and
Muqarrib Khân, his general, submitted to A'zim K, and entered
the imperial service in that year, the Khân A'zim came tö the
river Mânjarâ in aocordance with a message from Randaulah
Khân of Bijapur to the effect that " if by your instrumentality a
pardon is obtained for the faults of 'Adil Shah I shall guarantee
that he will never be disobedient again." By chance, one dav, a
party of the enemy made an attack and wounded and captured
Bahâdur K. Rohilla and Yûsuf K. of Tâshkend. Many others of
the royal troops were killed or captured. A'zim K. proceeded to
Citküba, 2 Bhâlkî and Bîdar, thinking that he might amend
matters. On account of want of food and barley he had to
return and cross the Godavery. When it appeared that the
Nizâm Shah had come to the Bâlaghât with the intention of
reconciling himself with the Bijapurîs, and had göne towards the
fort of Parenda, A'zim K. hastened off in that direction, and
invested the fort. As no grass was to be found within twenty kos
of the place, he turned back after failure and came to Dhârwar.
in the »ame year he came to the Presence in obedience to orders.
Shah Jahan said 3 that in this campaign he had done two excellent
things, viz. the driving avvay Khân Jahân and the taking of the
fort of Dhârvvar, and that he had also committed two faults, for
after Muqarrib K. had submitted he should not have göne to
Bîdar, and when Parenda could not be taken, why did he delay

1 Şhaman in Pâdshâhnâma, I. 343.

2 Pâdshâhnâma I. 356. Jitkopa.

s Pâdshâhnâma I. 394. At p. 393
we have Nandar instead of Bîdar.

318

THE MAASIB-TJL-UMARA.

there 1 The Khân acknowledged his mistakes, and as the affairs
of the Deccan had not been properly managed by him he was in
the 5th year sent to the government of Bengal on the death of
Qâsim Khân Javînî. There he 1 collected a good set of men,
and there were many Persians among them. in the 8th year he
was made governor of Allahabad, and in the 9th year he was
appointed toGuj arat. As the wife 2 of Prince Muhammad Shujâ',
who was the daughter of M. Rustum Şafavî, had died, A'zim K.'s
daughter was married to the prince in the 12th year, 1049, 1639-40.
Sultan Zainu-l-'âbidîn was the fruit of this marriage.

A'zim K. long governed the extensive territory of Gujarat,
and in the 14th year marched against the zamindar of Jâm who
did not, like the other landholders, submit to authority. He
arrived at Nawânagar, the zemindar's seat. The Jâm came to his
senaes and presented 100 Cutch horses and three lacs of mahmü-
dis and des£royed his mint where mahmüdîs used to be coined,and
waited upon him. He returned from there to Ahmadabad. After
that he was made fief-holder of Islâmâbâd-Mathura and built a
serai and quarter {püra) there. After that he was made governor
of Bihar, and in the 2lst year he was summoned to take charge of
Kaahmîr. He represented that he could not stand the cold of
that region, and he was appointed to Jaunpür in succession to
M. Hasan Şafavî. in the 22nd year, 1059, 1649, he died after
attaining the age of 76. The chronogram of his death is A'zim
Auliyâ "greatestof officers," 1059, 1649. He was buried in a
garden which he had made before the end of his government on
the bank of the Jaunpür river (the Gumti). The date of making
it is Bihisht naham bar lab âb jûî "I made 8 a paradise on the
bank of a river," 1058, 1648.

His sons attained high office, and they have been separately
noticed. They say that A'zim K had excellent qualities, but that

> According to the Riyâzu-s-salâ-
tîn and Stewart he managed very
badly in Bengal. The appointment
is mentioned in Pâdshâhnâma I. 444.

* She died in the 7th year of the
reign, Pâdshâhnâma II. 137. The

sentence aboııt. the colleeting a good
set of men is abrupt and obscııre, but
it seems to be in ali the MSS

5 Or is naltam here ninth. There
are eight paradises, and perhapa the
meaning is that this was the ninth.

THK MAASİR- UX-UMARA.

319

he was harsh in financial matters. During the sovereignty of the
Timurid princes he did good service and from first to last lived with
dignity and honour. Certainly he could not be without purity of
disposition seeing that up to the present day — a period of nearly
one hundred years— his descendants havealways been distinguuriîed.
This work bas a record of each of them.

'AZIZ KOKA M. KHÂN A'ZAM.

Younger son of Shamsu-d-dîn Muhammad K. Atga. Of the
same age as Akbar, and also his playmate. He was always his
intimate and always an objeot of his grace and favour. His
mother Jîjî Anaga also held a close relationship with Akbar, who
used l to show more affection to her than to his own mother.
Hence it was that the king always passed 'över the insolences of
the Khân A'zam. He used to* say " between me and Atiz there
is the link of a river of milk which cannot pass away." When the
Panjab was taken from the Atga elan because they had been long
established there, the Mirza was excepted and maintained in
Dîpâlpür and other estates which he had long held. When in the
16th 8 year, in the end of 978, 1571, after Akbar had visited the
shrine of Farîd Shakrganj — may his grave beholy! — which is in
the Panjab Pattan, commonly known as Ajüdhan — and had made
Dîpâlpür his camp — he, at the request of M. Koka, visited his
residence. The Mirza prepared a great feast and tendered abun-
dant presents of Arab and Persiah horses with golden and silver
saddles, as well as strong elephants with harness,* and chains,
golden vessels, seats, precious jewels, choice stuffs of every 6

1 For a similar remark about HSji
Begam, see A.N. IİI. 77, line 12. The
Maasir copies the Iqbâlnâma, p. 230.

2 For 'Aziz Koka see B. 325,
Badayünî III. 280, Khâfi K. I. 201,
Darbârî Akbari 759, and Jahangir's
Memoirs. Blochmann has " between
me and Aziz is a river of milk which
I cannot cross. " Bat this is not
intelligible and the Persian in the
Maasir is natutmn guzasht and not
natuwö.nam. T think, tberefore, the

meaning must be that the conneotion
cannot die out. The Iqbâlo5ma,
however, 231, has namitatcânam.

8 The T. A. has the 16th year. Eli.
V. 336, but A.F. has 16th, II. 383.
The description of tbe entertainment
is fullest in the T. A., and the Maasir
has copied it.

«The T.A. has " gold and silver
chains."

6 The T.A. has stuffs of Europe,
Rûm and Ohina,

320

THK MAASIR-nirUMARA.

THE MAASIR-.UL-UMARA.

321

conntry, and was encompassed with unexampled favours. He also
presonted valuahle gif ts to the princes and the ladies. The other
officers, and the learned men, and indeed the whole of the camp,
participated in his bounty, §haikh Muhammad ' Ghaznavi found
the date of this banquet.

Mihmânân-i-' Aziz 'nd * Shâh u Shahzâda (978).
"The Shah and Shahzâda are 'Azîz's guests."

The aathor of the Tabaqât sâys there seldom has been such a
eplendid feast. in the I7th year when Ahmadabad-Gujarat came
into Akbar's possession, the government thereof up to the Mahin-
drî was given to the Mîrzâ, and Akbar himself went of£ to take
the fort of Surat. The rebels, that is to say, Muhammad Husain
M. and Shah M., in conjunction with Sher K. Fulâdî, finding the field
lef t öpen to them, surrounded Pattan. M. Koka with Qutbu-d-dîn
K: and other officers — who had lately come from Malvva — hastened
there and drew up in battle-array. Though at first there was an
appearance of defeat, yet at last the breeze of victory blew from
the quarter of Divine power. They say that when the right wing ,
the vanguard and the vanguard reserve (altamsh) could not
resist and lost courage, the Mîrzâ came forward with the centre
and wished to make an attack in person. The veterans turned his
rein saying that for the leader to make an attack was to cause dis-
persion among the troops, especially at such a time. The Mîrzâ
stood firm, and at last the enemy, many of whom had göne off
in pursmit and had turned to plunder, became disorganized and
broke. The Mîrzâ returned victorious to Ahmadabad.

When the king returned from the Gujarat expedition and
came to Fathpür on 2 Şafr 981, 3 June 1573, Ikhtiyâr-ul-mulk —
who had taken refuge in Idar — came to the neighbourhood of
Ahmadabad and made a disturbance. Muhammad Husain M.
returned from the Deccan and devastated the country about
Cambay. After that they joined forces and wished to take
possession of Ahmadabad. Though the Khân A' zam had a large

' A.F. calls the author of the
chronogram Mozaffar Husairj and
eayg he was a servant of the Mîrzâ,
II. 304.

2 Unless the alif of and be elided
the ohıonogram is 979. See also A.SL
II. 363. The date correşponds to
1571.

force, yet he did not see in it loyalty and singleness of mind. He
therefore did not hasten to engage, but remained on the alert iri
the city, and busied himself in strengthening the fortifications.
The enemy came in great force and besieged it, and began the
battle of the batteries. The Mîrzâ sent off expresses to the king,
and begged for his coming.

Verse.

Sedition has raised its head and fortune is adverse.

Verse.
Save for the swift deeds of the Shah
Nothing can remove this dust out of the road.

Akbar sent some officers ahead, and proceeded rapidly him-
self on 4 Rabî-'al-awal of that year, 4 July 1573, with a few of his
immediate attendants mounted ön camels.

Verse.
The heroes were on camels, their quivers in their waist.
The camels (shutur) flew like ostriches {shutur murgh).

in Jâlaur the officers of the advance joined, and in the town
of Balsâna, five kos from Pattan, Mir Muhammad K, joined with
the troops of that place. Akbar divided the forces (among the
leaders), which were in ali 3000 horse, and himself remained in
reserve with 100 horse. He advanced without delay and arrived
within three kos of Ahmadabad, and sounded his drums and
trumpets. Muhammad Husain M. came to the bank of the river
to get information, and asked Subhân Qulî Türk who was in
advance what army was it. He said it was the royal standards.
The Mîrzâ said, "it is fourteen days to-day that trustworthy
scouts left him (Akbar) in the capital: if the king has come in
person, where are the war-elephants ? ' ' Subhân Quli said, " They
have spoken the truth. it is nine days since the king marched.
it is clear that the elephants could not come so quickly."

Muhammad Husain M. became alarmed and left Ikhtiyâru-1-
mulk with 5000 horse to guard the gates so that the besieged
might be debarred from exit, and himself engaged with 15^000
41

322

THE MAASIB-TTL-TTMARA.

horse in drawing up the battle-array. At this time the imperial
army crossed the river and eneountered him. The imperial van-
guard was nearly being defeated on account of the large numbers
of the foe when Akbar himself fell on with one hundred horge
and routed the enemy. Muhammad Husain M. and then Ikhti-
yâru-1-mulk became the harvest of the sword. This has been
described in the aocount of the Mîrzâs.

Such rapid marches as this have been told of former princes
in books, as, for example, the ıush of Sultan Jalalu-d-dîn
Mankbarni from India to Kirman, and from there to Garjistan
(Georgia), the conquest of Qarshî by Amîr Taimur Gürgân, the
taking of Herat by Sultan Husain M., the taking of Samarkand
by Bâbur Pâdshâh But it is not hidden from investigators that
ali these princes attacked under neeessity or Decause they saw
that there was negligence or scant opposition. Theirs was not the
case of a king who could coromand two lacs of cavalry, and who
voluntarily, in spite of his knowing the numbers of enemies and
the leadership of a brave bahadur like Muhammad Husain M.,
— who had already wrought deeds in battle exceeding the power of
contemporaries, — and this af ter a march of more than 400 current
kos from Agra to Gujarat. No such other story has been told
since the creation. 1

in fine, after this victory, the Mîrzâ got fresh life and came
out of the city. He caught the dust of the royal army as if it
was a salve for his waiting eyes. Next year, when Akbar went
to Ajmere, the Mirza came mto the presence with delight. Akbar
advanced some steps to meet him and embraced him.

When the sons of Ikhtiyâru-1-mulk Gujaratî had raised the
head of sedition, he took leave from Agra. in the 20th year
when Akbar had firmly determined upon introducing the branding
of soldiers' horses, many oflicers refused to act. The Mîrzâ was
summoned to court in order that he might make the branding

1 This is an eloquent passage, but
it seems to me to contain an anaco-
luthon, and I do not understand the
atatement about M. Husain 's sur-
passinğ the deeds of contemporaries,
and think it ranst be intended to refer

to Akbar. Akbar's rapid march was
long remembered as a great feat.
Captain Hawkins heard of it when he
wa« at Agra and mentions it in his
narrative.

THE MAASlR-trli-TTMASA.

323

popular. But he objected more than anybody else. The king,
who Ioved the Mîrzâ more than his own children, was displeased at
this and for a while degraded him from the position of an Amîr,
and confined him to the garden which hehad made in Agra and
was called the Jahânârâ Garden. in the 23rd year the Mîrzâ
was again an object of favour and was restored to his former
rank. But at the same period, the Mîrzâ became a recluse on
account of some unfounded suspicion that the king was un-
favourably disposed towards him. When in the 25th year, 988,
1580, there occurred the rebellion in the eastern provinces and
the killing of Mozaffar K'. the governor of Bengal, the Mîrzâ,
who had been made a Panjhazârî, received the title of Kh&n
A'zam and was sent off with a large force. On account of the
distürbances in Bihar, the Mîrzâ did not go to Bengal, but took
proper measures for administering the. country and for extirpating
the rebels, and took Tip his quarters in Hâjîpür. When in the
end of the 26th year Akbar returned from the expedition to
Kabul and came to Fathpür, Mîrza Koka waited upon him and
was exalted by various favours. When in the 27th year Jabârî,
Khabîta and Tarkhân Diwâna came from Bengal to Bihar and
took Hâjîpür from the Mîrzâ's men and stirred up strife, the
Mîrzâ took leave in order to punish the Bihar rebels and then
to address himself to the conquest of Bengal. Though 1 before
the arrival of the Mîrzâ these rebels had got their deserts from
the victorious army, and the rains began and the Mirza did not
advance, yet wben the rains had ended, he, in the beginning of
the 28th year , marched to Bengal along with the fief-holders of
Allahabad, Oudh and Bihar and easily took* Garhî, which is the
gate of the country. M'aşüm Kabulî — who was the head of the
disaffected ingrates — came and encamped on the bank of the
Kati 3 Gang. Though every day engagements took plaoe, yet

1 The sentence is rather obscurely
worded, but the meaning is that Tar-
khân Diwâna and otherg had \>eea
punished before the Mîrzâ arrived.
it was his abaenoe that had enoour-
aged their attack on Hâjîpür. See

Blliot V. 427 and A.N. III. 384,
387.

1 Garhî was taken before Mirza
Koka arrived. See A.N. III. 399.

s Text Ghâti Gang. See A.N. III.
399 and variant : also Elliot VI. 66.

324

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

the imperialists were alarmed at the rebels and did not venture
to have a pitched battle. Meanwbile a disagreement (hitherto
they were united in rebellion) arose between M'aşüm and the
Qâqshâls, and the Khân A' zam arranged a reconciliation with
the latter and took from them promises of good service, it
was agreed that they should keep aloof from fightinğ (the
imperialists), and should go to their homes, and from there join
the imperial army. M'aşüm K. grew bewildered and fled. The
Khân A'zam sent 1 a force against Qatlü Lohânî, who in the
confusion had prevailed över Orissa and part of Bengal. He
himself wrote to Akbar representing the unhealthiness of the
climate, and an order was given that the country should again be
lef t to Shahbâz K. Kambü who was approaching about this time,
and that the Khân A'zam should return to his fief in Bihar. in
the same year, when Akbar came to Allahabad, the Mîrzâ arrived
from Hâjîpür and did homage and obtained Garha and Raisin,
in the 31st year, 994, 1586, he was appointed to conquer the
Deccan. When the army had been collected he set out, but the
fcwo-facednes8 and the ten-tonguedness of his companions created
confusion, and Shihâbu-d-dîn Ahmad K., who was the auxiliary,
behaved treacherously on account of an ancient grudge. The
Mirza fell into an evil way of thinking (became suspicious) and
on account of ill-timed delays, and motives for dispersion, few
soldiers were obtained. The enemy, who had been alarmed, were
emboldened and set off to fight. The Mîrzâ did not find himseh
strong enough to encounter them and retired and hastened to
Berar. On the day of the New Year he found Elichpür undef ended
and sacked it and then marched to Gujarat with much plunder.
The enemy were astonished at his retreat and hastily pursued
him. The Mîrzâ from alarm proceeded rapidly and did not turn
his rein till he got to Nazrbâr. Though the enemy did not catch
him, yet territory which had been taken was lost. The Mirza
went on rapidly from Nazrbâr towards Gujarat in order to collect
troops. The Khân-Khânân who was in command there showed
great zeal and in a short time brought together a choice army.

l Akbarnâma III. 401.

THE MAASÎR-UL-trîIARA.

325

But owing to men's foolish ideas the enterprise miscarried. in
the 32nd year the Mîrzâ's daughter was married to Prinoe Sultan
Murâd, and there w*$ a splendid feast. in the end of the 34th
year the government of Gujarat was given to him as successor of
the Khân-Khânân. The Mîrzâ preferred Malwa and delayed to
go to Gujarat. At last in the 35th year he went to Ahmadabad.
When Sultan Mozaffar with the help of the Jâm, the zamindar of
Kach, and the ruler of Jünâgarh, stirred up strife, the Mîrzâ in
the 38th year came to that country, and inflicted a heavy defeat
on fche" enemy. in the 37th year the Jâm and the other zamindars
submitted, and Somnâth ete. — sixteen ports in ali — came into
possession, and the siege of Jünâgarh — which is the oapital of the
territory of Sorath — was undertaken. Miyân K. and Tâj K. the
sons of Daulat K., the successor of Amîn K. Ghorî, surrendered,
and made över the fort. The Mîrzâ gave each of them a cultivated
jagir as an allowance, and devoted his energies to the seizing
of Sultan Mozaffar — who was the thorn-brake of the rebellion.
He sent an army to Dwârka, whither Mozaffar had crept by the
proteetion of the landowner thereof. That landowner tried a
fight and was worsted. Mozaffar fled to Kach (Cutch). The
Mîrzâ went there in person and proposed to give his (the ruler of
Kach's) home to the Jâm. He submitted, and made över Mozaffar.
They were bringing him to the Mîrzâ when he withdrew to a
retired spot on pretext of easing himself, and eut his throat with
a razor which he had with him, and so died.

When Akbar sent for the Mtrzâ in the 39"th • year, 1001,
1592-93, he became suspicious of some evil intention and went off
to the Hijâz. They say that as he eould in no way accept the
prostration to the king (sijda), the shaving off the beard and the
other innovations which had become established at court, but in
opposition to them kept on a long beard, he perceived that going
to the Presenoe would be disagreeable and so wrote excuses. At
last the king wrote in reply, "You are making ali these delays
in coming ; evidently the wool of your beard weighs heavily on
you." They say that the Mirza also wrote sharp and Barcastic

ı Should be the 38th year. The Mîrzâ sailed for Mecoa in March, 1694, in
the beginning of the 39th year. A.N. III. 638.

326

THE MAASlB-Ta>UMABA.

things about the matter of religion such 1 as that " Your Majesty
has put Faizi and Abu-1-Pazl in the place of 'Osman and 'Ali.
Well, whom have you appointed in the room of the two Shaikhs ? "
in fine the Mirza set* out on the pretext that he was going to
attack the port of Diu, and then he made peace with the Ffanks,
and, at the port of Balâwal— which is near Somnâth-embarked orî
the ship "ilâhî" with his six sons Kharram, Anwar, 'Abdullah,
'Abdul-Latîf , Murtaza and 'Abdul-1-ghafür, and his six daughtere
and their mothers and. one hundred servants. Akbar was much
grieved, but favoured the Mlrzâ's two elder sons, Shamsî and
Shâdmân, by giving them rank and good jagirs. Shaikh • 'Abdu-
s -Qâdir Badayünî found the chronogram.

Verse.
The Khân Azam took the position of the righteous
Though in the king's idea he went astray.
When I asked my heart the date of the year,
it said Mirza Koka went on pilgrimage (1002).

They say that he spent much money in the holy places, and
showed much respect to the Sharîfs and leaders, and made' över
to the Sharif fifty years' cost of keeping up the blessed tomb of

1 Soe KhSfî K. , who saya it is better
not to give ali the Khân A'zim's re-
markş in extetuo, and then proceeds
to give the worst of them. Mîrzâ
Koka's original letter is given in the
Darbâr Akbarî, p. 759. The author
doee not Bay where it is to be found,
and his transcript is not alırays in-
telligible.

* A.N. III. 638 and Badayünî, Lowe
400-04. The sbip "ilahi" is ap-
parently the "Divine" ship which
went yearly to Mecca. Akbar's letter
to 'Ask Koka when he went to Mecca
is in A.F.'s letter», Book I.

» The chronogram is given in Ba-
dayünî II. 387, but he does not say
that he composed it, and the fact
that he says (incorrectly) it majtes the
date one too many seems to show
ı> ■ he did not write it. Badayünî

admired the Mîrzâ 's going, but waa
disgusted by his return (see his vol.
III, p. 282) and subsequent confor-
mity to Akbar's innovations. 'Azîz
landed at Balawal on his return in
November 1504 and presented himself
before Abkar 24 days afterwards.
A.N. III. 655, so that he was only
away about eight months. The state-
ment in tezt that he returned in the
beginning of 1003 is apparently not
quit» correct. it was in the third
month of that year. The IqbSInama
231 says that 'Azîz had to spend so
much money at Mecca that at last he
fell into contempt. Badayünî also
says, Lowe 412, that A'zim Koka
suffered muah harm (azar bityâr,
" much annoyance ") at the handı of
the Sharîfs.

THE MAASIR-TJL-UMARA.

327

the Prophet — Peace be upon him and his family. He also
bought cells (hajarhâ) and dedicated them to the holy buildings.
And when he got fresh news of the kindnesses of Akbar he tra-
versed the ocean and landed at the same port (Balâwal), and re-
entered into service in the beginning of 1003. He was restored
to his rank and his fief in Bihar, and in the 40th year was
highly exalted by receiving the great post of Vakîl and the charge
of the royal seal which Maulânâ 1 'Alî Ahmad .had engraved with
the names of the sacred ancestors up to Timur, in the 41st year
the province of Multan was made his jagir. in the 45th year,
when he was in attendance on Akbar at the siege of the fortress
of Asir, his mother Bîca Jîû (Jî Jî) died. Akbar took her bier on
his shoulder and in his grief shaved his head and his moustache.
Though an endeavour was made to prevent öthers besides her
sons from shaving they could not be forbidden. A whole tribe of
people did the same thing. At the end of this year Bahâdur K.,
the ruler of Khandes, submitted through the intervention of the
Mîrzâ and surrendered the fort. As the Mîrzâ's daughter was
married to Sultan Khusrau, theeldest son of Prince Selîm, and who
was sister's son of Rajah Mân Singh, these two pillars of the
empire used great endeavours to promote the cause of Sultan
Khusrau. Especially the Mîrzâ — who loved him — used to say,
" I am vrilling that they (the fates) should convey the good news
of his sovereignty to my right ear and should seize my soul at the
left ear." During Akbar's deathbed illness springs were set in
motion for the heir-apparency, but they were not successtul. A
breath of Akbar's life stili remained when Sbaikh Farîd Bakhshî
and others joined Prince Selîm, who at an indîcation from the king
and from apprehensions of the plots of his ill-wishers, shut himself
up in his house outside the fort. Rajah Mân Singh came out of
the fort with Khusrau with the understanding that he should
take him with him to the province of Bengal. The Khân A'zam
got alarmed and sent his family to the Rajah's house with the
instruction that he was coming too, but that it was necessary to
carry funds, and that he had no porters. The Rajah too made

* B. 52,

'^r

328

THE MAASm-UL-tTMARA.

THE MAASIR-TJL-UMARA.

329

the same excuse. The Mirza was helpless and remained alone in
the fort and looked af ter the interment and the funeral ceremo-
nies. Af ter that, Khusrau rebelled against his father in the first
year of Jahangir , and the Mîrzâ fell into disgrace as being his
instigator.

They say that the Khân A' zam used to go to court dressed
in his shroud and that he expected that they would kili him, but
stili he could not eontrol his tongue. One night he had hot words
with the Amlru-l-Umarâ. The king broke off the meeting and
took counsel in private. The Amîru-1-Umarâ ' said that they
should not delay the putting him to death. Mahâbat K. said, " I
don't understand discussions. I'm a soldier. I have a strong
sword, and I' 11 strike his waıst, If it does not divide him into
two pieces, you can cut ott my hand. " When the Khân Jahân
Lodî's turn to speak came he said, " I am confounded by his good
fortune, for wherever~H. M. 's (Akbar's) name has göne, his too has
been bruited abroad. I do not perceive any manifest indication of
wrong-doing on his part which would make him worthy of death.
If you kili him, ali the world will regard him as a victim." The
king's anger was somewhat appeased by this remark, and at this
moment Selîma Begam, the king's stepmother, called out from
behind the purda, " Your Majesty, ali the Begams are assembled
in the Zenana for the purpose of interceding for M. Koka. it
will be better if you come there. Otherwise they will come to
you." Jahangir was constrained to go to the female apartments,"
and at their expostulation to pardon his offences. He also gave
him his accustomed opium — which he had not taken — from his own
special pellets, and dismissed him. But one day at about the
same time Khwâja* Abü-1-Hasan of Turbat produced â letter
which M. Koka had written to Rajah 'Alî Khân, the ruler of
Khandes, about Akbar in language which was not fit to be used

ı Sharif K. B. 517.

2 See Khâfî K. I. 253 say s (he
letter was produced by the librarian,
i.e. Khwâja Abü-1-haaan Turbatî
khown as Ruknu-s-sultanat :-see Maasîr
I. 737. He is different from Âşaf K.
the brother of Nür Jahân who was

also called Khwâjah Abul Hasan.
The mcident of the letter is described
by Kâmgar Husainî, B.M. MS. Or. 171,
p.~S7 b. See also Tüzük Jahângîri, p.
38, where it is said that Khwâja Abü-
1-hasan found it in Burhanpur among
Rajah 'Ali Khân'» eSects.

about any individual. This had fallen into the hands of the
Khwâja after the taking of Âsîr, and he had kept it to himself for
some years. At last, he could keep it back no longer and pro-
duced it before Jahangir. Jahangir put it into the hands of the
Khân 'Â'zam, and he without hesitation began to read it aloud.
Those present on every side abused and cursed him, and the king
said. " Even now the intimacy which 'Arsh Âsbiyâni (Akbar) had
with you restrains me, otherwise I 'd lighten your shoulders of the
burden of your head." He deprived him of his rank and jâgir and
kept him under surveillanee. in the 3rd year, the government of
Gujarat was entered in his name, and his eldest son Jahangir
Qulî K. was appointed to guard the country as his deputy.

When the affairs of the Deccan were not being brought to a
conclusion owing to the discord among the officers, the Khân
A'zam was sent there m tne 5th year with 10,000 horse. After-
wards he petitiohed from Burhanpur to have the afîair of the
Rânâ committed to him. He used to say that if in this war he
were killed, he wouId become a martyr. 1 in accordance with
his request he received the necessary equipment for the expedi-
tion. When he began the work, he represented that the difficult
knot would not be untied without the coming of the royal
standards. Aocordingly, in the 8th year, 1022, 1ÖJ3, Jahangir
came to Ajmere, and at M. Koka's request Prinoe Shah\ Jahan was
appointed, though the centre of the work rested on the Mîrzâ.
But on account of his partiality for Khusrau, he behaved impro ?
perly* to Prince Shah Jahan, and so Mahâbat K. was sent to bring
him from Udaipur to court. in the 9th year he waa made 8 över
to Âşaf K. in order that he might be confined in the fort of
Gwaliyar. They have reported a saying of the Mirza to the

1 Tüzük J. 126, where the whole
saying is given.

* The text has omitted the prepo-
sition ba befere pâdishShzöda and
so made it appear as if it was Shah
Jahan who behaved improperly. See
Tûzuk J. 126 for Jahangir's lengthy
ezpostulation with the K. A'jim, and
also Elliot VI. 338.

3 Tüzük 127-28, and Elliot VI. 338.
The Âşaf here mentioned is B's No.
VI and Shah Jahan' s father-in-law.
KhSfîK. I. 280. He used to be called
I'tiqâd Khan and got the title of Aşai
K. in the beginning of Jahangir's 9th
year. Tüzük 127.

330

THE MAASIR-UI/-TJMARA

effect " I never thought of using incantations." Âşaf K.
represented (to Jahangir) that " a certain person is practising
incantations in order to destroy me." As solitude and the aban-
donment of animal food and sexual intercourse are conditions of
success, and they are ali present in a prison, an order was given
that at meal-times exquisite dishes of fowl and partridge should
be served up to the Mirza.

Verse. 1
When God wills, an enemy may be productive of good.

After a year when he was released f rom prison they in the
first place took a \vriting from him to the effect that he would
not speak in the Presence unless he was aaked a question, for he
had no control över his tongue. One night Jahangir said to
Jahângîr Qulî K., " Will you become security for your father? "
Jahangir Qulî rephed, "I am his surety for everything of him,
but I cannot be surety for his tongue." When it was desired to
notify to him his being confirmed in his appointment of Panjha-
zârî, Jahangir said to Shah Jahan, *' When 'Arsh Âshiyânî (Akbar)
wished to give the Khân A'zam an increase of 2000, Şhaikh Farîd
Bakhshî and Rajah* Ram Dâs were sent to his house to con-
gratulate him. He was in the bath, and they waited at the
gate for a wâtch of the day (pas, perhaps here an hour). After-
wards, when he came to the audience-hall, he sent for them and
heard their felicitations. He sat down and put 3 his hand upon
his head. He then said that he must arrange another meeting
for their business, and dismissed them without any politeness or

l The meaning is that Âşaf 's fears
led to the Mirza's getting better treat-
ment. For arı inatance of the belief
in a prisoner's power of practİ3İng
incantations see Iqbâlnâma 267-68,
where there is an acoount of an un-
fortunate HSfîş; Mullâ Muhammad of
Tatta who waa killed because he was
supposed to be muttering incanta-
tions. See aleo the account of this
Mullâ's death in Maaşir III. 372.
Apparently 'Azız Koka's remark
pbout his never having thought of

using incantations was understood to
mean that he had the power to use
them, and that he had neglected to
ezercise the power.

* Rajah Karan B. 483.

s daste bar Hr guzâght. Ferhaps
as a salutation, or perhaps as an in-
dication that the audience was at an
end. Possibly it merely means that
he fell into a reverie. in Maaşir III.
855, 1. 6 from foot, the phrase dost ba
tir guzâshl is used to express a sahıta
ticn.

THE MAASIR-TTL-TJMARA.

331

ceremony. I remember this story, and it would be a shame if
you, "Bâbâ," should have to pay, your respects as his deputy
and should have to stand and salute him for the purpose öf
confirming the Mirza Koka in his appointment."

in the 18th year M. Koka was sent off as guardian and
companion to Dâwar Bakhsh, the son of Khusrau, who had been
appointed governor of Gujarat. He died ' a natural death in
Ahmadabad in the 19th year, 1033, 1624. He was unique for
sharpness of intelleot and fluency of speech. He was also excep-
tional for historical knowledge. He sometimes wrote poetry
This verse is his.

Verse}

As I 've not got happiness from name and fame,
After this I '11 throw a stone at fame's mirror.

He wroce Nast c alîq exceedingly well. He was a pupil of
M. Bâqir, 8 the son of Mullâ Mîr 'Alî, and in t}ıe opinion of judicious
critios he was in no way inferior for elegance of writing to the
faraous masters. in drawing up statements * of claim (mudd'aa
navlsî) he was deeply skilled. Though he was not an Arabic scholar,
yet he used to say that in Arabic he was an Arab's slave-girl. 5
They say that in conversation he was unrivalled, and had a com-
mand of striking expressions. One of them was, "Â man said
something, and I thought it was true. He was vehement about
it, and I began to doubt. When he swore feo it, I knew it was a
lie.' : One of his jesting remarks was, "A man who is well-off
needs four wives — an 'Irâqi (West Persian) for companionship, a
Khurasâni for housekeeping, an Indian for sexual intercourse,
and a Transoxiana one for whipping so that the others may take

1 Tüzük J. 395. If he was born în
the same year as Akbar he must have
been about 82 when he died.

* Badayünî III. 281. sang bar shi-
»ha tadan is a phrase for renouncing
wine.

S The MaulânS Baqir of B. 103.

* I am not sure of the meaning.
The ezpression ocours in Iqbâlnâma
230.

i Apparently meaning that he
had a coHoquial knovvledge of the lan-
guage. Dâlt-i- Arab ig a proverbial
erpression for a person in wretohed
circumstances See Vuliers s.v. aah,
I. 807a. The IqbS[nSma 230 has a
different reading. it is in Arabic " I
am a poor maid-servant (döh çhar\-
bam)"

332

THE MAASIR-TJIrTJMARA.

warning." l But he was at the head of ali his contemporaries for
sensuality, treachery and harsh language, and was exoeedingly
passionate. Whenever one of his collectors came before him,
if he immediately paid up the money for whioh he was regarded
as accountable, he was liberated, otherwise he was beaten till the
links of life were loosened. If, af ter this, he survived, he was
not further troubled, though lacs of rupees remained in his charge.
And there was no year that he did not shave the heads of his
Indian writers one or two times. They say that on one occasion
many of them took leave to go and bathe in the Ganges. He
said to his Dewân Rai Durgâ Dâs, " Why don't you go? " He
replied, " The Ganges-bathing of your slave is under your High-
ness's foot." On hearing this he stopped the practice of letting
them go (to bathe). Though he was not regular in his prayers,
he was a great bigot. On this account he in no way gave in to
the apostaoies and impieties which the reigning king had adopted,
and without reserve he detested and abominated them. He was
absolutely not a time-server. in the reign of Jahangir during
the vogue of I'timâdu-d-daula's family he never went to any of
their houses, not even to Nür Jahân Begam's door. This was
the opposite of what the Khân-Khânân M. 'Abdu-r-Rahmân did,
for he hurried to the house of Rai Govardhan, the Dewân of
I'timâdu-d-daulah.

As the subject of Akbar's apostacy has been mentioned, it is
necessary to say something about it, though the matter is more
notorious than the apostacy of iblis (Satan). Though authors
and news-writers of the time ha ve, from fear of loss and injury
to themselves, ignored the thing, yet some ha ve made allusions to
it, and Shaikh 'Abdul-1-Qâdir Badayûnî and his like ha ve written
openly about it. Accordingly Jahangir ordered that the book-
sellers within the empire should not seli or buy the Shaikh's
history. On this account the work is rarely * met with. The
expulsion of the 'Ulama, the introduction of the prostration and

1 See IqbâlnSma 230-31, and B.

history of Badayûnî was more oom-

327, where the translatioo is veiled.

mon in the booksellers' shops than

* See KhSfî K. I. 197 and Elliot V.

any other!

497. According to Khâfî K., l.o. , the

THE MAASÎR-UL-TTMARA.

333

other customa, are clear proofs of Akbar's views. What more
eTİdence can there be than that 'Abdullah K. Uzbeg, the ruler of
Turan, wrote to Akbar in language which would not be used to an
or dinar y individual — far less to a great king. in reply he wrote
much that was sanctimonious and absolving and made excuses for
himself by this verse.

Verse.

Of God they say he has a son,
Of the Apostle, they say he was a charlatan, 1
Neither God nor the Apostle has escaped
Men's tongues, much less I.

This is recorded* in the Akbarnâma and also in Şhaikh Abü-1-
Fazl's letters.

But from consideration of the evidence it appears to the
writer of these pages that Akbar did not lay claim to Divinîty
and prophecy — God forbid that he should! in fact, the king had
not acquired the elements of learning, and was not in the least in
touch with books. But he was very intelligent and his under-
standing was of a very high order. He wished that whatever was
consonant with reason should prevail. Most of the 'Ulama, with
a view to worldly advantage, took the course of assentation, and
of flattery. The advancement of Faizi and Abü-1-Fazl was due
to this. They indoctrinated the king with rationalistic and
sophistical {safastlyy) principles and gave the appellation of
Inquiry (tahqîq) to the severing of the cable of the observance
of antiquity. They styled him the ' ' Assayer of the Age and the
Mujtahid of the Time." As the abilities and learning of the two
brothers were of such a high order that none of their contempo-
raries could grapple with them, they, who in origin were no
better than the sons of a mendicant (darveshzâda) and were in
indigence, ali at önce attained to intimacy and influence with the
sovereign. Envious people — of whom the world is ever full — and
especially the rival mullâhs who were desk-ridden (saqiqabaıtd , and
gave to their dislike and envy the name of " Def ence of Faith"—

1 Kahna. B. 468 has "sorcerer."
Set. Vullers II. 929.

» A.N. III. 49S and Abül Fazl's
Letters, Book I.

334

THE MAASIB-TTL-TJMARA.

set no limit to the lies which they ciroulated. There were no
commotions which they did not excite. From fanaticism and
partizanship they sacrificed their lives and their fortunes. May
God have mercy upon them !

The Khân A'zam had many children. The eldest was
Jahângir Qull K. of whom an account haa been given. Another
was Mîrzâ Shâdm&n who in Jahangir's time received the title of
Shâd Khân. Another was M. Kharram who in Akbar's reign was
governor of Jûnâgarh in Gujarat, which was his father's fief. in
Jahangir's time he became known as Kâmal K. and was appointed
to accompany Prince Sultan Kharram (Shah Jahan) in the expedi-
tion against the Rânâ. Another was M. 'Abdullah who in Jahan-
gir's time received the title of Sirdâr K. The king had impri-
soned him in the fort of Gwaliyar along with his father. After
his father's release he too became an object of compassion.
Another was M. Anwar ' who married the daughter of Zain Khân
Koka. Every one of them obtained the rank of 2000 or 3000*

'AZIZ ULLAH KHAN.

S. Yûsuf K. S. Husain Tukriyah, of both of whom accounts
have been given. 'Aziz UUah was appointed to Kabul, and at
the end of Jahangir's reign had the rank of 2000 with 1000 horse.
After Shah Jahan' s accession, he was confirmed in this rank,
and in the 7th year had the title of 'Izzat K. and the gift of a
flag. in the llth year he held the rank of 2000 with 1500 horse,
and in the same year as he accompanied S'aîd K. Bahâdur to
the battle near Qandahar against the Persians in which the latter
were defeated, he had an increase of 500 horse. From Qandahar
he went with Pur Dil K. to take the fort of Bast. in the 12th
year he received drums and was appointed to def end the forts of
Bast and Girishk — whioh had been taken. in the 14th year his

1 Apparently this is the M. Nur of
Jahangir's apocryphal Mempirs, Prioe,
42, who was put to death on a charge
of homicide.

* There is a good account of M.
Koka A'zam Khân in Blochmann 325.
The DarbSr A. has omitted him.

Nijamn-d-dîn says very little about
M. Koka in his notices of distinguished
men. He states that at the time of
writing he was in Mecca. He alludes
briefly to his departure there. See
EUiot V. 466.

TKB MAA9IB-tri/-UMA*A.

336

rank was 3000 with 2000 hor» and he had the title of 'Aziz üllah
K. in the 17th year 1054, 1644, he died. (Q)

'AZIZ ULLAH KHAN
Third s. KhaM UUah K. Yezdî. After his father's death
he received a suitable rank and the title of Khân. in the 26th
year Aurangzeb made l him Mîr Tüzük in «ucoession to Muham-
mad Yâr K. in the 30th year when his brother Rüh Ullah K.
was made governor of the province of Bijapur he was made
governor» of the fort. in the 36th year after Rüh Ullah's death
his rank became 8 1600 with 600 horse. Afterwards, he was*
qürbegî, and in the 46th year he was made governor of the fort of
Qandahar (in the Deccan) in succession to Sirdâr K. s His rank
became 1500 with 1000 horse. Nothing more is known» of him.

BABA KHAN QAQSHAL.
After Majnün T K. Q&qshâl he was at the head of the Q*qshâl
officers in Akbar's reign. He distinguished himself in the cam-
paign against Khân Zaman, in the 17th year, 980, 1572, on
the first ezpedition to Gujarat, Shahbaz K., the Mîr Tüzük,
was arranging 8 the troops -when the tactless Türk (Baba K.)
in his arrogance and presumption fell out with him and be-
haved rudely to him. The King, in order to punish him and
to correot other trangressors, ordered him to be severely chastised
(siâaat 'azim). At the same period he, on account of his good
•ervioe, became an objeot of favour. After the oonquest of
Bengal, when the province of Ghoraghat <in northern Bengal)
was assigned in fief to the Qftqshâls, though, after the death of
Majnün, the headship was nominally with his son Jabârî Beg, yet
the control was with Bâbâ K. who was the greybeard (âçsigâl)
of the tribe. When there were disturbances on the introdnction
of the branding regulation the grasping clerks opened shops of

l Musir A. 222.
s Do. 282.
3 Do. 349.
* Do. 461.
> The Maaştr A. 461 bas Sazâwâr

s An unole of R3h Ullah, named
'Aziz Ullah, is mentioned at p. 493 of
do.

1 Blochmann 369.

' Akbarnama U. 371.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

336

THE MAASm-üL-UMARA.

337

avarioe and covetousness and, ovving to the neglect and con-
nivance of the head officer, the subordinates taxed even the
minutest things (Ut. priced the head of an ant). Accordingly
Bâbâ K. plainly said to Mozaffar K., 1 who was the governor of
Bengal, that he had given Rs. 70,000 in presents to the officers
and had not yet succeeded in having one hundred horsemen
passed. in fact Mozaffar paid no attention to rectify this. When,
on account of similar grievances M'aşüm K. Kâbulî and others
of the Behar fief-holders stirred up the dust of strife in the 24th
year, Bâbâ K., who was seeking for his opportunity, with some
jagirdara of Bengal entered upon rebellion. in the year 989, *
1581, they in concert with Khâldîn K. shaved their heads, put
on their caps 3 and went to the city of Gaur which was formerly
called Lakhnautî. They several times fought with the imperial
troops, and were always defeated. At last they were reduced to
beoome suppliants and to ask for quarter. Though Mozaffar K.
heard of the disturbances in Behar he would not accept their
apologiea. At last M'aşüm K. and other rebels lef t Behar on the
approach of the imperial forces and joined the rebels of Bengal.
These two bodies recommenced disturbances and in the 25th
year they seized Mozaffar K. who had shut himself up in Tanda,
and put him to death. When for some time they were successful
and things went (lit. the wheel went round) aeoording to their
wiah, they divided the territory and distributed titles and offices
among themaelvea. Bâbft K. took to himself the tifte of Khân-
khanan, and gave himself the government of Bengal. İn the
same year and in the midst of his success he was attacked by
cancer (khûrah).* Every day two sirs of flesh was put into the

l A.N. III. 291. it is not stated
thore that Bâbâ K. aaid thiB to Moz.af-

far.

* it should be 987. for the rebellion
broke out in the 24th year, and the
2flth bağan in the firet month of 988.
See Elho» V. 410 and A.N. III. 291.

8 The word for cap U 0qiya, and
Elüot V. 415 rendem this "high
cap»," but it rather appears that the
jÇögtya was a small oap, of the nature

of a skull oap, worn under the turban
or helmet. See Vullers s.v. Ap-
parently the putting on of this cap
waa a sign of mourning for the death
of Roshan Beg, or an indication that
they were no longer in uniform , or in
the king's service.

* Blochmann 369, n. 3, calls it can-
cer in the face. See A.N. III. 321.
Perhaps it waa a form of lupus.

ulcer to feed the maggots. He used to say, ' ' Faithlessnesa to my
salt has brought me to this misery." in the same state he died.

BAHÂDUR.

Son of S'aîd Badakhşhî who was for a time collector of the
Sarkar of Tirhut. in the 25th year of Akbar's reign when the
Bihar officers raised the dust of sedition S'aîd left his son on the
estates and joined the rebels. Bahâdur spent the revenues of
the crown-lands on the soldiers and hoisted the standard of
disaffection, and struok coins and recited the Khutba in his own
name. They say that this legend was put upon the coinage.

Verse. 1

Bahâdur ibn Sultan, bin S'aîd, ibn Shah Sultan
Pisar Sultan, pidr Sultan, Zihî Sultan bin Sultan
Bahâdur son of a Sultan, s. S'aîd, S. Shah Sultan
The son of a Sultan, the father a Sultan, Bravo Sultan
s. Sultan,

When S'aîd at the request of M'aşüm K. Kabulî went* off in
order to bring his son — that sedition-monger— to united action,
Bahâdur had the effrontery to put his father into oonfinement, and
the father in a short time obeyed him. When Shaham K. Jalâîr
attacked Patna and was victorious, S'aîd fell 3 in that battle and
Bahâdur marched out of Tirhut and laid hold of many cultivated
traets. Sarkar H&jîpür was in his possession, and he stretched out
hieiıands every where. At last Şâdiq K. sent a force against him,
and there was hand-tc hand fighting. He lost his life there* in
the 25th year corresponding to 938.

1 Thia conplet is quoted in Bada-
yünî, Lowe, 307, but the reading is
different. Bahâdur is alao mentioned
in the Tabaqât A. where he is styled
Bahâdur 'Alî. See Elliot V. 426. it
is ootolear why this biography, which
was added by 'Abdu-1-Hayy, finds a
place in the Maagir for it does not ap-
pear that Bahâdur ever held office

under Akbar. Hfa name does not oc-
cur in Blechmann.

* See AkbarnSma III. 306.
8 EUiot V. 417.

* There appears to be some.mis-
take here. BahSdur did not die till
the 26th year 989, 1581, and he did
not fail in battle but was put to
death by Akbar at court. He was

*HE MAASIR-tTL-UMAB

339

338

TH"E MAASIR-UL-TJMABA.

BAHÂDUR it BAQI BEG.

He was servant of Prince Dârâ Shikoh, and by his good
service and skill obtained a place in the prince's heart. He
was more trusted than his contemporaries and rivals. He ob-
tained the rank of 1000 with 400 horse and was made governor
of Allahabad on behalf of the prince. When he was engaged in
settling that territory, he was summoned to court in the 22nd
year, and appointed to the charge of Gujarat. and obtained the
rank of 2000 with 500 horse and the title of Ghairat K. Tn the
23rd year he was raised from the position of being the prince's
servant and placed among the king's servants and received the
rank of 3000 with 2000 horse and vvas given a fiag. When the
prince undertook the charge of the affair of Qandahar and his
eldest son Sulaimân Shikoh was appointed governor of Kabul,
the settlement of that province was assigned to Ghairat K. in
the 28th year he by successive promotions obtained the rank of
4000 with 2500 horse and the title of Bahadur K. While govern-
ing Afghanistan he was appointed to Daur, 1 Bânû and Naghz and
chastised the Afghans there who seditiously did not pay the pro-
per revenue, and he fixed upon them as their tribute one lac of
rupees. But the government of Kabul was not properly con-
ducted by him. in the 30th year the government of Kabul was
assigned to Rustum 2 K. Fı'rüz Jang, and the charge of Lahore,
which was in the prince's fief, was made över to Bahâdur K.
in the year 1068, 1658, near the end of Shah Jahan's reign, his
rank was increased by 500 horse and he was appointed as deputy
for the prince in the province of Bihar, and was sent off with
Sulaimân Shikoh who had been appointed to oppose Shuja'.

caaght not by ŞSdiq but by Mirza
Koka' s servants, or rather he surren-
dered to one of them, Ghâzî K., who
sent him to Hâjipür. See A.N. III.
374, Elliot V. 426, where his 'death
is put into the 27th year, and Bada
yûnî, Lowe, 307. The text says that
it was M'aşüm K. KSbuli vvho sent the
father S'aîd Badakhshi to admonish

the soa. But A.N. III. 306 only
saya "M'aşüm K.," snd it look» as if
M'aşüm K. Farankhüdi w»re meant,
as he had not then beeome a rebel
A. F. adds that the father soon fol-
lowed the son's lead.

1 See Jarrett II. 303 and 398, note
6. Text has Daurnabü n Naghr.

2 Khâfî K. I. 755.

Though the guardianship and the management were nominally
assigned to Mirza Rajah Jai Singh, in reality Dâr8 Shikoh made
Bahadur guardian and made him the person in power över the
army. When Sulaimân Shikoh after defeating Shujâ' pursued
Amir K. to Patna, and then on hearing of the march of Aurangzeb
was returning in ali haste, heon passing Allahabad heard at Karra
of his father's defeat and became disheartened, and the Mîrzâ
Rajah and Diler K., as is the way of old servants, lef t 1 him.
Sulaimân Shikoh was helpless and wished to go to Delhi and
to join his father by any possible means. Bahâdur K. did
not approve of this idea, and turned Sulaimân Shikoh 's rein
towards Allahabad. There too 2 he (Sulaimân) could not abide,
and after leaving his superfluous baggage and some of the ladies
in Allahabad Fort he crossed the river at Kutal 3 and wandered
about on the other side in failure. At every stage his forces
diminished, tül at last he passed Laknaur* and came to Nagînah.
As at every ferry that he came to and tried to cross the Ganges
at, the boats had been removed to the other side of the rivef ,
and he could find no means of getting across he went on from
Nagîna 6 with the idea that opposite Hardwâr he might with the
help of the zamindar there and the help of the ruler of Srînagar
(in the Siwaliks) perhaps get across. He passed Moradabad and
came to Cândî 9 which is opposite to Hardwâr and near the
borders of Srînagar, and sent people to the ruler of that country
to obtain assistance. He waited in expectation of a reply. Mean-
while the troops of Aurangzeb came against him. He was obliged
to fly and thought that the hill-country of Srînagar would be an
asylum. When he entered the hill-country and arrived within

* Manucoi I. 284, 286.

* 'Alamgirnâma 171.

3 Qu ? Kotla or Kotilah in the
Sarkar of Karra West, J. II. 168. it
may, however, merely mean a pass or
ferry.

* Luoknow in text, and this agrees
with 'Alamgirnâma 171, but Laknaur
in Sambhal must be meant. See
Elliot IV. 384. note and supp. glos-

sary II. 138. Nagînah is algo men-
tioned there, 136. it is Nadinah in
text and in 'Alamgirnâma.

6 Nadinah in text. it w as in
Sarkar Sambhal and is now in Bij-
naur. I. O. X. 159, and Jarrett II.
290.

s The hill opposite HardwSr.
'Alamgirnâma 173.

340

THE MAASIR-TJL-UMARA.

four stages of Srlnagar he was met by the ruler. 1 The latter said
that his country was small, and could not support ali Sulaimân's
men, and that there was no road for elephanta and horses.
If he desired to take up his quarters in the country he must dis
misa hi» soldierB and come to Srînagar with his family and a few
servanta. At this time Bahâdur K. who had fallen ili after
leaving Allahabad had a dangerous attaok of disease, and lost
the use of one eve, and was in fact reckoned among the dead.
But out of fidelity and honour he did not wish to retnain behind.
Of necessity he had to separate from Sulaimân Shikoh, and when
he came out of the hill-country he died. 2

BAHADÜR KHAN ROHÎLA.
Son of Daryâ K. Daudzai. in his father's lif etime he became
known to Prinoe Shah Jahan for good service ; and when his
father became unfaitbiul and lef t the prince, he only attached him-
self more firmly to Shah Jahan and departed not from his stirrup.
After the accession he was promoted to the rank of 4000 3 with
2000 horse and given 4 the fief of Kâlpî and sent off to punish the
rftcalcitrants there. When in the first year of the reign Jujhâr
became a rebel and fortified himself in Undcha (Orcha), and
armies marched against him from every side, 'Abdullah K. Fjrüz
Jang came wiÇh Bahâdur K. from Kâlpî, whioh is east of that
country, to the fort of Irîj, 6 every bastion of which rose up high
as heaven, and displayed alacrity and zeal. The enemy attacked
the heroea, and there was a hot fight. Bahâdur and his followers
went on foot, and keeping a rank-breaking " elephant in front of

1 Prithî Singh. He afterwards
delivered up the prince. Khâfî K.
II. 123. Soe also id. pp. 41 , 42. Also
'Alamgirnuma 174.

1 id. 42. 'Alamgîrnama 174.

s Pâdshâhnama I. 117-

* Do. 191.

6 Erich of the raaps, Trieh of the
I.G. it is in the Jhansi district.
The Pâdshâhnama 1. 247 saya Bahâ-
dur came from the North, and so he

would if he came from Kâlpî, which
is N.N.E. of Erich.

s file sajahikan bar rû, dâehta. The
phrase istaken from the Pâdshâhnama
I. 247, five line8 from foot. There
instead of bar ru dashta we have pesh
da/ıhta. The Tazkira of Kewal Kâm-
I.O. M. S. 2685 also relates the inci-
den t. it seems to say that it was
a wild elephant that Bahâdur drove
before him.

THE MAASIR-TTL-TTMARA.

341

them, they ran to the gate, swift as the wind, and by the help of
that Ahriman-like animal broke down the gate and quickly entered
the fort. With the lily-white sword they turned the swarthy
Hindus into the colour of tulips and painted a rose-dyed victory
on the face of bravery. As a reward for this exertion and victory
he got the honour of a kettle-drum. After that he was appointed
along with A'zim K., the. governor of the Deccan, to extirpate
Khân Jahân Lodî. When the A'zim K. made a rapid march and
attacked Khân Jahân Lodî in Rajürî-Bîr, the latter came out
with a small body of 350 horse which was with him and marched
off firmly and in good order, and whenever the imperial korces
came near him he turned back, and drove them off by archery.
When he came to the hill of Rajürî, Bahâdur Rohilla quickly
arrived there and entered into conflict with Khân Jahân's
brother's son Bahâdur 2 K. who held the rank of 1000 and was
distinguished for courage. Bahâdur Rohilla displayed great
valour so that it seemed like the story of Rustam s and Isfandiyâr.
But at last owing to fewness of companions he was brought into
difficulty, and dismounted (or was unhorsed) and went on like a
moth, continually hurling himself against the fire of the sword.

They say that when he fell on the ground with two wounds
from arrows on his face and side, his opponents wished to cut
off his head, and that he cried out " I am the memorial and son
of Daryâ Khan and a house-born one of you." The Khân Jahân
forbade his men to kili him. After that when the A'zim Khân
in the 4th year after taking the fort of Qandhâr * encamped on
the bank of the Mânjarâ with the design of attacking Bhâlkî and
Chatkoba, he directed that at the time of encamping and till the
tents of the troops were put up on the ground assigned to them,
each corps and some officers should remain on guard by turns,
for the distance of a kos from the camp, until the men had

1 Pâdshâhnama I. 321, where itiş
said to be 24 kos from Maehlîgâon.

* See Pâdshâhnama I. 323, and
Khâfî Khân I. 432. There were two
Bahâdurs and they were on opposite
sides. The Bahâdur K. who fought

with Bahâdur Rohilla was Khân
Jahan 's brother's son.

S This rhetoric is taken from Khâfî
K. id. id.

* PâdshahnSma I. 377.

342

THl MAASIB-TTIi-TTMABA.

gathered firewood and straw. On the day of Bahadur's turn,
(to collect forâge) as there was no sign of the enemy, he had caat
away the thread of caution and waa seated with a few men at a
greater distance from the eamp. By chance there was a village
near there, the men of which gave battle in order to protect their
cattle and other property from the camp-followere. Bahâdur K.
heardof this and hastened with other officers' (and men?) who
were not more than 1000 in ali, to render assistance. Randaulah
K. 'Adilkhâni with ali the rabble made an attack, and the officers
opened the hand of courage and fought. When the contest be-
came critical they dismounted, and their minds were bent upon
sacrificing their lives. Shahbâz K., who was one of the officers of
3000, spent the coin of life, and Bahâdur K. and Yûsuf Muhammad
K. of Tâshkend became senseless from wounds. The enemy carried
them ofî and imprisoned them in Bijapur. When Yemînu-d-
daulah in the 5th year was appointed to devastate the 'Adılshâhı
territory and came to Bijapur, 'AdilShahreleased* both of them.
Bahâdur paid his respects at court and had his dignities increased
and was the recipient of royal favours. He was appointed 3 again
to Qanauj and ite appurtenances. Bahâdur proceeded to chastise
the rebels of Malkûsah* who are conspicuous above the other re-
calcitrants in that country for violence and numbers. No one
there, whether peasant or soldier, goes without weapons so that
even the cultivator at the time of ploughing has his loaded gun
fastened to the plough, and his match burning. On this account
they do not fully apply themselves to agriculture. At this time
they were gathered together in Bîrgâon, which was the strongest
of their plaoes, and had revolted and absolutely refused to pay
their rents. Relying on God's aid, he at önce fell upon those

1 Seo PSdshShnSma I. 380 and
KMtfl KhSn I. 458. There appears tc
have been some confusion in the MSS.
The »tatement that the officers were
not more than 1000 seems odd, and
the words in brackets in the text are
not in I.O. MS. 628. The PSdshSh
nama, p. 380, fi ve lines from foot, saya

there were not more than on» thou-
sand horee with BahSdur and his com-
panions.

s id. 416.

3 id. II. 87.

* Malkousah of Supp. Gloss. II. 90.
See alao J. II. 185.

THE MAASIR-TJL-r/MARA

343

wicked men and a wonderful battle took place. Bahâdur placed
the shield of God's protection above his head and came to the
gate. The rioters were not slow to meet him. At length there
was a hand-to-hand fight, and after many were killed the rest of
them took flight, and Bahâdur after destroying the place returned
to his residence. A victory was gained över the seditious such as
never before had happened in that country. After this, he dis-
tinguished himself in the pursuit of Bajah Jujhâr Singh Bandlla.
He was in the vanguard of 'Abdullah K. Fîrüz Jang and Khân
Daurân Bahâdur. When that wretch left Garha and Lânji and
came to the country of Chânda, Bahâdur, who was following at his
heels, sent on his uncle Neknâm with a few men, as he himself
had had an illness (chün kofta 1 dâsht) in order to check his flight.
Jujhâr on perceiving his boldness turned roünd and attacked
him, and Neknam fell fatally wounded* along with seven others.
Meanwhile Bahâdur K. came up along with Khân Daurân and
attacked Jujhar's 8 main body, and the latter scattered like the
"Daughters of the Bier" (the stars of the constellation of the
Great Bear). As 'Abdullah K. Fîrüz Jang neglected* to extirpate
Champat 6 Bandlla, Bahâdur K. was sent off in the 13th year to
the fief of Islamabad 6 in order to put down that sedition-monger.
But interested people did not permit this, and impressed the
emperor with the idea that it was not advisable to convert
Bandalkand into a Rohilkand. He was soon removed. After
that he gave proof of courage in the affair of Jagta 1 and the

1 Koft means a blow. it may also
mean an illness of some şort as koftan-
i-dü is given in Vullers as meaning
palpitation of the heart, and a kind
of disease.

* Za&hmhâi münkir. Münkir is
one of the angels who eramine the
spirits of the departed. The phrase,
whieh oocurs also in PâdshShnSma II.
691, line 10, means nıortal woıjnds.
The aocount of Neknâm is in Pâd-
shahnSma I, Part II, p. 113. There
is however a Neknam K. mentioned
in KhSfi Khân I. 649, as alive in
1056. and in association with Bahâdur.

3 The account of the oampaign
against Jujhâr is oontained in Pâd-
shâhnâma I, Part II, 106 et teq., and
in KhSfi K. I. 509 et seç.

* PSdshShnSma II. 193 et seq. and
Khâfî Khân I. 578.

6 PSdshShnSma II. 136, 193, 221,
ete. He was a connezion of Jujhâr
and a supporter of his son Prithîrâj.

6 This wa» a Sarkar in Bandalkand,
and among the estates ineluded in it
were Irîj , Bhander and PanwSr. See
FâdshShntma II. 307.

" TheJagat Singh of the PSdehah-
nSma II. 247, ete.

344

THE MAASIR-UL-TJMABA.

taking of Man. His companions under the superintendence of
their leader made a ladder 1 of the slain and ran up to the
batteries of the foe. On that day 700* Afghans among his fol-
lowers were killed. in the 22nd year he was appointed to guârd
Multan, and as during the cold weather harvest (faşl rabî) he was"
without a jagir, an order 8 was given to the diwânî clerks that
they should allow his salary {tcdab-i-aorâ) to be set off against the
demand. in the Balkh campaign he was in the vanguard of Murâd
Bakhşh'a army and distinguished himself by his courage. When
the prince came to the foot of the Tül* pass — which was the
boundary betvveen the empire and the territory of Badakhshân —
Aşâlat K. with the imperial pioneers (bîldâr) and some thousand
labourers, whom the Amîru-1-umarâ 'Alî Mardan K. had collected
from the districts (balükât) of Kabul. was appointed to clear the
road of snow as far as the SerairBala (the upper serai) for the
distance of one kos and the height of two royal yards, and for
half a kos and in some places for about 2J kos to the Serai Zer
(the lo\ver serai) which is towards Badakhshân, and to make
the road passable for laden camels. in other places they were
to beat down the snow so that horses and camels could pass.
As this work was not completed by them (the pioneers), Bahâdur
K. and Aşâlat K. set ali their troopers and foot soldiers to remove
the snow and öpen out the road. The soldiers used ali their
efforts and dug up the snow and scattered it on the side of the
roads with their hands and aprons. By the energy of Bahâdur
Khân a road two yards wide was made for the distance of
one kos where there was much snow. When the prince (Murâd
Bakhsh) cast the shadöw of his arrival there, Nazr Muhammad

1 Padshâhnama II. 270

« id. id.

s KhSfî K. I. 683. The alloıvaneo*
which Bahâdur should have got as a
jagirdar but whieh he did not get as
he was without one, vvere to be set off
against the demand for the spring
harvest of Multan.

* Copied from the PSdshöhnâma

II. 513. See also Khâfi K. I. 623.
This refers to the expedition against
Badakhshân and is anterior to the
Multan incident. The mareh and
encounter with the snow oocurred in
1055, 1645, and in the 19th year,
while the grant of Multan vvas in the
22nd year 1057. The TSİ Pass is re-
ferred to in Jarrett II. 399, 400,

THE MAASIR-TTL-TTMARA.

345

K., the ruler of Türân, pretended that he was going to Bâgh '
Murâd to arrange for a banquet and hastened off to Shaburghân.*
At an indication from the prince, Bahâdur K. and Aşâlat K. fol-
lowed him. About 8 10,000 Uzbeg and Alamân horse who had
o-athered round Nazr Muhammad K. went off with their families
and properties to Andakhüd on the approach of the imperial army,
being afraid of being plundered and made prisoners Nazr Muham-
mad K. with a small force prepared for battle and engaged at the
distance of four kos from Shaburghân. As soon as the encounter
began and when scarcely had the sound of conflict reached his
men's ears, they gave up and took to flight. Nazr Muhammad
became helpless and turned his rein and went to Andakhüd, and
from there he went to Khurasan. Though Bahâdur K. had re-
ceived an increase of rank, yet at this time, which was that of pur-
suit and when it was certain that with a little exertion* Nazr
Muhammad K. would have been made prisoner, this brave officer
purposely robbed himself (of his opportunity). Either the sluggish-
ness of his companions affected him or there was some other
cause which prevented him from finishing the work. And this
impression became fixed in the mind of the emperor. When
Prince Murâd Bakhsh was disinclined to stay in that country
and left it without permisaion from Shah Jahan and proceeded
to Kabul, the government of Balkh and the guarding of the
country fell upon Bahâdur along with Aşâlat. After Prince
Muhammad Aurangzeb Bahâdur had cast his shadow över that
country, Bahâdur K. was in the vanguard and performed feais
of valour in battle with the Uzbegs who were more numerous
than ants and locusts. At the time of retreating from the
country the rearguard was under his charge and he underwent
much toil in bringitıg off the camp. When he reached the pass of
Panjshîr 6 which is two stages from the Hindu Koh and is a

I Padshâhnama II. 539.

* The Sapurgan of Marco Polc
90 m. we3t Balkh.

3 id. 550.

* Padshâhnama II. 553.

t Text Tankshîr }&>. This i

the well-known Pass of Panjshîr in
northern. Afghanistan referred to in
the Ain AVbarî II. 399 and note 3. A
note to text of the Maaşir says that
in some eopies of the AkbarnSma (by
which is meant the Ain) the word is

346

THB MAASIB-TTL-TTMABA.

defile which is difficult to traverse, it began to snow, and this
continued the whole night and till two par (midday) of the
next day. With a hundred difficulties the remainder of the
camp and of the soldiers were taken through the Pan. At
this time on account of the ezcessive snow a halt of twenty four
hours was made. The narrow-eyed Haz&ras (referring to their
Mongolian origin) opened out their eyes from the lust of robbing
and the baggage and attacked the people of the camp. But
Bahâdur K. with the help of fortune repulsed them every time.
When the army got into the Hindu Koh Pass he halted for
one day in order that ali those who had fallen behind might
join, and af ter that he himself orossed. Owing to the difficulties
of the road, the sharpness of the air, and the abundant snow,
there were lost on the march from firsfc to last 10,000 men, or
nearly half of the force and ali the quadrupeds. Much property
too remained under the snow. When Bahâdur ' K. came to the
head of the Pass, Zü-al-qadr K. who had charge of the imperial
treasure was obliged to halt on account of the exhaustion of the
carriers. Bahâdur unloaded bis own camels and those of othere,
whatever remained, and put treasure on them. The rest he
divided among the horses and camels (mules) of the soldiers.
He also contended with the Hazâras and entered Kabul fourteen
days after the Prince.

Though Bahâdur K. had made great exertions in the cam-
paign, yet owing to the representations of some people, Shah
Jahan became impressed with the idea that he had been remiss in
the matter of pursııing Nazr Muhammad K and in assisting S'aîd *

written Tang-Shîr. But in Bib. Ind.
•d. of Ain I. 590, and 595, the word
is written Panjhîr with the variant
Fanjshîr. See the account of the
crossing in KhSfi K. I. 676. See also
Elliot VII. 82 for a tranalation of
the Shah JahannSma of 'Inayat K.
The pass is there ealled Nek BihSr (?).
Apparently the author of the Maaşir
got his account of the crossing of the
Pass from the work of Muhammad

Waris, as the son does not raention
'Inayat Ullah's work among the
aources.

1 KhSfî K. I. 677-678.

2 See KhSfi K. I. 663 and PSdshah-
nâma II. 691-692. S'aîd K. was
wounded and his sons were killed.
The supineness of Bahadur is com-
mented on by the author of the PSd-
shahnSma, do. 692.

THE MAASIR-TTL-TJÎ*ARA.

347

Muhammad at the time of the Uzbeg victory. Therefore, in spite
of ali the hardships and afBictions he had undergone, he was de
prived of Sarkara Kâlpî and Qanauj , which were his fief and for
twelve months of the year yielded a return, they being confiscated '
to the crown (khâlşa), in lieu of thirty lacfl of rupees which
were claimed by the government. This made him grieved at
heart. in the 23rd year he was appointed to the Qandahar
expedition along witb Prince Aurangzeb. in the siege of that
strong place he set up a battery in front of the Mâlürî (variant
Mâlw'a) Gate, and on 19 Rajab 1059, 19th July 1649, he by reason
of asthma emerged from the fenced city of life. The prince and
Jumla-ul-mulki S'aid UUah K. gave fitting officeand allowances to
every one of his followers, who were 2000 horse in number, who
was fit for service, and kept a nümber on their own establishment.
Other officers took the rest. Shah Jahan raised his eldest son
Dilâwar,* who was 15 years of age, to the rank of 1500, and gave
offices to each one of his six other sons. Ali his property, except
the elephants, was relinquished to his sons. They say that his
zeal and loyalty in the king's service were so great that they quite
removed from Shah Jahan's heart the cloud which had been
caused by his father's crooked ways. They say that Bahadur K.
alvvays lamented that he had not had his revengeonthe Bijapuris,
and that as long as he lived the shame of this affair appeared on
his face. 'Aziz K. Bahâdur was one of his sons who in the 49th
year of Aurangzeb distinguished himself at the siege of Wâkin-
kira. On account of this the title of Chaghatai * was graciously
aecorded to him.

t See statement repeated II 42 in
the aocount of Diler K. I am not
sure of the meaning, and I ha ve not
aooeas to the authority for the state-
ment. If it refers to the 22nd year
it is opposed to KhSfi K. I. 683
which states apparently that Bahâdur
received the charge of the province
of Multan, and that his pay for the
time he waı without a jagir, was to be

set ofi against the gorernment dav
mand. The affair of S'aid K. oocurred
in 1056, in the 19th or 20th year of
the reign, and probably Bahâdur wa»
punished by being deprived of hia
jagir at that time and recompeneed in
the 23rd year.

* Dalîl in Khâfi K. I. 695.

S According to KewSl RSm the
title was given to Bahâdur himself.

348

THE MAASrR-TTTj-TJMARA.

BAHADÜR KHAN SHAIBÂNI.

His name was Muhammad S'aîd, and he was the brother of
Khân Zaman 'Alî Qulî K. He was one of the Panchazârls (5000)
of Akbar. At the time of Humayün's expedition to India, he
received the territory of Zamîn Dâwar. After some time, he out
of an evil disposition got the idea of taking Qandahar, and
söught to succeed by dint of stratagem. He did not succeed, and
when he failed, he collected some vagabonds and prepared for
battle. Shâh Muhammad K. Qilatî, who was guarding the fort
on behalf of Bairâm, saw that help from India was far off, and so
strengthened the fort and applied for help to the king of Persia.
At his request an army of Persians came and suddenly feü upon
Bahâdur K. He made a stout resistance, but was not successful
and had to fly. As he could not remain in the district, he, in the
second year of the reign, and when Akbar was besieging Mânkot,
presented himself at court in a shame-faced fashion. On the
recommendation of Bairâm K., his off ence was pardoned, and he
obtained Multan as his fief in the room of Muhammad Qulî Birlâs.
in the third year Bahâdur was appointed along with many other
officers to conquer Mâlwa. At the same time there oocurred the
downfall of Bairâm, and the latter recalled him in order that he
himself might take possession of that territory. But afterwards
he abandoned this idea. Bahâdur came to Delhi and on the
recommendation of Mâham Anaga was appointed to the high
office of Vakîl. A few days had not elapsed when Etawah was
made his fief, and he obtained leave of absence. in the lOth
year, when Khân Zaman his eldest brother became rebellious, he
was sent along with Sikandar K. Uzbeg to Sarwâr, in order that
he might come to Upper India by that route, and make a disturb-
ance. On this account Akbar appointed a force under Mir
M'uizu-1-mulk of Mashhad. Though Bahâdırf made submissions
and said that his mother had göne to court with ibrahim K.
Uzbeg, and had obtained forgiveness for his and his brother's
offences, Mir M'uizu-1-mulk would not agree and came forvard to
give battle. Though Sikandar K. who was with Bahâdur turned
to flee, Bahâdur fell upon Mir M'uizu-1-mulk's centre, and Shâh

THE MAASIR-tTL-TJMARA.

349

Budâgh K., who was one of the soldier-like officers, was made
prisoner, and the Mir was defeated, As Bahâdur's and the Khân
Zamân's offences had been pardoned, this act of his was not
inquired into. But as the pardon was conditional ] on the Khân
Zamân's not orossing the Ganges so long as Akbar ahould be in
that quarter, and as at the time when Akbar visited Chunâr, 'Ali
Qulî neglected this condition, and crossed the Ganges, the king
was angry and made a rapid march against him. He issued an
order to Ashraf K. , who was in Jaunpur, to imprison Bahâdur's
mother. Bahâdur heard of this and made a rapid expedition to
Jaunpur and took the fort. He imprisoned Ashraf and released
his own mother, and plundered Jaunpur and Benares, and then
went off on the return of the king. But önce more on account of
the pardoning of the Khân Zamân's offences, and the entreaties
of M' unim K. , Akbar did not direct his attention to suppress the
immoderate conduct of Bahâdur. At last in the 12th year 974,
1566-67, he, along with his brother, with utter want of decency
or gratitude entered upon a contest with Akbar. When Bâbâ K.
Qâqshâl fell upon the army of Khân Zaman, Bahâdur K. faced
him and overthrew him. Suddenly his horse was struck with an
arrow and reared, and Bahâdur was thrown. When his men saw
this, they dispersed, and the brave men of the imperial army
attacked him. Wazîr Jamil Beg, who was then an officer of the
rank of 700, wiokedly and avariciously took something from him
and let him go. Just then another man came up, and placed
him in pillion on his horse and brought him to the king Akbar
said, "Bahâdur K., what evil did we do to you, that you have
made ali this commotion and strife ? " Bahâdur replied,* "Ged is
to be praised for whatever happens ! ' ' Perhaps his disloyalty had
not yet been entirely extirpated, otherwise he would have ex-
pressed his repentance. At the importunity of well-wishers an
order was given to Shahbâz K. to cut off his head.

1 A. N. II. 265.

• A. N. III. 294, and Badayûnî,
Lowe 99. The Darbâr A. 222 under-
stands Bahâdur t o have meant that

he praised God for giving him a «gbt
of the emperor. Probably Bahâdur
mereljr imptied that whatever was,
was right.

360 TSS MAAŞ nt-ÜL-TTM ABA.

He had a pofttical vein and wrote verses. This openingis by

him.

Verse?

That sauoy tyrant took another stone,
As if to war with me the wounded one.

BAHADURU-L-MULK.

They say that his real native coutıtry was the Panjab. Af ter
serving the kings of the Deccan for a long time he came to
Akbar's court, and became his servant in the 43rd year he
took the fort of Pünâr* in the province of Berar. That fort is on
a hill and has a river on three sides which is never fordable.
After that he distinguished himself in various battles. in the
46th year when he was left vrith Hamîd K. to guard the coun-
try of Teling&na, Malik 'Ambar brought an army from the coun-
try of Barld and stirred up strife. They in the pride of their
valour opposed him with a »mail force and a battle took place on
the bank of the M&njara. By the fatefulness of heaven they
were defeated and Hamîd K. was made prisoner. Bahâdur* by
great efforts crossed the river and gained a place of safety. in
the 8th year of Jahangir he obtained the gift of a ilag. in the
9th year he was distinguished* by increase of rank and the gift
of an elephant. He died at the appointed time. They say that
this üne was engraved on his signet.

Veraef

Whoever is a good friend is a valuable pearl.

(Bahâdur).

THE MAASIB-TJL-UMABA.

351

1 These linea with a diSerence in
the first line are quoted by Badayüm
III. 240, in his acoount of the KhSn
Zaman who had the takhallaş of Sul-
tan. See also Darbâr A. 227

i Panâr of Ain J. II. 227 and 233.
in A. N. III. 743 it is Pünâ. The
Paunâr (Powh5r) of the - 1. G. XI.
119. it is in Wardha distrîet and on
river Dhâra. I.G. new ed. xxiv. 368.

S A. N. IH. 796.

* in the lOth year of Jahangir,
Tüzük 139, he w as raised to the rank
of 3000, and 2300 horse.

6 Apparently the point of the line
is that it is a play on the name of the
owner of the »iğne t. Bahâdur seems
here to be teken as aPersian word and
to mean a precious pearl, or simply
anything raluable. Perhaps it should
be " Whoever is the acceptable friend
of an y one is a precious pearl,"

BAHÂDUR K. ÜZBEG.
His name was Abü-n-Nabî, and he was one of the nobility of
Tûrân. in the time of 'Abdu-1-mümin K. he attained to high
office and was made gövernor of Mashhad. When 'Abdu-1-mümin
was killed, Bâqî K. (the nıler of Türân) tried to conciliate Bahâ-
dur, but he got free by pretending that he was going on a pilgrim-
age to Mecca and came to India. in the 48th year he entered •
into Akbar's service, and received suitable rank and the present
of a jevvelled waist-dagger. After the accession of Jahangir he
received * Rs. 40,000 for expenses and went off with 57 officers to
assist ghaikh Farid MurtazaK. who had been appointed to pursue
Sultân Khusrau. in the 5th year he was made faujdâr of Multan
in succession to Tâj K. in the 7th year he obtained a manşab of
3000 with 3000 horse and the title of Bahâdur K., and was, on the
death of M. Ghâzî, appointed 8 to the government of Qandahar.
Afterwards he got successive increases and attained* the rank of
5000 with 3500 horse. in the 15th s year he pleaded defective eye-
sight and resigned the appointment of Qandahar. They say that
when the approach of the king of Persia's army was bruited
abroad, he out • of carelessness could not make up his mind to
remain (?) and so distributed two Iacsof rupees among the royal
clerks as bribes, and left the place. After that he obtained a fief
in the Agra province and was prosperous. When Shah Jahan's
standards moved from Ajmere towards Agra he came 7 forward
and did homage. Nothing more is known of him.

BAHARJÎ, landholder of BAGLÂNÂ. 8
His ancestors held this territory for 1400 years. They regard
themselves as descended from Rajah Jai Cand Râthor who was

1 A. N. III. 820, and 839. He is
there called Abu-i-BaqS.

2 Tüzük J. 28. 3 Tüzük J. 109.

* it is mentioned under the llth
year of the Tüzük 162, that he got an
increase of 500.

* Tüzük 323.

9 The sentence is obscure. Appar-

ently it means that he was afraid to
stay, and so left, but sent two laca of
rupees to the clerks at headquarters
to seoure a favourable representation
of his case.

1 Pâdshâhnâma I. 82.

} J. II. 251, Elliot VII. 66. EıSfî
K. I. 561. Pâdshâhnâma II. 105.

„ 52 THE MAASIR-UL-tTMAKA.

Raiah of Qanauj. Whoever ruled this country was called Baharjî.
in former times they coined money. As it was between Gujarat
and the Deccan, the ruler served whichever side was strongest.
After having long been tributary to Gujarat, the rulers of Khandes
came to prevail owing to their pro X imity. in the year 980, 1572
when Gujarat came into Akbar's possession. and the royal
standards were planted in the delightful spot of the blessed port
of Surat, Baharjî submitted and produced» M. Sharafu-d dm
Husain (afterwards) the king's brother-in-law , who had rebelled
and had entered Baharjî's territories with the intention of goıng
to the Deccan, and had been imprisoned there. in consequence
Baharjî was treated with favour. After this the ruler of Baglâna
always submitted and paid tribute, and when necessary made his
appearance when summoned by the viceroys of the Deccan.
As Baglâna on one side adjclned Gujarat, and on the other
Khandes, and was in the middle of the imperial territories, Prınce
Muhammad Aurangzeb in the time of his first viceroyalty ap-
pointed Muhammad Tâhir, who received the title of Wazır K.,
with Mâloji Deccanî, Zâhid K. Koka, and Saiyid <Abdu-l-Wahâb
of Khandes, to conquer Baglâna. After a siege, the fort of
Mulher which was the capital, was taken, and Baharjî sent his
mother to make a reconciliation, and after making a treaty he in
the 12th year (of Shah Jahan) surrendered the fort and waıted
upon the prinoe (Aurangzeb). Shah Jahan made him an officer
of 3000 with 2500 horse and at his request assigned to hım as his
dwelhng-place pargana Sultânpür , which had been lying waste since
the time of the famous f amine» in the Deccan. The territory of
Baglâna was included in the province of Khandes. Râmgîr,
which is a district of Baglâna, was likewise taken out of the
possession of Sum* Deo, the son-in-law of Baharjî. As the ex-
penditure on it exceeded the income, Baharjî received it back,
and Rs 10,000 was fixed as the annual tribute. After Bahar] ı's
death Shah Jahan converted his son Bairam' Sâh to Muham-

THE MAASIR-TJI/-UMARA.

353

1 A. N. III. 29.

2 in 1830-31, PâdshâhnBma I. 362,

JBUiot VII. 24.

8 Râmnagar in PacUhâhnama II.
109. * PâcUhBhnâma II. 109.

t Khâfi K. 1. 564.

madanısm and gave him the title of Daulatmand K., and the
rank of 1500 and the pargana of Pünâr Khandes (Paunâr) as
'in'âm in lieu of Sultânpür. He lived into the reign of Aurangzeb
and in that town (Paunâr) erected splendid buildings of which
vestiges stili remain.

Verse.

From the marks of broken gates and walls

The signs of foreign (or of Persian) princes are visible.

Baglâna is mainly a hill-country. Its length is 100 kos and its
breadth 30.' On the east are Gâlna and Nandarbâr. West is
Sorath. North, Tipli (Râjpîplah) and the Vindya range. South,
the Sambha* range on the top of which are Nâsikand other places.
Formerly it was rated at 3000 horse and 10,000 infantry. it
had two great cities Antâpür and Cintâpür. At present there
are not many villages. it had seven forts of note, and ali were
hill-forts. Two were espeçially famous, Mulher (Muleir of the
maps) known as Aurangarh with a tovvn one kos off. The river
Mosan 8 Hows 60 kos west of Aurangabad. Sâlher is called Sultân-
garh and is the loftiest of forts and summits.

Verse.
For Sâlher is the son of high heaven
in height he is as tali as his sire.

Other places are Hatgarha,* Jülher, Besül, Nâniya and Sâlûta.
This country 6 is well vvatered and has abundant orchards and
various kinds of crops. it has abundance of mangoes and choice
rice which is the best in the Deccan. in the time of former
aulers the collections were ten lacs of rupees. Six and halfkrorsof
dâms were its fixed revenue As it had been devastated by f amine

1 PâdshahnSma has 70 for the
breadth, i. o. length from N. to S.
But A.N. III. 30 has 30.

2 So in text, but the variant Sahyâ-
chal ia right, the range in questİQu
being the Sahyâdri hiUs of the I.G.
XII. 137 old edition.

8 Mus or Mos in text, but variant
45

has Mosan. I.G. VI. 192 has Mosan)
it is a tributary of the Girnâ which
flows into the Tâptî.

* See PâdshShnâma II. 106, which
has Hatgarha, Pepül (qu. Bhus5wa]),
Bâûna and Salüda.

>> See Khâfi K. I. 561-662 who
speaks from personai knowledge.

354

THE MAASIR-UIz-UMARA.

THE MAASIR-TJIrUMABA.

355

and the repeated marchings of troops the revenue after the
conquest was fixed at four lacs of rupees. At present Rs. 11,000
has been deducted from this also in the offices. The parganas
were in old times reckoned at 32, and of these 27 have now
been included in three or four estates. Also the villagea of
t.his oountry which are in the hill-tracts towards Jawâr l (Jawhâr ?)
yield little and are in the possession of the Bhîls.

(I'TIQAD K. MlRZÂ) BAHMAN YÂR.

Son of Yamînu-d-daulah Khân-Khânân Âşaf K. He was
of an independent disposition, of a careless nature, and a lover
of comfort and pleasure. He spent his life in a delightful manner
and had a sufficiency of the means of enjoyment. He did
not deal with armies or marching. in perfect tranquillity and
freedom from çare he spent his days and nights. When he was
Mir Bakhshî he coütinually by feigning illness abstained from
waiting on the royal stirrup, and spread the carpet of ease and
comfort. Sometimes he went to the Deccan to visit his brother
Shaista Khân, and sometimes, on the same pretext, he went o fi
to Bengal. Many of his sallies and expressions are on the tip
of people's tongues. From a regard to the merits of his ancestors
and to his connection with the royal family both Shah Jahan
and Aurangzeb excused him from many of the disagreeables of
service and strove to make him comfortable. in the lOth year
of Shah Jahan he held the rank of 500 with 200 horse. After
his father's death he got an increase and was always treated
with kındness. in the 19th year his rank was 2000, with 200
horse, and in the 22nd year it was 3000 with 300 horse and he
had the title of Khânzâda Khân. in the 25th year he returned
from the Deccan, where he had been to visit his brother Shaista
Khân, and entered into the royal service, in the end of the same
year he had the rank of 4000 with 500 horse and the family
title of I'tiqâd K. which his father and uncle had both held.
And hewas made Mir Bakhshî. As frequently, he on the plea of

l Samt javıâr. -Perhaps " the villagea
oountry."

the neighbcrarhood of the hill

illness was unable to carry on the duties, he in the 26th year
at the time when the king was returning from Kabul to the
capital begged, when the army reached Lahore, to be allowed
to halt for a while and to adopt remedies. This was granted
and a yearly allowance of Rs. 60,000 made him satisfied. After
he got well, he in the 27th year attended court and was out of
kindness restored to his former rank and service, in this service
he continued till the end of the 30th year without covetousness
or selfish designs, in perfect independence and freedom from
çare, and gathered the treasure of a good name. After the
battle vvith Dârâ Shikoh at Samogarha, which is a famous hunting-
place, he had the distinction of entering into the service of
Aurangzeb. in the 5th year he got the rank of 5000 with 1000
horse and receıved royal favours. in the lOth year he obtained
a flag and took leave to go and see his elder brother (Shaista K.)
who was then governor of Bengal. He stayed a long while in
that country, and spent his time in enjoyment. in the 15th year,
1082, 1671, he died. 1 May God have mercy upon him! He was a
very honest man and free from anxieties. He was pious and had
a perfect love for the poor.

They say that one day he had göne off into the lanes with-
out ceremony to see an enthusiast. As this was contrary to
the diginity of an Amir the emperor asked him by way of rebuke,
"Were any of the king's servants with you ? " He replied,
' ' One was there — this ashamed one (lit. this black-faced one) ;
ali the others were servants of God." His son Muhammad Yâr
K. was also the unique of the age for his good qualities. He has
been noticed separately. His daughter Fâtima Begam was the
wife of Muftakhir K. the son of Fakhr K. Najm-şânî. in the end
she found favour with Aurangzeb and became Şadru-n-nisâ„
" Mistress of the Harem."

BAHRÂM SULTAN.
Third s. Nazr Muhammad the ruler of Balkh. As some ac-
count of Nazr Muhammad has been gfven at the end of the

1 in Bengal, Maaşir A. 114.

358

THE MAASIR-UI/-UMABA.

THE MAASIR-TTL-TJMARA.

357

biography of Khusrau Sultan (his second son), and his final
fate has been mentioned in the biography 1 of 'Abdu-r-Rahmân
Sultan, it is necessary to give in this place some account* of
his ancestors. He and his elder brother imâm Qulî K. were
the sons of Dîn Muhmmâd K. commonly known as Yatım Sultan
and who was s. Jânî Sultan, s. Yâr Muhammad K., who was the
cousin of Hâjim K., the ruler of Ürganj, the capital of Khwar-
azm. When the country of Sher s Khân (i.e. Astrachan) had been
taken by the Russians from his ancestors, 4 Yâr Muhammad came
away in a destitute condition. Perhaps he was influenced by
the improper conduct of Hâjim towards himself. Anyho\v, when
he came to Transoxiana, Sikandar K. (i.e. Iskandar) the father
of the famous 'Abdullah K perceived that he was a young 5 man
of ability and lineage, and gave him in marriage his daughter
(Zahra Khânim) who was the full sister of 'Abdullah K. The
fruit of this union soon appeared in the person of Jânî K. He
had five 8 sons, viz. Dîn Muhammad, who was the eldest, Bâqî
Muhammad, Walî Muhammad, Pavinda Muhammad Sultan and
Alîm Sultan. Ali these five brothers submitted 1 to 'Abdullah K.
and passed their d ay s in Tün, Qâîq s and other countries of Quhis-

1 See Maaşir I. 767 and II. 812.

2 Copied from Padshâhnâma I. 216-
217.

s This seeras to be a mistake for
Haşhtar Khân or Hajj Tarkhan, i.e.
Astrakhan at the mouth of the Volga.
it is Haşhtar Khân in the Pâdshah-
nâma I. 217.

* Text âbâish "his ancestors,"
»hich seems to have no sense here.
for Astrakhan was taken from Yâr
Muhammad himself, who was then an
old man. The Padshâhnâma 1. c. has
amâlish " his hopes," and thesentence
geems to mean that Yâr Muhammad
fell from his hopes of power and sway
and had to eome in a destitute condi-
tion to Transoıiana. This was in 975,
1567. Desmaison's Abü-1-Ghâzî, p.
188, n. Hâjim Tarkhân is frequently
mentioned in that work. The Astra-
khan dynasty is known as the Jânids.

it came to an end, according to S.
Lane Poole, in 1554, p. 229 Yâr
Muhammad's genealogy is gıven in
Vambery's Hist. of Bokhara 305, n. 2.
6 it was Jânî Beg the son of Yâr
Muhammad who received in marriage
the daughter of Iskandar, and sister
of the colebrated 'Abdullah K. See
Howorth, Part II,. 744. Vambery's
Bokhara 305, and Stanley tane
Poole's Muhammadan Dynasties, p.
274/

6 So in Padshâhnâma. According
to Vambery, p. 306, he had only
three — Dîn Muhammad, Walî Muham-
mad, and Bâqî Muhammad.

1 Az qibal 'Abdullah Khan, " under
his suzerainty " (?).

* Qâin in Padshâhnâma. it lies
between Yezd and Herat, Blochmann
591. it is the old capital of Kohis-
tan and is the Kayin of the mapa.

tan (for Kohistân). Alîm Sultan died there. When there came a,
rupture between 'Abdullah K. and his son 'Abdu-1-Mûmin, the
brothers had regard to their obligations to 'Abdullah and did not
submit to 'Abdu-1-Mümin. When the latter became ruler of
Tûrân, he got ridof ali his relations, whom be suspected of good*
conduct and propriety, and so raised smoke (dûd which also
means sighing) from his own family (düdmân). He also proceeded
to act badly to Yâr Muhammad K. and drove him out from Balkh,
and he seized Jânî K. and imprisoned him. The brothers sounded
the drum of opposition in Khurâsân, and behaved presumptuously.
As it chanced, in the year 1006,1598, when 'Abdu-1-Mümin was
marching with a large army from Bokhara with the intention of
attacking Khurâsân he was killed one niğht by an arrow shot by
an Uzbeg who was grieved for the sorrows of the afflioted and was
lying in wait. Dîn Muhammad regarded the coin of opportunity
as a great treasure and placed the cap of joy on the apex of
f örtüne. He came to Herat and took possession of it, and ap-
pointed Walî Muhammad to the charge of Merv. As there was
great commotion throughout Türân, every head (sir) was a
sirdâr (leader) and every döor (dar) was a caucus (darbâr) and the
üzbegs being without remedy agreed to his supremacy in Khurâ-
sân. He established his power in Herat and had the Khutba
recited and coin struck in the name of his grandfather Yâr
Muhammad K. Yâr Muhammad ' after being turned out of Balkh
had göne to India, and waited upon Akbar and been treated with
royal favours. After some time he took leave to go on pilgrimage
and had come to Qandahar, when the heavens caused this tramp-
ling upon dominion. Dîn Muhammad K. had not yet moved some

Jarrett III. 86,. n Apparently it iş
the Ghaein of Macgregor'a Khurâsân
II. 148.

1 This account of Yâr Muhammad
is copied from the Padshâhnâma.
But it disagrees with Vambery who
says that YSr Muhammad (of Astra-
khan) died soon after his arrival in
Transoxiana. Nor is there any men-
tion of a Yâr Muhammad Sultan's

coming to India in Akbar's time.
Perhaps the Yâr Muhammad of Pad-
shâhnâma I. 217 is not the father of
Jânî Beg and grandfather of Dîn
Muhammad. But see infra in this
notice. The " trampling upon domi-
nion ' ' referred to is the death of
' Abdu-1-Mümin whioh took place in
1598(1006).

358

THE MAASIRrUD-TTMAKA.

steps towards the accomplishment of his wishes when Shah 'Ab-
bâs Şafavî who was waiting for an opportunity of extricating his
hereditary territories, equipped an army for battle and came to
Herat. Some well-wishing and far-sighted people said to him
(Dîn Muhammad) that it was not adv'isable to make a disturbance
about Khurâsân which for a hundred years had been the territory
of the Persians, and of which a part waa in his (Dîn M. 's) posses-
sion. The proper course was to propose friendship to the king of
Persia, and to arrange the affairs of Türkistan, which was his old
and hereditary possession and was without a fitting head. After
subduing that country he might without objection, if he were abl
to do so, address himself to the conquest of Khurâsân. Din
Muhammad K. at the inatigation of warlike young men for whom
the pleasures of the government of Khurâsân had not lost theiı
taste, and a\so because in the time of 'Abdullah K., and of the
confusions in Khnrâsân, war had been successfully made against
some of the officers of that country, thought that the oontest
would be an easy one. At the Rabat Pariyân near Pul Sâlâr,
which is four farsakhs (leagues) from Herat, an engagement took
place. Tlîere was a great battle ' and the Uzbegs were defeated.
Nearly 5 or 6000 of the best men in the army were killed, and Din
Muhammad fled. When he came to Mârücâq weakness over-
powered him on account of his wounds, and his companions laid
him down in a corner in order that he might get repose. There he
died. Some say he took refuge with one of the servants of the
soldiers in a tent. He was not recognized and was ill-treated by
the men, and when they did recognize him they were frightened
of reprisals and so put him to death. Payinda Muhammad Sultan
went to (Jandahar, and Shâh Beg K. 2 the governor there impri-
soned him and sent him to Akbar. He made him över to Hasan
Beg 3 Shaikh Umarı who was going to Kabul, and he made him-"

l Vambery, Hist. of Bokhara, p.
:D6. A.N. III. 803, where Dîn M. is
apparently called Ilâehim K. See
also 'Alam Arâî, lith., p. 392. The
Hâshim K. of the A.N. is apparently
a mistake for Yatîm Sultan or Yatîm

K. , which was another name for Dîn,
Muhammad. * Blochmann 377.

3 Do. 454. Hasan Beg is the man
who afterwards joined Khusrau and
was put to death with torture» by
Jfthangir.

THE MAASIB-TTL-UMARA.

359

över to Qulîj K. the governor of the Panjab. After one year he
died in Lahore. Walî Muhammad K. came away from the battle-
field with 30 to 40 servants without knmving what had become of
his elder brother Dîn Muhammad and hastened to Bokhara.
There he joined Pîr Muhammad K. who was one of the relatives
of 'Abdullah K., but whom 'Abdu-1-Müminhad not put to death as
he thought ' him an opium-eating dervish because he always spent
his time in opium-shops (koknâr khâ-nha) in poverty and wretched-
ness, but who had afterwards been seated on the masnad of
Türân. When at that time Tawakkal K. Qazzâq on finding that
Transoxiana was destitute of a powerfuI ruler led an army against
it, Bâqî Muhammad (a son of Jânî K.) distinguished himself in
the battle, and received from Pîr Muhammad the government of
Samarkand. Bâqî Muhammad after behaving obediently for
some time perceived that he was fitter for rule than Pîr Muham-
mad and eonceived the idea . of being sovereign and called him-
self Khân. He also marched out from Samarkand to take Miyân-
kâl. Pîr Muhammad was made miserable and restless bv this
news and came to Samarkand with 40,000 horse. Bâqî Muhammad
craftily had resort to supplications, but though he tried to clear
himself it was of no avail. When he found himself helpless he
opened the gates of contest and one day he came out of the
fort and fell upon Pîr Muhammad's centre and defeated him.
He was wounded and captured and was immediately put to death
by Bâqî Muhammad's order. Bâqî M. then proceeded to Bokhara
and sate upon the throne of rule. By ability and courage he also
brought under his sway Balkh and Badakhşhân. Yâr Muhammad
his grandfather, who was stili in (Jandahar, on hearing this news
gave up the thought of going on pilgrimage and proceeded to
Türân. Bâqî M. welcomed him with honour and seated him on
the masnad, and had the khutba recited and coin struck in his
name. But when after two years he perceived that his grand-
father was eager to advance, his sons 'Abbâs Sultan, Tarson Sul-
tan, and Pîr Muhammad Sultan who were not by the same mother
as Jânî K., he deprived Yâr Muhammad of power, and placed his

1 'Alam Arâî, p. 381, w here he is called Pîr Muhammad Sultan.

360

THE MAASIK-trti-tTMARA.

ıatner Jânî K. in his room. Af ter this when Yâr Muhammad K»
and Jânî it. died, Bâqî M. recited the khutba and struck coins in
his own name and his power rose as high as the Pleiades, and the
vault of Orion. When he died in 1014, 1605-06, Walî Muhammad
succeeded to pöwer. He made över Baikh, Andakhud and their
appurtenances — vvhieh were on this side of the Oxus — and which
during his brother's time had belonged to him (i.e. Bâqî M.) to
his brother's sons imâm Qulî and Nazr M. Sultan who were the
sons of Dîn M. K. They for a Iong time were obedient to their
uncle, but at last they on account of their youth and the instiga-
tion of ignorant companions becauıe disöbedient and took the
road of rebellion. They made ' their honoured uncle suspected in
the matter of reügion on account of the coming and going of the
Persian ambassador, and induced most of the Uzbeg officers to
have an aversion to him. At last Khwâja Abü Hâshim the
Khwaja of Dahbîd, and Muhammad Bâqî Qalmâq who governed
Samarkand on behalf of (az qıbal) Walî Muhammad K., and
Ilangtosh Be Atâlîq who was there as his (Walî's) auxiliary, and
who had been vexed by the evil conduot of Wali Muhammad,
recited the Khutba and struck coin in the name of imâm Qulî and
summoned him from Balkh. He with his brother Nazr Muham-
mad crossed the Jaıhün (Oxus) and wished to come to Samarkand
by the route of Koh-i-Tan.* Walî M. on hearing the news ga-
thered together an army from Bokhara and blocked their path.
When they came near, as imâm Qulî had not power to fight, he
stirred up questions and brought forward charges. Walî M. too
wished that things should not come to fiğhting. Suddenly, by
accident, one night two or three boars came out of a reed bed
into Walî's camp. People made a noise and came out of their
tents and proceeded to fight with them. There was a great out-
cry that imâm Qulî was making a night attack, and people
assembled in Walî M.'s enclosure. No trace could be found of
him, as he out of suspicion against his own people had withdrawn
himself with some persons that he trusted. Crowds of men
joined the two brothers. Some are of opinion that these noctur-

1 See ' Alam Arâî, lith. 589.

2 PSdshShDâma I, p. 219. line 2.

THE MAASIR-UL-TJMARA.

361

nal rumours did not spring from mean and riotous fellows. Ra-
ther Walî M.'s chief officers who from unfaithfulness and avarice
had shut their eyes to their obligations to their master and
looked at his failure as their success raised the cry of a night at-
tack and turned the face of hope to his enemies. However this
may be, Walî M. af ter being for some time a spectator of the
catastrophe went off to Bokhara in complete mortification and
despair. There too he did not see his way to settle, and went off '
with failure to Persia.

imâm Qulî having received unexpected good fortune hastened
to Bokhara and sate upon the masnad, and gave Balkh and
Badakhşhân to Nazr M. K. Ai Khânim was the daughter of
'Ibâd Ullah Sultan, younger brother of 'Abdullah K., and waa
first marriedto ' Abdu-l-Mumîn. After his death she came into
the possession of îşham K. Qazzâq, after that she was married
to Pîr Muhammad K., after that to Bâqî M. K.; after that to
Walî M. K. She was famed among the üzbegs for good looks
and beneficent influence (? yamn qadam). % When Walî M. was
going to Persia, he, on account of want of time, had left her in
Cârjü fort on the bank of the Jaihün (Oxus). imâm Quli now
sent for her and wished to cohabit with her, but as she did not
agree, he laid his hand on the skirts of the Qâzi and the Mufti
and sought for subterfuges. No one wouId come forward to help
him. But one Qâzî who was worldly gave his religion to the
winds and gave a decree to the effect that as Walî M. K. had
shown a heretical disposition and göne out of the Muhammadan
circle his wives were husbandless . 8 That audacious (imâm Qulî)
and incontinent one took in marriage the undivorced wife of his
living uncle, a thing which is not allowed in any religion.

Walî M., who had come to Ispahan, was welcomed by Shah
Abbas the İst, and although he ignorantly interviewed the Shah
from onhorseback, the Shah behaved with gentleness and cor-

1 Vambery I, c. 311. See also ac-
count of the uproar caused by the
boars in the 'Alam Arâî, 590.

* Possibly it means " graceiul
•figüre."

s M'uaUaç, literally suspended.
See Lane 2137, ool. 2, " a woman
whose husband has been lost to
her, neither having a husband, nor
divorced."

362

THE MAASIR-UL-TJMARA.

diality and did not forsake the rites of hospitality. The chrono-
gram was Âmâda jjâdshüh Türân, " Arrived Türân's king " 1020,
161 1. 1 Though the Shah increased his affectkmateness and
heartiness Walî M. remained depressed and did not expand.
After some time when a musical entertainment came to an end,
and political questions fell to be discussed, the Shah said: '' This
year the Türk (Rûmî) has come to Tabriz ; I must dispose of him ;
next year I shall myself aceompany the Khân and establish him
on his aneestral throne." The Khân said:* " Delay and procras-
tination won't do. As yet the power of imâm Qulî has not been
established. The help of the Qizilbâshes will be an object of
horror to the. Uzbegs." By ohance at that time, letters came
from the Uzbeg chiefs, whose unfaithfulness had made him an
exile, full of repentance for the past, and of service and devotion
for the future. By urgency he got leave from the Shâh and prc-
ceeded to Bokhara. After six months, which were spent in going
andcoming from Persia, hecame to Tûrân, and with the help of
some of the ofncers, who were penitent for what they had done
and wished to repair it, he got possession of Bokhara without a
battle. imâm Qull fled from Bokhara and came to Qarshî.
There he left Ai Khânim and came to Samarcand. Walî M. in
the pride of success and from a distracted disposition set about
taking vengeance (on his enemies), and without getting together a
suitable f orce he trusted to the words of recalcitrants and traitors
and proceeded against his brother's sons. The two parties came
to blows at two farsakhs (leagues) from Samarcand. Many of the
leadere turned away from fighting and withdrew to the rear He
could not bring himself to incur the disgrace of flight> but afc-
tacked imâm Qulî with 2 or 300 of his own men and was wounded
and fell. They lifted him up and brought him before imâm
Quli, who immediately ordered him to be put to death. 3 Thus
the sovereignty of Türân became established in İmâm Quli with-
out a partner or rival, while the government of Balkh and

1 Walî Muhammad laft Turan in
1019, bat met Shah Ab bas in the
beginning of 1020. 'Alam Arâî 592,

where several chronograms are given.
î id. 593.
3 Vambery 321. Alam ArSî 599.

THE MAASIR-ÜL-T7MARA.

363

Badakhshân fell to Nazr M. After thirty-five years of sovereignty
he (imâm Qulî) in the year 1051, 1641, became blind and the
affairs of the country fell into confusion. Nazr M. shut his eyes
to his obligations tovvards his brother 1 and set before himself the
seizure of Samarcand and Bokhara. Though the Uzbegs were
so pleased with imâm Qulî's excellent behaviour that they unani-
mously said that though eyesight (başârat) was göne, foresight
(basirat) was apparent, and that in spite of his blindness they
were pleased with his rule, yet as imâm Qulî was from the bot-
tom of his heart willing that Nazr M. should take* his place, they
were obliged to bring him to Samarcand and to recite the lçhutba
in his name. Nazr M. sent him off by the route of Persia to the
holy place though he wished to travel by India, and did not per-
mitany of his ladies to aceompany him, not even his beloved Ai
Khânim. He also laid hold of ali his accumulated treasures.
imâm Qulî in great distress and in company with Khwâja Naşîb,
Nazr Beg Taghai (uncle by mother's side) , Rahim Beg and Khwâ-
jah Mîrak Diwân — about 15 persons in ali, Uzbegs and slaveg — set
out, and after interviewing Shah 'Abbâs the 2nd and receiving
his hospitality, went off to the Kaaba. He then proceeded to
Medîna, and there he died 3 and was buried in the Baqî' ceme-
tery. *

As the establishment of Nazr M. on the throne, the commo-
tion of the Uzbegs. and the coming of the armies of India to that
country (Transoxiana), ha ve been fully detailed in the accounts of
Khusrau Sultan the 2nd, son of Nazr M. , we no w proceed with
our narrative. When Prince Murâd Bakhşh arrived at Balkh in
the month of İst Jumâda 1056, June 1646, Bahrâm Sultan,
Subhân Qulî Sultan and some great men and nobles of Balkh
entered 6 the victorious camp. The prince sent Aşâlat K. the
Mir Bakhshî to bring them in, and Amîru-1-umarâ 'Alî Mardan
K. received them at the door of the diwânkhâna. The prince
treated them with much respect and placed them on the right

1 He was only his half-brother.
Vambery 318. See account of imâm
Qulî and Nazr M. in PSdshâhnâma II.
252, ete.

2 Vambery 319, and Pâdshâhnâma
II. 255-256. s Vambery 319.

* Lane'a Dict. 2356.
6 PSdshahııSma II. 536.

«p —

364

THE MAASIR-TTI/-TTMARA.

hand of the masnad on the state carpet (sozanl). He showed

them various kindnesses, and then dismissed them in order

that they might go and exert themselves for the comforting

of the Khân. They were to teli him that every kind of aid

and service in chastising the malcontents and factions would

now be translated from intention into deeds, and that untii the

settlement of the Khân ( the victorious army would not set

their feet on the skirt of repose. As the fortune of Nazr

Muhammad had come to an end, a groundless suspicion took

possession of him, and he announced that he vvas going to

prepare a banquet for the prince, and went off to Bâgh Murâd.

He took some jewels and ashrafîs along with him and fled vvith

his two sons Subhân Qulî and Qutluq Sultan. When this news

reached the prince he directed Bahâdur K. Rohilla and Aşâlat

K. to pursue him, and occupied himself in making arrangements

for the country and for confiscating the Khân's property.

Twelve lacs of rupees worth of jewelled vessels, ete, and nearly

2500 mares, 1 vere received into the royal establishments. Though

the amount of his accumulations which he had himself placed

in ehests, and the details of which were written in his own

hand and lef t by him there, and the keys of which were ahvays

kept by him, were not found, yet from the verbal state ments

of the elerks it appeared that his treasures amounted to seventy

lacs of rupees in money and goods. None of his ancestors

had had as much. in the disturbance of the Uzbegs and

Alman, and the time of flight and confusion, a little was spent

and much was plundered. The revenue of Balkh and Badakh-

shân and the whole of Transoxiana and Türkistan — which were

in the possession of the two brothers — according to a oopy

of the registers, ineluding the regular land revenue and the

miscellaneous receipts, the payments in money and in kind, the

inereases 2 and the tithes amounted to about one kror and twenty

1 Horses and marea, Pâdshâhnâma.
II. 540.

* Cf. II. 814 in the acoount of
'Inayat, and aleo Pâdshâhnâraall. 542.
The ezpresaion in text is j'ami' "hhirâj

irtifa 'ât corıesponding bo the irtifa'
of II. 814. The Pâdshâhnâma l.c.
puts the total revenue of Nazr M.'s
kingdom at about one kror of shâhis,
i.e. khânıe, which was equal to 25 lacs

THE MAASIE-TTL-TJMARA.

365

lacs of khânis— which is the curreney of the country, and which
came to 30 lacs of rupees. Of this, 16 lacs of rupees were
received by imâm Qulî K. and 14 by Nazr M.

in the month of Jumâda-al-akhir, in the beginning of the
20th year of the reign of Shah Jahan, the Khutba was recited
in his (Shah Jahan's) name in the city of Balkh. Bahrâm
and 'Abdu-r-Rahmân, the sons of Nazr M., together with Rustum
the son of Khusrau Sultan — ali three of whom on acoount of
want of information had not accompanied Nazr M. and had
remaıned behind in the citadel of Balkn with his household — were,
together with the wives and daughters of the Khân, kept under
surveillance and sent off to the Presence. When they came
to Kabul, Saiyid Jalâl Şadru-ş-Şadûr received them at the avenue
(khiyabân) and condueted them to the Presence. Bahrâm Sultan
received the rank of 5000 with 1000 horse and Rs. 25,000 in cash
and other favours, and was always treated with respect, and
spent his time in tranquillity. When Nazr M. was again estab-
lished in his hereditary territories his conneetions in obedience to
summons went off in the 23rd year to Balkh. Bahrâm Sultan
could not withdraw his heart from the pleasures and delights of
India and was unwilling to go to Türân, and spent the rest of
his days in India in the enjoyment of a suitable pension, and
lived on till the reign of Aurangzeb.

BAHRAMAND KHAN.

He was Mîr Bakhshî and his name was 'Azîzu-d-dîn. His
father Mirza Bahrâm was the 4th son of the well-known Şâdiq 1 K. ,
who was the sister's husband {yazna) of Yeminu-d-daulah* Aşaf
K. When Şâdiq K. died. M. Bahrâm, \vho was of tender age,
received the rank of 500 with 100 horse. Af ter that he had

of rupees. I he irtifa' spoken of here
and in the account of 'Inayat Ullah
are the inereases to the revenue ef-
feoted by Nazr Muhammad's careful
management and greedy ways. See
Pâdshâhnâma II 542, where it is
mentioned that Na?r Muhammad in-

creased his revenues, whereas imâm
Quti allowed hi» to deteriorate.

1 Şâdiq K. Mîr Bakhshî, Maaşir-ul
Umara II. 729-31.

s Brother of Nur Jahan and father
of Mümtaz Mahal

366

THE MAASIR-TTIi-UMABA.

not much promotion but was sometimes darughah of the gold-

smith's office and sometimes steward. He had the rank of

1500 with 300 horse. When his elder brother Umdatu-1-mulk

J'aafar K. was made governor of Bihar he also was appointed to

that province. When in the 3rd year it was arranged that Sulai-

mân Shikoh , the eldest son of Dara Shikoh , should be married to his

daughter, he was summoned from Patna, and Shah Jahan gave

jewels and ornaments to the vahıe of one iac of rupees asa marriage-

present. Af ter that he lost his eyesight and lived for a long time

in retirement in the capital. He had two sons, 'Azlzu-d-dîn and

Sharafu-d-dîn. The first obtained in the lOth year of Aurangzeb

the title of Bahramand K. As he possessed ability and rectitude

he performed his duties well and there were few services in which

he was not employed. He was promoted from being daroghah of

the elephant stables to be bakhshî of the Ahadîs, and then be-

eame Mas.ter of the horse {akhtabegi). in the 23rd year he was

made Mîr Âtişh (artillery-officer) in the room of Şalâbat K., and

in the same year Ajmere became the abode of the king. While

the Khân was on the other side of the Âna Sâgor and had his

lodging in the garden, he happened to be sitting in the shade

of a tree when there was a stroke of lightning, and the Khân

jumped and fell into the tank. For some time he was insensible.

in the 24th year he became Master of the Ceremonies (Mîr Tüzük),

and after that he, in succession to Lutf üllah became daroghah

of the ghuslkhâna. After that when the imperial retinue marched

to the Deccan, and encamped at Ahmadnagar, the Khân, who

besideB being a good office-man, was a capable leader, w as

appointed to attack the banditti. When in the 28th year his

father died in the capital, Ashraf K. the bakhshî-ul-mulk vvent

by orders and brought him to the Presence, where he \vas com-

forted by receiving an orphan's robe of honour. Asad K. the

Jamla-ul-mulk, as he was the sister's son of the deceased,

received a nlma astın (tunic) which the king was wearing. in

the 30th year after the battle of Bijapur, Bahramand was 2nd

bahhshl in succession to Rüh Ullah K., who was raised to the

post of İst bahhshl. When the Jumla-ul-mulk Asad K. was

sent off to take the fort of Ginjî, Bahramand was made vizier.

THE MAASIR-TJL-T/MARA.

367

in the 36th year he was, on the death of Rüh Ullah, made 1 Mîr
Bakhshî, and had the rank of 4000 with 2000 horse. Aftervvards
he had the rank of 5000 with 3000 horee.

During this time he went several times against the enemy
and in the 45th year when Marwângarha,* which is two kos
from Khatânûn, was taken by the excellent exertions of Fath
TJllah K. Bahâdur, and its neighbourhood became the imperial
camp, a large army was sent under the commaııd of the Khân
Bakhshî-ul-mulk (i.e. Bahramand) to take the fort of Nândgarha,
which is known as Nâmgarha, as also the forts of Candan 8 and
Mandan, which were known as Miftâh (the key) and Maftüh
(opened). He with the help*of Fath Ullah K. took ali three
forts in a few days and then returned. in the 46th year, after
the taking of the fort of Khelna, he died 6 on the 5 Jumâdâ-al-akhir
1114, 16 October 1702. As the daughter of Jumla-ul-mulk Amîru-
1-umarâ Asad K. was married to him, Prince Kâm Bakhşh, in ac-
cordance with orders, removed her from her sorrow and sent 8 her
to oourt, where she was comforted. Bahramand had no son. One
daughter was married to Muhammad Taql K. Banî Mukhtâr, and
her son is the present Bahramand K. who has been described in
the biography of Dârâb 7 K. Another daughter was married to
Mir K., the eldest son of Amîr K. deceased. This marriage took
place after Bahramand's death. Mîr K. had in Aurangzeb's time
the rank of 1000 with 600 horse. in the beginning of Bahâdur
Shâh's reign he was for some time governor of Lahore as deputy
of Aşaf u-d-daula. Afterwards he was the governor of the fort of
Kâlinjar, which is a celebrated fort in the province of Allahabad.

To sum up. Bahramand K. was an officer poseessed 9 of
gravity and modesty, a master of dignity and firmness, of a püre

1 Khâfî K. II. 407.

forts were Nândgîr, afterwards called

* Qu. Wardângarha. M.' Alamgîri,

Nâmgîr, Candan and Wandan. Maasir

442.

A. 44.4.

s Do. The Kahâwan of Khâfî K.

• M. 'Alamgîrî 461, where the date

II. 490, and EUiot VII. 370.

given is 25 Jurnâd-al-akhir. The

* Chandan and W andan. EUiot

death was from paralysis.

VII. 370, note. They are N, Sattara

1 M. A. 461.

of Maasir 'Alamgîri 442.

s Maasir, İL 40.

' Khâfî Khân II. 491. The three

• M. A. 161.

368 THK MAASIR-TTIi-TTMARA.

disposition and good morals, and also pleasant and affable. in
his latter days he had an impediment in his speech. They say
tbat when in the Deccan campaign he had become Mîr Bakshî and
a great officer, he often said that if the king would give him leave
of absence for one year to Delhi he would give a lac of rupees as
Peshkash (present). His companions said to him, " Are not the
society of the emperor and the respect of the public worth the
pleasures of Delhi ? " He rephed , ' ' True , these are great blessings ,
but the joy would be if I could go to my own city and be my own
master (shahryâr). Nothing can be pleasanter to the vain soul
than that in the place where I was seen in my former condition, I
might be beheld in my present circumstances."

BAIRÂM KHAN KHAN-KHANAN. »
He was separated by three intermediates from 'Alî Shükr
Bahârlü who belonged to the great Turkman tribe of the Qar-
âqümlü. At the time when this tribe was in its glory and there
were such chiefs as Qarâ Yüftuf and his sons Qarâ Sikandar and
Mîrzâ Jahân Shâh who were rulers of Arabian Persia and Azarbai-
jân, 'Alî Shukr held the territories of Hamadân, Dînawar* and
Kurdistan, and up to this day those coııntries are known as the
possessions of 'Alî Shukr. His son Pir 'Alî Beg came to Hişâr
Shâdmân at the time of Hasan (Uzzun Hasan) the king öf the
White Sheep who contrived to extirpate the Black Sheep, and
was for a while with Sultan Mahmüd Mirza, and then went off to
Persia. He fought a battle with the ruler of Shiraz and was
defeated. At the same period he fell into the handsof the officers
of Sultan Husain Mîrzâ and was put to death. Af ter that his son
Yâr Beg lef t Persia in the time of Shah Ism'aîl Safavî and came
and settled in Badakhşhân. From there he went to Amîr
Khusrau Sbah in Qandüz, and on the termination of the latter'-s
authority he with his son Saif 'Alî Beg, who was Bairâm K.'s

1 B. 316. Darbâr A. 167. Elliot
V. 215, note 1. A.N. trans. I. 381.
Bairâm was the fourth descendant of
«Alî Shukr.

2 Desoribed in Burhan Qâtî, Appen-

dix, as a large city of Persian Irâq.
it is in N.W. Persia and lies N.W.
Hamadân. See J. III. 82, note. This
part of the account seems taken from
the Haft Iqlim.

THE MAASIR-TJL-ÜMABA.

36Ö

father, becatne the servant of Bâbur. Bairâm K. was born in
Badakhşhân, and on his father's death went to Balkh and ac-
quired leaming. in his sixteenth year he entered the service of
Jinnat Ashiyânî (Hümâyûn) and grew daily in the shadow of his
favour, till at longth he became his companion and an Amîr. He
hazarded his life in the disaster of Qanauj and went tovvards
Sambhal. There he was received with kindness by Raja Mitr Sen,
who was one of the important landholders of that country, in the
town of Lakhnûr. When Sher Khâa heard of this news, he sent
for him and had a meeting with him on the road to Mâlwa. Sher
K. rose up and embraced him. He sought to attract him by en-
ticing words, and remarked, " Whoever âcts sincerely does not
err." Bairâm answered, " So it is, whoever acts sincerely shall
not go astray." Near Burhanpur he after a thousand difficulties
and with the help of Abü-İ-qâshu governör of Gwaliyar made his
escape and went off to Gujarat. On the road Sher Khan's am-
bassador, who was coming from Gujarat, heard of him and sent
men and had him and Abu-l-qâsim — who was of distinguished per-
sonal appearance — arreafced. Bairâm K. out of high spirit and cour-
age objected, saying, " I am Bairâm K." Abu-l-qâsim out öf gener-
osity said : " This is my servant, and he wants to devote himself
for me." They withheld their hands from him and so Bairâm K.
eseaped and went to Sultan Mahmüd in Gujarat. Not recognizing
Abu-l-qâsim, they put him to death. Sher K. used often to say
that " When Bairâm K. said, ' Whoever is sincere, shall not go
ascray,' I perceived that he would not arrange matters with us."
Sultan Mahmüd Gujaratî also tried to win him, but Bairâm would
not consent. He took leave to go on pilgrimage and came to the
blessed ' port of Surat and from there he went to the country of
Hardwâr. 2 With the idea of serving Jinnat Ashiyânî he took the
road to Scinde and on 7 Muharram 950, 13 April 1543, at the
time when Hümâyûn had returned from the country of Mâldeo
and was in the town of Jün — which was on the bank of the Indus

1 So calied as the pilgrims' port.
1 See Akbarnâma trânslation I.
382, note 4. AU this part of the ac-

oount of Bairâm is taken from Abul
Fasıl.

370

THK MAAStR-Ul-UMAEA.

and vraa remarkable for the number of ita gardens and streams.

By chance on the day that he came to Jün he had to appear on

the battle-field before he could pay his respects to Hümâyûn , for

the latter's forces had a fight with the Argb.ûnîâns. Bairâm took

part in the fight and fought bravely so that the soldiers thought

he was a heaven-sent ally. When it appeared that he was Bairâm

K. there came a cry of joy. in the expedition to Persia he was

the best and most faithful of servants. The king of Persia also

admired his abilities and loyalty. As that sovereign sometimes

feasted with Hümâyûn for the sake of enjoyment, and sometimes

had a hunting party with him, he, one day, when there was a display

of polo and of tilting (qdbk andâzl), gave him (Bairâm) the title of

Khân. After the return from Persia he was sent with a letter of

royal advice and a firman of favour to Mirza Kâmrân. He con-

sidered -within himsetf that it would not be right to present the

two rescripts to Kâmrân who would doubtless be sitting, and

whom it would be difficult to induce to pay the respect of rising

up to receive them. He therefore took a copy of the Koran in

his hand and tendered it as a present. The Mirza stood right up

out of respect to the volume, and just then Bairâm presented

the two documents. When Hümâyûn after taking Qandahar

made it över to the Persians according to the promise he had

made to the Shah and decided upon conquering Cabnl, it became

necessary to have a place of safety for his family and domestics.

Accordingly he took Qandahar by force from the Persians, and

made it över to Bairâm K. and wrote to the Shâh a letter of

apology saying, "Bairâm K. is the trusted servant of both of u»

We have made över the for t to him."

When in the year. 961, 1554, some make-bates spoke to the
king untrue things about Bairâm K., he came to Qandahar and
ascertained that the reports were false. He treated him gra-
ciously, and Bairâm became in the expedition to India the best of
ali the leaders and was a forefighter in battle, and was victorious.
Especially, in the battle of Macîwâra, when with a few men he
attacked a numerous army of Afghans and defeated it. He ob-
tained the parganaa of Sirhind, ete. in fief , and received the lofty
titles of Yâr Wafâdâr (the faithful friend), Barâdur Nekü-siyar

THE MAASIB-UL-UMARA.

37 i

(well-conditioned brother) and Farzand S'aâdatmand (auspicious
son), in the year 963, 1556, he was made the guardian of Prince
Muhammad Akbar, and was appointed to suppress Sikandar
K. Sür, and to manage the affairs of the Panjab. in the same
year on 2 Rabîu'-l-akhir, Friday, 14 February 1556, when Akbar
sate upon the throne in the town of Kalânûr, Bairâm was made
Vakîlu-s-sultanat. He had the control of affairs, and had the
title of Khân-Khânân and was styled in correspondence Khân
Bâbâ. in the year 965, December 1557, Selîma Sultan Begam,
whom Hümâyûn had promised to Bairâm, was given to him in
marriage. She was the daughter of Mirza Nûru-d-dîn Muhammad,
and the niece (half-sister's daughter) of Hümâyûn. M. Nüru-d-dîn
was the son of Alâü-d-din Muhammad who was the son of Khvrâja
Husain known as the Khwâj azada of Caghânîân, and who was great-
grandson of Khvvâja Hasan A.fctâr, who was the immediate son
of Khwâja Alâü-d-dîn \vho was the successor (khalîfa) of Khwâja
Naqşhband. The daughter of Shâh Begam, the daughter of 'Alî
Shukr, the great-great-grandfather (text, third grandfather) of
Bairâm, who was in the household of (i.e. was married to) Sultan
Mahmüd tbe son of Sultan Abû Ş'aîd, had been married to the
Khwâj azada, it was on account of this conneetion that Bâbur
gave his daughter Gulbarg 1 to M. Nûru-d-din, and for the same
reason was this marriage made. The Begam (Selîma) had a
poetical vein and wrote under the name of Makhfi (conoealed).
This verse of hers is famous.

Verse.

in my passion I called thy lock the " thread of life " ;

I was wild and so uttered such an expression.

1 Jâhangir, Tüzük 113, calls her
Gulrukh. See Akbarnâma translation
II. 97, 98, and note. Selîma is said
by Jâhangir to have been sixty years
of age when she d i od in 1021, or 1611.
If so, she must have been a child of
six when she was married to Bairâm
in 1557. it appears, however, from a
note by Mirza Muhammad in a MS.
of Kâmgar jŞasain Ghairat K.'s his-

tory, and which is one of Col. Hamil-
fon'a MS8. in the B. Mueeum, that
Selîma was really 76 w nen she died,
she having been born in Shaww5l 945,
so that she was some three years
older than Akbar. The ohronogram
of her birth is khûjjjhâl, which yields
945, 1 538-9. See A.S.B.J. for 1905
and Tüzük J. traus., p. 232, and note
6, p. 509.

372

THE MAASIR-TTL-UMARA.

After Bairâm'8 death Akbar himself married her. She died
in the seventh year of Jahangir.

Good God ! in spite of this proximity, solidarity, influence,

and ali that wisdom, experience, abundant loyalty, and devotion,

some marks of the caprice of fate appeared upon the tablet of

manifestation, so that the disposition of Akbar became alienated

from that great man. in fact strifemongers who were full of

envy, out of spite and self-interest, exaggerated matters (lit. made

one a hundred) and perverted the feelings of the young monarch.

Also flatterers and overturners of houses altered the nature of the

aged Amir, so that he did not pay Akbar the deference that was

due to him. For instance, one day Bairâm was taking an airing

on the river Jumna, and one of the royal elephants rushed into

the water and made for Bairâm's boat. Though the driver by

great efforts got him under control, the Khân Khânân suspected

something, and was much disturbed. The king, out of considera-

tion for him, sent the driver to him, and Bairâm withont paying

regard to court-rules, put the driver to death. The king was much

displeased ; and determined to free himself from his minister.

Accordingly, he in 967, 1560, lef t Agra on pretence of hunting

and went off to Delhi. When he arrived there he summoned the

omcere» and, on the recommendation of Mâham Anaga, Şhihâbu-

d-dîn Ahmad K. was appointed to the charge of affairs. The

Khân Khânân wished to present himself, but Akbar sent him a

message that he eould not see him at this time, and that it would

be better for him npt to come. Some are of opinion that the king

did go off in order to hunt, and that when he came to Sikandar-

âbâd in the Delhi district, Mâham Anaga instigated him to gallop

off to Delhi to wait upon his mother Miriam-Makânî. There was

no cloud then on his heart with regard to Bairâm K. though sin-

ful and envious people were trying to produce such a feeling, and

said things to him with this object, and Adham K. and his mother

were especially active in this respect. But as the idea of Bairâm

K.'s unsullied loyalty was firmly rooted in the royal mind such

representations had no effect. But as has been said —

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

373

Verse '

"VVhenever rivals are regarded with favour
1 assure them that words have their effect.

The strifemongers, who had their opportunity, at this time
implanted ideas of alienation. in shorfc Bairâm himself from a
right conception of the situation sent the insignia of office along
with the principal officers "to court and asked permission to go on
pilgrimage. Afterwards at the whisperings of some evil-disposed
persons he proceeded to Mewât. When it was reported that. the
royal army had göne in pursuit of him, ali the king's servants lef t
Bairâm ; and he sent the tumân-togh, the standard, the drum and
other insignia of office to court by his sister's son Husain Qulî
Beg. He wrote to the officers who had been told to pursue him
that he had withdrawn his hands from everything, and asked why
they tormented him. He had for a long time desired to visit the
holy shrines ; now the thread of the accomplishment of his desire
had f ailen into his hands. The officers were obliged to return.
As Rai Mâldeo the Rajah of Jodhpür was on the road to Gujarat
(i.e. his lands lay on the way) and was on bad terms with Bairâm,
the latter went from Nâgor to Bîkânîr. Rai Kalyan Mal the
Iandholder of that place came before him with loyalty and gave
him hospitality. At this time a report arose that Mullâ Pîr
Muhammad had come from Gujarat and had been ordered to follow
Bairâm. Strifemongers stirred up Bairâm, and by exciting him
to resistance made him turn back to the Panjab. Owing to the
deceitf ulness of foolish talkers he removed the veil from his ao-
tions, and set his face to\vards the Panjab. He busied himself in
collecting men, and wrote to the various officers, "I intended to
go to the Hijâz, but when it became known that Mâham Anaga

' These lines are quoted by Ferish-
ta. but in the first Üne he has nihayat
instead of 'inayat. See Newal Kish-
ore'g lith., p. 248. it is, howev«T, 'in-
ayat in a MS. of Feriahta and it
seems to have the negative nist in the
first üne. The "them" in seoond

üne is perhaps honorific for the king or
minister concerned. The verse is also
quoted again in II. 568, where insan
is incorreçtly substituted for iskân.
See note to translation of life of
Shihâbu-d-dîn.

374

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

and others had perverted the royal mind and were plptting my
ruin, it occurred to me that I should first punİ3h those evil-doers
and then proceed on the blessed pilgrimage, and also that I should
lay hold of Mullâ Pir Muhammad Shirwânî,' who has now obtained
a flag and has been appointed to eipel me."

in short, ali these things having irritated him he became
overpowered by wrath, and could not restrain himself. Strife-
mongers too got their opportıınity and aggravated his disposition
stili more. When the rebelliousness of the Khân-Khânân became
manifest, Akbar sent on the Atga Khân in advanee and also set
out' himself from Delhi. At that time the Khân-Khânân was
scheming to take Jâlandhar. When he heard that the Atga
Khân was coming, he advanced to meet him. After a severe en-
gagement he was defeated and toök refuge in Talwârâ— a strong
place in the Sivalik hills— with Ganesh the Rajah thereof. When
the report of the arrival of Akbar's army reached the hill-country ,
his men came out of the fort and fought. They say that in that
encounter Sultan Husain Jalair of the kîng's army was killed, and
that his head was cut off and brought to the Khân-Khânân. He
burst into tears and saîd, "My life is not worth my being the cause
of the killing of such men." in great grief he sent his slave
Jamâl Khân to H.M. and bagged forgiveness of his offences.
Akbar sent Mun'im K. with other officers into the hills in order
that they might assure him of safety and bring him into the
Presence, in Muharram of 968, October 1560, the 5th year of
the reign, Bakam came into the camp, and ali the officers received
him with honour. When he came before Akbar he had a hand-
kerchief (rüpâk) round his neck and he flung himself at the king's
feet, and wept greatly. Akbar with consummate graciousness em-
braced him and removed the handkerchief from his neck. He en-
quired after his health and bade hım be seated according to the
established custom (i.e. on his right hand). He also presented him
with a glorious robe which he himself was wearing and gave him
leave to visit the holy shrines.

When he came to the city of Pattan in Gujarat, which was
formerly known as Nahrwâla, he remai'ned there for some days in
order to rest his cortege. At that time Musa Khân FülâdI was

THE MAASIB-UL-ÜMARA.

375

governor of that city, and a number of Afghans had collected
about him. Among them, one Mubârak K. Lohânî, whose father
had been killed in the battle of Maciwâra, cherished the idea of re-
venge. Also the Kashmîrî wife of Selim Shâh was in the caravan
with her daughter by him. She intended to go to the Hijâz , and
it was arranged ' that the daughter should be married to Bairâm's
son. The Afghans were also displeased at this. On Friday 14
Jamâda-l-awwal, 31 January 1561, Bairâm went boating on the
lake which is the recreation-ground of the city, and is known
as the Sahas Lang, because there are a thousand idol-temples on its
banks. When he was disembarking from the boat that savage
represented that he had conıe to pay his respects, and during the
interview he struck him with his dagger and killed him. The
Khân-Khânân uttered the kalma Allah Akbar and departed from
this vvorld and obtained the martyrdom which he had long prayed
for, and had begged from the men of God. They say that for
3'ears he had never omitted to shave and bathe on Wednesdays %
in accordance with the intention of martyrdom, and that on one
such occasiona simple-minded Saiyid, who had heard of this, said to
him as he lef t the assembly, " We shall repeat the fatiha with the
intent that the Nawâb obtain martyrdom." Bairâm smiled and
said, " Mir, what kind of sympathy is this ? I desire martyrdom,
but not so soon as this."

Upon the occurrence of this catastrophe every one of his ser-
vants ran off, and Bairâm lay there in blood and dust. A number
of Faqîrs took up his bleeding body and committed it to the
earth in the tomb of Shaikh Hisâm — who was one of the great
Shaikhs there. Afterwards the body was, by the çare of Husain
Qulî K. , buried in holy Mashhad. Qâsim Arslân of Mashhad made
the chronogram of the event. They say that he, a long time
before the occurrence, had been warned of it in a dream and had
made the verses.

I This is stated by Abul Fazl büt'
seems unlikely. The girl must have
been several years older than Bairâm's
aon, for her father died in 1554,

whereas 'Abdu-r-Rahim was not born
till the end of 1556.

'■* it was on a Wednesday that Mu-
hammad bathed for the last time.

376

THK MAASIB-TJL-T7MARA.

Verae.

When Bairâm donned the ihram to visit the K'aaba
His purpose was effected by his martyrdom od the way.
in truth a epirit uttered the chronogram
" Muhammad Bairâm was made martyr." (968)
(Shâhîd shud Muhammad Bairâm.)

His body was removed to Delhi , and in aocordance with his
will it was taken to Mashhad in 985, 1577. Bairâm was greatly
skilled in poetry. He composed ' brilliant odes and made fitting
insertions in the poems of the masters. He collected these and
gave them the name of dakhliya. They say that when Bairâm
wa8 in Qandahar Hümâyûn wrote this quatrain : —

Verse.*

thou friend of my saddened heart,

How thy sweet nature is well-balanced !

I'm never at »ny time without thought of thee,

But what sadness hast thou in thought of me ?

Bairâm replied : —

Verse.

thou who art incomparable shade (protector),
Greater than any praise I can offer thee,
When thou knowest how it passes without thee
Why ask, " How feelest thou, when parted from me?"

They 3 say that one night Hümâyûn was conversing with the
Khân, and that the latter became inattentive. The king said,
" We are addressing you." The Khân woke up and said, " My
king, I was attending, but I ha ve heard that in waiting upon

l I am not sure of the meaning.
The verb dârad is wanting in the text
after ghara, but occurs in a variant
and aeems required Also it is found
in Ferishta from whom the passage is
borrowed. BairSm's odes were com-
posed in honour of 'Ali.

* Hümâyûn is said by Ferishta to
hav e Bent this quatrain to BairSm at

Qandahar after the taking of Kabul,
and Bairâm is said to have written
the quatrain whioh followa in reply.
See DarbSr A. 163-64. As the first
word of the fourth line of Hümâyûn ,'s
quatrain Ferishta has aya " come "
instead of ama " but."
3 BadayünillI. İ92.

THE MAASIB-UL-UMARA.

377

princes one should have heed to his eyes, and when serving der-
vishes should have heed to his heart, and in presence of the eru-
dite should guard his tongue. and so I was thinking that as ali
three pereonalities were collected in your Majesty, which of them
I should observe." The king was pleased with this eztempore
pleasantry and praised him.

The author of the Tabâqât Akbarî vvrites that twenty-five of
Bairâm' s servants attained the rank of 5000 and received flags
and drums. The truth is that Bairâm was adorned with ability,
excellence, probity, vigour, genius, and generosity, and was
strong of heart and profound. He was devoted to the house of
Timur. At such a crisis when Hümâyûn was removed before his
empire was stablished and the prince was young and inex-
perienced, and ali the territory except the Panjab had been lost,
and when the Afghans were numerous and were raising the stan-
dard of empire, and in every hole and corner, waiters upon events
were beating the drum ot opposition, and the Chaghatai officera
who were not well affected towards staying in India were advising
a departure to Kabul, and Mîrzâ Sulaimân had seized his opportu-
nity and recited the Khufcba in his own name in Kabul; Bairâm,
by the sole influence of his courage, firmness, and excellent
arrangements, made the stream which had lef t its course return to
its channel, and re-established the sovereignty. Akbar also by
many favours and attentions entrusted the management of affairs
to him in order that he should carry out what he thought proper,
and should not pay heed to any one else, and be without fear of
censure. He also quoted this verse.

Verse.

Grant a loving friend, and let both worlds be foes.

Whetı the power of the Khân Khânân beeame greater day by
day, th« thorn of envy broke off in the hearts of others. Envious
peraons mixed up calumnies with truth, made one into a hundred,
and so alienated the king's disposition. The Khân-Khânân also,
in his might and grandeur, gave no consideration to others and
did not take them into account. He was suspicious of them and
48

378

THE MAASIR-TTL-UMARA.

thought that they would soon take up a new position towards
him (?). Even af ter his downfall he had no real intention of re-
belling. As soon as he received the king's message, which was
conveyed by Mîr "Abdu-1-Lâtif Qazvinî, he sent the insignia of
office fco H.M. and showed a desire to go to the Hijâz. Strife-
mongers on both sides did not allow him to do this. Op-
ponents wrote to the landholders on the route that they should
not allow him to pass through in safety, and his associates
urged him and said, " Men who are of no rank ha ve leagued to-
gether to overthrow you and so are having recourse to intrigues,
and are seeking to cast you, in spite of ali your rights, into con-
tempt and. misery. 'Tis better to die with honour than to live
with disgraoe.'" in this way they succeeded in ruining him, ac-
cording to the saying (nukta). "Presumption and the love of
glory bring a man to evil days, and cast him into dangers and
sorrows." Hence it is that the love of the world is the head of

errors.

Verse. l

Ambition is the ruin of the brain.
'Tis the propefty of a hood to extinguish a candle.

BAIRÂM BEG TURKAMAN.

He was Mîr Bakhshi in the time when Shah Jahan was a
prince, and was then one of his principal officers. He held high
office and had the title of Khân Daurân. When the prince on ac-
count of the treachery of Rustam K. Shighâlî turned back beföre
Sultan Parvîz and crossed the Narbada, he took the boats to his
own side and made the ferries strong with cannon and muskets,
and lef t Bairâm Beg in charge on the bank of the river, and has-
tened off to Burhanpur. When Mahâbat K. arrived with Sultan
Parvîz at the river-bank he proceeded to engage Bairâm Beg.
There was a battle of guns and muskets on both sides, and when
Mahâbat K. saw that crossing was difficult, he had recourse
to craft. He wrote to the Khân-Khanân M. 'Abdu-r-Rahîm

l Sir u barg is a phrase meaning ths fcrain, and also pride. Ezaltation is like
putting a hood (külah), i.e. an eztiaguiaher, on a candle.

THE MAASlB-UIrüMARA.

379

through Râo Ratan, and set in motion the chain of peace The
Khân-Khânân too expostulated with Shah Jahan , and reque?ted
that peaee might be established on his guarantee. If the servants
(of Jahangir) were not conciliated by him, his ('Abdu-r-Rahîm)
sons might be put to death (by Shah Jahan). He added strong
oaths to these representations. When the sound of peace was
spread abroad, the guarding of the ferries was neglected and Mahâ-
bat K. crossed the river at night before the arrival of the Khân-
Khânân. The Khân-Khânân too forgot ali his promises and
joined the imperial arruy. Bairâm Beg was obliged togo to Burhan-
pur. After that in the expedition to Bengal when Shah Jahan
was at Bardwan, Şâlih Beg, the brother's son of Âşaf K. Ja'afar
who was faujdâr there, in spite of the weakness of the fort, shut
himself up in it. 'Abdullah K. proceeded to besiege him and re-
duced him to extremities so that he came out and was imprisoned
by Shah Jahan's orders. The Sarkar of Bardwan was given in
fief to Bairâm Beg and he was sent off to administer it. When
the prince, after subduing Bengal, went to Behar and took pos-
session thereof , Bairâm Beg came from Bardwan and took charge
of Behar. After that, the prince encountered the imperial army
at Benares, and Wazir K. was appointed to the charge of Behar,
and Bairâm Beg was summoned to the Presence. One day when
Sultan Parvîz had sent his bakshi Muhammad Zaman across the
river, Bairâm Beg Khân Daurân was ordered to seize an opportu-
nity for attacking him. He from pride and arrogance did not re-
gard Muhammad Zaman sufficiently and attacked him with a few
men at the confluence of the Jumna and Ganges and was
wounded. He sacrificed ' his life. His son Hasan Beg escaped
from the field of battle wounded and also died after a few days.

BÂLJÜ QÜLÎJ SHAMSHER KHÂN.

Brother's son and son-in-law of Qulîj -K. Jânî* Qurbânî.
in the 8th year of Jahangir's reign he obtained the rank of 1000
with 700 horse. in the 9th year he attained the rank of 2000

l PSdahShnSma I. 124.

* Said to be the name of a tribe. See B. 35 and Badayünî III. 188.

380

THE MAASIB-UL-UMABA.

with 200 horse, and was appointed to Bengal. Afterwards he was

for a long time stationed at Kabul, and in the first year of Shah

Jahan's reign had the rank of 2000 with 1500 horse. When af ter

the death of Jahangir, Nazr Muhammad K. the ruler of Balkh

came with an army to Kabul, and the dust of commotion rose

high, he (Nazr) sent a threatening message to the king's men who

were in the city, but they out of loyalty refused to listen, and

Bâljû l Qulîj who was among them, impressed his fidelity more

than ever on the mind of the king. in the 2nd year he at the in-

stance of the governor Lashkar K. marched with a force against

Zohâk and Bâmîân. The Uzbegs out of terror abandoned the

forts and fled. in the 3rd year he in company with S'aîd K. dis-

tinguished himself in chastising Kamâlu-d-dîn Rohilla, the son of

Raknu-d-dîn, who in the time of Jahangir had been raised to a

manşab of 4000 and afterwards had out of a seditious mind been

lifting the head of presumptiön in that country. * He received a

manşab of 2500 with 1800 horse and the title of Shamsher K. in

the 4th year the thânas of both parts 8 of Bangash were entrusted

to him, and he had a mınşab of 3000 with 2500 horse. in the

5th year corresponding to 1041, 1631-32, he died. His son Hasan

K. received a manşab of 800 with 300 horse and 'Ali Qulî his

brother had a manşab of 900 with 450 horse and died in the 17th

year of the reign of Shah Jahan.

BÂQI K. CELAH QALMÂQ.

One of the trusted slaves of the king. By a happy horosoope
and good service he had a place in the heart of Shah Jahan. Ih
the 6th year he obtained the rank of 700 with 500 horse, and in the
9th year he had the rank of 1000 with 1000 horse. in the lOth
year he got an increase of 1000 zât and 1000 horse and his rank
became 2000 with 2000 horse, and he was given a flag, a horse,

ı PâdshShnânıa I. 20. İt is BSlcü
there. Bâljû does not seem to be
mentioned ip the Tüzük I. He is
called Balkhû in PSdshâh'nâma I. 183.

* id. 311. The country was Pesha-

8 That is Upper and Lower Bang-
ash. The term UppBT and Lower
Bangash occurs several times in the
Maaşir, e.g. II. 239.

THE MAASIB-UL-UMABA.

381

and an elephant and made faujdâr of Catra ' which is a pargana
belonging to Orcha in Bandelkand. When this territory was
taken from Jujhâr Singh and became imperial property, that par-
gana which contained 930 villages and yieldad eight lacs of re-
venue, and was adorned by ample territory and abundant rivers,
was made Khâlşa and received the name of Islâmâbâd.* At this
time Bâqî K. was made the faujdâr thereof, and distinguished 8
himself by putting down the malcontents of the country. When
Campat Bandlla the servant of Rajah Jujhâr Singh made, after
the death of the latter, his son Prithîraj the instrument of sedition,
and plundered the villages of Orcha and Jhansî, 'Abdullah K.
Fîrüz Jang was made the jagirdar of Islâmâbâd, and appointed to
extirpate Campat. When he came there he wished that Bâqi K. ,
who had already exerted himself in chastising the wretch, should
personally march against the recalcitrants. The Khân from love
of work promised that if 'Abdullah lent him his troops he would
finish the affair. Fîrûz Jang out of indolence did not go himself
but turned back, and Bâqî K. in the 13th year made a rapid
march and took the rebels unawares. Campat with great diffi-
culty saved himself, and Prithîraj was captured. in the 17thyear
Bâqî K. was made darogha of the ghuslkhâna and afterwards he
was made governor of the fort of Agra. in the end of the 27th
year he died on his fief of Bari * which belongs to the province of
Agra, and his jagir became crown-land. His sons Sirdâr K. and
Bâqî K. were distinguished in the reign of Aurangzeb, and have
been separately noticed. They say that Bâqî Beg in the beginning
of his career was kotıvâl of Lahore which was then in the fief of
Yemenu-d-daula Aşaf K. On behalf of the latter, Bâbâ 'Inayat
Ullah Yezdi, who was a trusted servant of Aşaf K., was the gov-
ernor, and as he did not esteem Bâqi K. he engraved on his ring
the words " The work is 'Inayat's 6 and Bâqî is a pretence."

1 Pâdshâhnâma I, Part II, p. 277.
Catra or Jhatra was formerly in Sar-
kar Irij. Jarrett II. 188. Orcha is
written in text as Andcha.

* Khafî K. I. 454.

» PâdahâhnSma II, 136, and 193.

* Jarrett II. 182.

6 Kâr b'inayat ait u bâql bahâna.

The words pun upon the meanings
of 'inayat and bâgi, the first meaning
favour, and the lecond, remainder.

382

THE MAASÎBrTJL-TJMARA.

BAQI r£HAN HAYAT BEG.
Younger brother of Sirdâr K. Kotwâl. in the 23rd year of
Aurangzeb he received the title of Hayât K. in the 28th year
he received the charge of the palace-guards (amânat-i-haft caukî) 1
in succession to Mir «Abdu-1-Karîm. Afterwards he was raade
darogha of the ghuslkhâna of Muhammad M'uazzam commonly
known as Shah 'Alam. When during the siege of Bijapur the
disposition of the king suspected the prince of disloyalty and
was unkindto him, and ordered his advisers, such as Mümin K.
Najm Şâni, the darogha of the artillery ; Multafat K., the 2nd
bakhshî, and Bindrâban Diwân, to be expelled, the prince did not
take warning but during the siege of Haidarabad carried on a
correspondence with Abü-1-hasan, with whom he had previously
had relations. Ali his endeavours in this respect were that the
knot (of the siege) might be untied by his hand, and that his
father might connect the taking of the fort with his name. III-
wishers and envious persons represented these excellent endea-
vours in a bad light and alienated the king's affections from
him. One day the king in his private chamber examined ' Hayât
K.* about this affair, and though he strongly asserted the prince's
innocenee, he did not produce any effect. The king ordered that
an intimation should be conveyed to the prince to the effect that
Shaikh Nizâm Haidarabad! wouId on this night make an attack on
the camp, and that the prince should put his servants in the front
parts of the camp, in order that they might resist the attack, and
that when his men had göne off in that direction , ihtimam K. Kot-
wâl would guard his tents. Next day, which was the 18th
Jumâda-al-akhir of the 29th year of the reign, the prince came to
the Darbâr in accordance with orders, accompanied by Muham-
mad M'uizzu-d-dîn and Muhammad 'Azîm (his sons.) At this time
the king was seated in the hail of state. After he (the prince) had
sat for some time the king said, " Certain matters have been
mentioned to Asad K. and Bahramand K.— go into the Oratory
and have a conference with them." The prince was helpless and

1 Blocbmann 257.

* Khâfi K. II. 331.

THE MAASIR-TJL-UMABA.

383

had to go. Asad K. asked for his arms and said, " You must
spend some days in quietness." He was then conducted to a tent
which had been set up close by. They say that at the time of
taking his arms M'uizzu-d-dîn meditated doing something else (i. e.
he thought of resisting) but that his father looked sternly at him ,
and that thereupon he subsided The imperial olerks took posses-
sion in the tvvinkling of an eye of the insignia of office. The king
left the hail of audience and came to the female apartments. He
cried " Alas ! Alas ! " and laying his hands on his knees said, " I've
reduced to dust the labour of forty years." After this catastrophe
as Sirdâr K., the elder brother of Hayât K. , was a favourite, the
Khân also was not censured, and became a zealous servant.
Afterwards he received his father 's hereditary title of Bâqî K. and
in the 48th year obtained the rank of 2000 and in succession to
Kâmgâr K. was made governor of the fort of Agra, vvhich is for
strength distinguished from ali other forts. On this account it is
reckoned above ali the other forts in India, and the royal jewels
and treasures are preserved in it. After the death of Aurangzeb,
Bâqî K. determined with himself that he would give the keys of
the fort, and the treasures, to whomsoever among the heirs of the
kingdom should arrive first. These treasures consisted of ashrafis
and rupees and surplus 1 presentation-pieces, besides uncoined gold
and silver in the shape of vessels, and amounted, according to a
statement ( qaul) , to nine krors of rupees, and according to rumour
(revayll) to thirteen krors. Though the idea was that Muhammad
A'zam Shah would be the first to arrive, yet as the liters of the
book of destiny had inscribed it with the name of Bahâdur Shah ,
it came about that the latter came first, and the former last.
Muhammad 'Azîm (Bahâdur Shah's son) who had been dismissed
from the Government of Bengal was travelling with the intention
of coming to the Presence (of Aurangzeb) ; on hearing the news
(of his death) he came to Agra by relays of horses. Bâq>

1 u 'urfi u gharibneıvüz. The pas-
aage seem» to be copied from Khâfî K.
II. 568, four lines from foot, but the
word urfi which I have conjecturally
renderedas " surplus," doeanot occur.

Professor Dowaon render» «he words
rupiya gharibnetvâz as presen tation-
raoney, Elliot VII. 389, and this
seems to be right. KhSfî K. goes on to
say that tho ghar\bnewâz <whraji» and

384

THE MAASIR-UL-TJMARA.

K. refused to give up the fort and alleged ' the compact he had
raade with himself. The prince erected batteries, and some can-
non-balls reached the Begam's mo3que (Jahânâra's) At last the
prince saw that the attempt was vain and withdrew his hand
from battle, and entering the gate of conciliation sent Bâqî K.'s
petition and compact to his father. Meanwhile Bahâdur Shah's
standards had traversed a great distance and reached the capital
(Delhi) On hearing fche news he increased his speed and reached
Agra, and Bâqî K. delivered up the keys of the fort and the
treasure, and congratulated Bahâdur Shah on his accession. He
was rewarded by princely favours. Bahâdur Shah rapidly took
four krors of rupees from the treasury and made presents to the
princes and nobles according to their rank. He also paid the old
servants their wages and gave two months' pay to the new ser-
vants, and gave something to the fenıale department, and some-
thing to the poor and needy, and spent two krors. He lef t Bâqî
K. as before in charge of the fort. He died in the beginning of
Bahâdur Shah's reign. He had many sons and and sons-in-law.

BÂQI MUHAMMAD KHÂN.

Foster-brother of Akbar and elder brother of Adham K.

His mother was Mâham Anaga, who was closely connected with

the king (Akbar). At the time when the reins of power were

in her handa she celebrated Bâqî Khân's marriage, and the king

rupees, for he mentions both, weighed
up to fi ve huridred toku. So I sup-
pose that the pieces raeant are thoae
whioh were struck at coronations, ete,
and distributed. The word 'ur/i,
which the Maasir has added. means,
I suppose, accumulations of these
coina, or surplus remaining över after
distribution. An enormous gold piece,
above 70 ounces in weight, of Shah
■Tahan's time is deseribed in Richard-
son's Dict., ed. 1806, undet the word
Slkka, by Sir Charles Wilkin». The
same or a similar coin is flgured in the
J.A.S.B for January 1883, p. 2. it
wae a 200 mohur pıeoe. in the Maasir

test there is a conjunetion betvveen urfi
and gharîbnewâz, but the Blochmann
MS. has not this and it seeras be t ter
away. A variant to the teıt omits it.
Oharibnewâz is perhaps used as a
synonym for tbe Arabio word nisâr.
Mr. Gibbs points out that Tavernier
mentions the distribution of large gold
coins,

The word khazâin in text means
both treasures and treasuries. Acoord-
ing to Abul Fazl, Blochmann, p. 14,
Akbar had twelve separate treasur-
ies.

ı The prince was not the heir, as his
father was alive.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

385

out of his affection for her, came tothe entertainment. Bâqî K.
obtained the rank of 3000, and from Badayünî's history it ap-
pears 1 that he died in the 30th year of the reign in Garha Ka-
tanga, which was his fief.

BAQIR K. NAJM ŞÂNÎ.

This family goes bacK to Yâr Ahmad of Ispahan. He (Yâr
Ahmad) firot gained a name for reetitude and ability when he was
in companionship with Mîr Najm Gîlânî, the Vakîlu-s-sultanat of
Shah Ism'aîl Şafavî. When Amîr Najm died, the Shah made över
the bridle of affairs to Yâr Ahmad and gave him the title of
Najm Şânî (second star), and raised his rank above that cf ali
the othpr officers.

Verse.

Najm Şânî who had no second in the two worlds.

They say that his magnificence and grandeur were euch that
nearly two hundred sheep were daily used for his table (shilân)
and that a thousand dishes of excellent food were his daily por-
tion. On marehes forty strings of camels carried his kitehen. in
the Transoxiana campaign, though he was marehing rapidly,
thirteen silver caldrons (deg) were used in cooking. When his
magnificence and greatness had got to such a piteh, and he had
become arrogant and proud, he was appointed to conquer Tûrân.
The Shah sent him to assist Bâbur who had left that country on
account of the predominanoe of the Uzbegs, and had applied
for aid to the Shah. Najm Şânî erossed the Oxus and set him-
self to commit massacre and rapine. The Uzbeg princes bar-
ricaded themselves in Ghajdawân and prepared for battle. The
Qizilbâsh officers, who were insincere and treacherous, prosecuted
the siege negligently. Conseqüently Amîr Najm planted his foöt
firmly, and made great efforts and was made prisoner. in the
year 918 (1512), Ubaidullah K. Uzbeg put him to death.

They say that the father of Bâqir K. w#a for a time diwan of

1 Badayünî, Lowe 351. it really was the 29th year : see A.N. 436.
date of his death waa early in September, 1584. See also Blochmamı 381.

The

386

THE MAASIR-UIrUMARA.

Khurasan. By heaven's decree he underwent deprivation and
Bâqir K. came to India in great distress. As he was a youth of
merit he became enrolled among Akbar's servants and obtained
the rank of 300. Some say that in the time of Jahangir he came
from Persia and that he was made a day-servant 1 and received
the rank of 200 with 5 horse. By chance Khân Jahân Lodî came
to court, and asked the king who the young man was. Jahangir
told the whole story of Najm Şânî. Khân Jahân represented
that it was a pity that with such a record his rank should be so
small, and accordingly he was promoted to 900 with 30 horse,
As his horoscope was fortunate they married him to the daughter
of Khadîja* Begam the sister of Nur Jahân. Immediately the
gates of power w ere thrown öpen for him. He obtained a
mansab of 2000 and the government of Multan with the faujdârî
of the 'Alam Khân 8 river. By his ability* and industry he pro-
duced great tranquillity and took presents (peshkashhâ) from the
Bilücîs, the Dudayân, 6 and the Nâhar," who form another
world between Multan and Qandahar, and became possessed of
much money and goods. Bâqirâbâd-Multan was named after him.
Jahangir out of great affection called him farzand "ehild." in
the time when Shah Jahan was a prince, he became governor of
Oudh. He came with a well-equipped army to the Presence, and
received praise and compliments. in the end of Jahangir 's reign
he was made governor of Orissa, and there too he distinguished
himself. in the 4th 7 year of Shah Jahan he led an army to

1 rvz malâzamat. The Rouzinpar
(rüzânadâr) of Bernier.

» She was wife of Hakim Beg,
Maaşir I. 574

8 Text eiU. JU v | 5b-i-'Alam Khân.
Apparently thifl is the Shah Alam river
mentionedinl. G. XIV, 247. it is the
southern branch of the Kabul river.

* Text ,yiı5 jK jljt oo <»* kardan* but
the I.O. MS. No. 628 and alao Blooh-
mann's MS. have aw5z-i-lcardâni,
"The repoıt of his skill," and this
seems more probable.

6 Text cJ^İİ«S>S Dudayân. Perhaps
the Dâdî tribe is meant. I.O. MS 628
has apparently Daud Khân. DSüdzai
is named as a tribe in J. II. 402.

6 Variant TBhar and so in I.O. MS.
Perhaps it should be NSghar, J. II.
402. More probably it is the Nazharî
or Tazhari tribe of Balcı chistan men-
tioned in J. II. 337, and note.

T it was the third year. PSdshahnâ-
ma I. 332, ete. See also id. 373, Elliot
VII. 17.

THE MAASIR-TTL-UMARA.

387

Khairapâra, two kos from Chhatardaıvâr, 1 which is a defile between
Orissa and Telang. and is so narrow that if a small body of
musketeers or arehers took possession of the pass it would be im-
possible to get through. On the other side of Khairapâra at the
distance of four kos is the fort of Manşûrgarha which Manşür, a
slave of Qufcbu-l-mulk, had built and called by his own name.
Bâqir negleeted nothing in the way of ravaging the conntry.
When he came to the fort he fought bravely and defeated and
drove off the enemy. When the garrison beheld his courage and
vigour they got frightened and begged for quarter and delivered
up the fort. He remained for a time in the province of Orissa.
His father whose condition had been changed by his great age and
who lived with his son died there. in the 5th year on account of
his behaving badly and unjustly to the inhabitants of Orissa, he
was removed *, and when he came to court in the 6th year he was
made governor 3 of Gujarat. After that he was made governor
of Allahabad, and there he died' in the lOth year and begin-
ning of 1047 (1637).

He was unequalled for courage and he was the first of his age
for military skill. He was deeply skilled in arehery. Jahangir
has vvrjtten in his diary 6 that "Öne night Bâqir K. in my
presence placed a slender white glass in the light of a torch and
made something of wai of the size (qadr) of a fly's wing and
stuck it on the (top of the?) glass. Above it he put a grain of
rice and above that a pepper-corn (fuljul). With the first arrow he
shot away the pepper, with the second the rice, and with the third
the wax, without ever brushing the glass."

They say that Bâqir K. delighted much in bearing the sound
of a trumpet, because Rustum used to listen to it ; and he had a
well-equipped orehestra (naubatkhâna). One day Hakîm Ruknâi "

1 Apparently it is the defile men
tioned in the Tüzük I, p. 302, by
which Shah Jahan entered Orissa.

» ibid., 430.

* ibid., 451.

* ibid., Part II, pp. 274 and 295.

* This apooryphal story is told iti
Price's yersion of the Memoirs, p. 93.

Apparently the author of the Maasir,
or his son , considered the work authen.
tic. Cf. Elliot VI. 279. The pepper-
corn wasprobably " long pepper,' ' i.e.
a chilli. The fly's wing mjght be a
buttorfly's wing. The story is not in
the authentic Memoirs,
* Pâdshâhnâma I, Part II, 349,

388

THE MAASIR-TTL-TJMABA.

Kâslıî came to see him. The trumpet was sounded in his pres-
ence and the Hakim said, " Nawab Salâmat, Hail tp the Nawab:
Rustum sometimes listened to the trumpet." Bâqir K. was much
skilled in prose and poetry and in oalligraphy. He composed
a ditvân. The following is an extract. (Seven lines follow.)

M. Şâbar,.his eldest son, died in the beginning of his youth.
The account of his second son Fâkhir K. 1 has been separately
given.

BASALAT K. M. SULTAN NAZR.

He belonged to the Caglıatai tribe of Arlât. His father
M. Muhammad Yâr was a native of Balkh and came to India in
the time of Shah Jahan, and was enrolled among the rmnsabdârs.
M. Sultan Nazr was born in India and after coming to years
of discretion obtained an office and attached himself to Muham-
mad A'zim Shah. At last he was the prince's agent and remained
at court. After the death of Aurangzeb, Muhammad A'zim-
Shah gave him the rank of 3000 and +he title of Şalâbat K. and
made him darogha of the diwân-i-khâş. He was wounded in the
battle with Bahâdur Shah and fell upon the field. Afterwards
he joined Bahâdur Shah and received the title of Basâlat K. and
as made Bakhshî of the Risâla (troop of cavalry) which was
known by the name of Suitan 'Alî Tabâr.» At the time of re-
turning from the Decean he was retired on its being found that
the pay (of the soldiers) was left in arrear and that the men of
the risâla were in evil case. in the time of Jahândâr Shah he
was, by the exertions of Zü-1-Fiqâr K., confirmed in his mansab
and former jagir. in the time of Farrukh Siy ar, Husain 'Alî K.
remembered old assooiations and made Him bakhshî of the force
«hich had been appointed to chastise the Rajputs, and took him
with him. Afterwards, in the march to the Decean, he also
accompanied Husain 'AlîK. in the year 1167, 1754, he was killed
in the battle with Dâüd Panî near Burhanpur. and was buried in

Ethe, I.G. Cat. 858. Rieu II. 603a and
688ft. His poetical name was Masilj.
I do not see the point of his re-
mark.

) Maaşir III. ,26.
* Household troopa.
and 44.

Cf. Irvine* 40

THE MAASIR-TTL-UMABA.

389

his estate in the Sanvvâra quarter of that city. He was famed for
his friendliness, and he was also very well spoken. His eldest son
had the name of M. Haidar. By the help of Husain 'Alî he got his
father's office of bakhshî. After the deaths of the Saiyıds he went
into retirement. His second son, who was called by his father's
title, was a companion of Âşaf Jâh. The wroer has &een him.
He had two sons who are stili living and who hold small offices
and jagirs. (Q)

BARKHÜRDÂR. 1 (M. Khân 'Alam).

Son of M. 'Abdu-r-Rahmân Duldai whose ancestors long
served the Timuride family. His forefathers had from the time
of Timur been Amire, generation after generation. His ('Abdu-
r-Rahmân's) great grandfather Mir Shâb, Malik was one of the
great officers of Timur, and was always renowned for his right-
mindedness and loyalty M. Barkhûrdâr held up to the 40th
year of Akbar's reign a manşab of 250. in the 44th year when
Dalpat U jjaini * — who was one of the contumacious in the provinee
of Bihar — was released 8 from prison and obtained leave to return
to his home, the Mîrzâ, out of revenge for his father's having
been killed in battle with that landowner, fell upon Dalpat
in the fields with some followers, but Dalpat escaped. Akbar
ordered that the Mîrzâ should be bound and sent to Dalpat, but
this was remitted at the intercession of some courtiers, and he
vvas imprisoned. it chanced that he was much engaged in the
service of Sultan Selîm, and after the accession as he was much
skilled in the duties of chief huntsman he was made Ghief Falconer
{çüshbegî). in the 4th year he became known as Khân 'Alam,
and whenin the 6th year 1020, 1611, Shah 'Abbâs Şafavî, the king
of Persia, sent Yâdgâr 'Alî Sultan Tâlish to offer condolences for
the death of Akbar, and to congratulate Jahangir on his accession,
Khân 'Âlâm was in the 8th year sent back with Yâd gâr 'Alî as en-
voy. As the Shah had göne to Azarbaijan to attack the Turks
Khân 'Alam was desired to stay for some time in Herat and Qüm.

l B. 612 and 46S.

' Dalpat belonged to the Dunıraon family.

8 A.N. III. 758.

390

THE MAASfltrTTMJMABA.

They say he had many men with him, viz. 200 falconers and
huntamen and 1000 of the trusted ( servants of the king. On
account of his long stay he sent most of them back from Herat.
in the year 1037, 1627 — 28, when the Shah returned to Qazwîn the
capital, Khân «Alam who had with him 700 or 800 servants,
arrived at the city with ten powerful elephants with gold and silver
trappings, a number of beasts of prey, and war-horses, birds, in-
cluding birds that talked, Gujarat cattle, ornamented chariots ' and
palanquins. Ali the principal officers came out to welcome him,
and brought him to the S'aâdatabad garden. Next day the Shah
had polo and tilting (qabaq andâzi) in the S'aâdatabad plain.
Khân 'Alam paid his respects, and the Shah showed him much
honour and observed that "as between us and the noble king
Jahangir there is the relationship of brotherhood, and as he has
ealled you brother, the brother of a brother is also a brother."
Thereııpon he embraced him in brotherly fashion. Khân 'Alam
wished to present one of the presents each day. The Shah wished
to go to Mazandarân for zangûl* hunting, which is specially prac-
tised in that country and for which the time was now passing.
Accordingly he produced the special rarities on one day, and the
other things were made över to the Biyütât (the housekeeping-
department), in order that the Shah might inspect them gradually.
The Shah was so eaptivated by his company that if it was ali
writtejı down it would be taken to be exaggeration. in the exceas
of his graciousness he used to cali him Jân 'Alam (life of the world)
and could not spend a moment without him. If by day or night
it chanced that he did not come, the Shah would without cere-
mony go to his quarters and shöw him stili greater favour. One
day 3 when he had taken leave of the Shah and made his quarters

1 gardûnhâ. Is this a mistake for
the Karhadan (rhinooeros) of the 'Alam
Aral ? The same book speaks of
deer as among the animals.

> Shikâr zangûl. Zangûl means a
beli or a rattle, and th<- reference may
be to the kind of nunting ealled
Ghantaharah, B. 292. The 'Alam
Arâi, Tehran ed., p. 663., 32nd year of

reign, saya it is a kind of boar-hunt-
ing, shikâr gurâz. Can zangûl be eon-
nected with Latin singularis— French
sanglier ?

S Khâfî K.I. 300. Perhaps this re-
fers to the day when Khân 'Alam took
his fiı.al leave of the Shah and went
outside of Ispatıan ■ The apologies the
Shah made were in case he had un~

THE MAASIR-TJL-TTMARA.

391

outside of the city the Shah came to him on foot and made
apologies.

Certainly Khân 'Alam performed his mission well and spent
much money and acquired a great name. Sikandar ' Beg Munshî,
the author of the 'Alam Arâî history, writes that he saw the pomp
with which Khân 'Alam entered Qazwîn, and that he heard from
credible people that from the beginning of the Şafavî dynasty no
ambassador had come from India or Turkey with such splendour.
Nor was it known if any had come so grandly in the time of the
Khosroes or of the Kayanian dynasty. Khân 'Alam returned
from -Persia in the beginning of the year 1029, 1620, which wasthe
end of the 14th year of Jahangir and at a time when the king was
going for the first time to Kashmîr (as king) . Khân 'Alam appeared
then before the king in the town of Kalânür* and paid his res-
peets. The king from excessive graciousness kept him for two
days and nights in his own bedehamber and gave him his
own blankets. As a reward for his having accomplished the em-
bassy he raised him to the rank of 5000 with 3000 horse. it is
strange that Shaikh 'Abdu-1-hamîd of Lahore has wr itten in the
Pâdishâhnâma Shahjahanî that Khân 'Alam was wanting in
cajolery and tact, and so did not conduet the embassy well. One
does not understand why he has so written, and what his author-
ity was.

When the sovereignty came to Shah Jahan, Khân 'Alam was
raised to the rank of 6000 with 5000 horse and received a flag and
a drum , and was made governor of Bihar in succession to M. Rüş-
tüm Şafavî. As on account of excessive addiotion to köknar (opium)
he could not transact business, he was removed in the same year.
in the 5th year, end of 1041, 1632, when Shah Jahan returned to
Agra from Burhanpur, Khân 'Alam paid his respeets. On account
of his great age and his addietion to opium the King excused bim
from service, and allowed him a lac of rupees a year. He spent

intentionally failed in any of the
duties of hospitality. Comparo Tûzuk
J. 284, ete.

1 Tuzuk J. 285.

5 'Alam Arai, account of 32nd year,

p. 662. As B. remarks 513, the author
of the Pâdshahnâma say» Kh5n 'Alam
was a failın-e as an ambassador. Khfffî
K. I. 299, 300, says he djd exoellently.

392

THE MAASIR-TJI/-UMARA.

his days with tranquillity and comfort in Agra, and died a natu-
ral death. He had no children. His brother M. ' Abu-sSubhân
was faujdâr of Allahabad and did his duties well. Afterwards he
was appointed to Kabul and was killed ' in a fight with the Af rîdîs.
His son Sherzâd K. Bah&dur was full of courage. He fell in
the battle of Sahîndah fighting against Khân Jahân Lodî on the
king's side. The author of the ' Alam Arâi writes * that Khân ' Alam
received from Jahangir the title of "brother," but, this is not
mentioned in the Indian histories, nor is it commonly reported.
But as the Shah mentioned this at the interview, as has been re-
lated above, it appears to be genuine for without inquiry the Shah
would not have said such a thing. But God knows !

(Rajah) BÂSÜ.
He was the zamindar of Mau 3 and Pâthân (Pathankot), which
is a tract in the Bârı Düâb in the Panjab and near the northern
hills. When the inevitable event (the death) of Hümâyûn dis-
turbed the world, and the somnolent seditionş awoke in every
quarter, Sultan Sikandar Sür, who had crept into the defiles of
the Panjab hills, and was watching for his opportunity, raised the
head of rebellion. Bakht Mal, who was then the chief of the
tract, raised the head of influence, and was prominent in exciting
sedition. He joined Sultan Sikandar and strove to support him.
Afterwards, in the 2nd year of Akbar, when Sikandar was besieged
in the fort of Mânkot, and the distressed condition of the garrıson
became more apparent every day, inasmuch as it is the way with
most of the zamindars of India, to abandon the path of straight-
forwardness, and to watch every side and join whoever is the
stronger and is being victoriou», Bakht Mal acted in accordance
with zamiııdari wües and joined the royal army. After the fort
had been taken and Sultan Sikandar had withdrawn, and the city
of Lahore had become the halting place of the imperial standards,
although severity towards those who have come in be not ap-

1 B. 514. Tûzuk J. 158. Thia was
in Jahangir' 8 time, 1026=1616, and
when Khan 'Alam had been appointed
ambassador to Persia.

* 'Alam Âiaî 662, top line.
S Jarrett II. 319.

THE MAASIR-UL-ÜMARA.

393

proved of, even though they have yielded out of necessity, yet
Bairâm K. took into consideration his seditious spirit, and judging
it right to destroy him, put him to death, and appointed his
brother Takht Mal in his room. When the proprietorship of the
tract came to Rajah Basu, he always trod the path of obedience,
and performed good service. When Akbar, after the death of
M - Muhammad Hakim and the taking possession of Afghanistan ,
perceived that the settlement of the Panjab was the important
matter and fixed upon that province as his residence, Rajah Bâsû
from shortsightedness and foolish thoughts proceeded to be sedi-
tious. Accordingly, in the 31st year Hasan Beg Şhaikh 'Umari
was sent against him. His orders were to punish him if he did
not listen to advice. When the royal army came to Pâthân
(Pathankot in Gurdâspur) the Rajah was roused from slumber by
a letter from Rajah Todar Mal and came to court with Hasan Beg
and submitted; Afterwards, in the 41st year he brought över
many of the landholders to his side, and again became disobe-
dient. Akbar gave Pâthân and its neighbourhood in fief to M.
Rustum Qandaharî and sent him off to chastise Bâsü. Âşaf K.
was also sent with him to give assistance. But the two leaders
did not act together and so the work was not accomplished. M.
Rustum was recalled and Jagat Singh, the son of Rajah Mân Singh,
was appointed. The royal servants made promises of working in
harmony and addressed themselves to the task. They invested
the fort of Mau, which was famous for its strength, and waa
Bâsu's residence. Fighting went on for two months, and at last
the fort was surrendered. in the 48th year when news of his recal-
citrancy was brought, another army was ordered against him.
Jamîl Beg, 1 the son of Tâj K., was killed by his (Bâsu's) men.
After that the Rajah attached himself to Prince Sultan Selim, in
order that by his representations he might obtain pardon for his
offences. Again he became turbulent, and in the 49th year, when
the prince for the second time submitted to his father, he came
with him in the hopes of his intercession. But, on account of
dread, he remained* ön the other side of the river. Before the

» B. 467.

* Akbarnâma

III. 833. Mâdhü

Singh was Rajah M5n Singh's brother's
son according to the statement there ,

394

THE MAASIB-TTL-UMARA.

the prince had spoken for him, Akbar sent Mâdhü Singh Kach-
wâha to seize him. He got news of this and fled. When Jahan-
gir came to the throne he received the rank of 3500. in the 6th
year he was sent off to the Deccan, and in the 8th year he died, 1
1022, 1612. His sons were Rajah Süraj Mal and Rajah Jagat
Singh. Both of them have been separately noticed.

BÂZ BAHÂDUR.

His name was Bayazîd and he \vas son of Shujâ'at K. who
was generally known in India as Sajâwal K. When Sher Shah took
Mâlwa from Malû K. who has known as Qâdir Shah, he made Shu-
jâ'at, who was one of his officers and of his elan, the governor of
that country. in the time of Selîm Shah he went to the Presence,
and after some time he became displeased and went back to
Mâlwa. Selîm Shah led an army against him, and he took refuge
\vith the Rajah of Düngarpûr. At last Selîm Shah summoned him
to his presence by making promises and oaths, and kept him un-
der surveillance, and distributed Mâlwa among his officers. After
that, in the time of 'Adli he again got possession of Mâlwa and
wished to recite the khutba and to coin money in his own name.
in the year 912, 1555, he died a natural death, and Bâz Bahâdur
succeeded him. in 963, he defeated most of his opponents and
hoisting the umbrella över his head recited the khutba in his own
name He brought the whole of Mâlwa in subjection to himself
and led an army against the extensive country öf Garha. He was
defeated by Rânî Durgâvatî, who was the ruler of that country,
and did not attempt to retrieve himself, but occupied himself in
pleasure and dissipation. He let the foundation of his povver go
to the winds and waves, that is, he became so addieted to wine
and music that he made no difference between night and day, and
gave heed to nought except these two things.

Physicians have preseribed wirıe according to fixed quantities
and seasons vvith reference to the bodily frame and certain consti-

but it appears from Blochmann 437 that Mâdhü was Rajah Bhagwân Dâs's son
and consequently Mân Singh's brother. Jahangir alsospeaks of Madhü as being
his wife's brother.

1 Tüzük 123. He died at Shahabad in Bajputana,

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

395

tutions, and prudent and wise persons have sanetioned music at
the time of çare and melaneholy — such as are produced by en-
grossment in worldly matters, with the object of recruiting the
faculties, but have not approved of making these two things the
great objects of life and of ever sacrificing to them precious hours
for which there is no exchange. Bâz Bahâdur who was himself
the teacher of the age in music and melody, employed ali his ener-
gies in colleeting dancing girls (pâtarân). They were ali famous
över the world for music. The head of the troop was named Rüp-
matî. They say that she was a "Padminî," 1 which is the fîrst
elass of the four kinds of women, according to the division made by
Hindu sages, that is, the elass which is compounded of excellent
qualities. Bâz Bâhadur was wonderfully attached to her, and
continually wrote Hindi love-songs about her, and emptied his
heart for her. Stories about their love and beauty are stili upon
people's tongues.

in the sixth year, 968, 1560-61, Adham K. and other officers
were sent to conquer Mâlwa. Bâz Bahâdur had made a f ortifica-
tion two hos distant from Sârangpûr, which was his capital, and
he showed fight. His men were vexed and did not show alacrity.
At last there was a stubborn battle, and he was defeated. As he
had left some trustworthy men with his women and dancing girls
in order that if news of his defeat should arrive they should put
them to death as is the custom of India, when his defeat was
known, some were put to the sword, and a large number were
wounded, and stili had some flickerings of life, while others were
yet untouched. The imperial army came to the city and there
Avas not time to kili the rest. Adham K. got possession of every-
thing and made search for Rûpmatî, who had been severely
wounded. But when this news (" naghma" melody) came to
her ears her fidelity grew ardent and she quaffed the cup of poison
and manfully died for love of Bâz Bahâdur.

When the government of Mâlwa was taken from Bâz Bahâ-

1 " Padminl is incomparable for
her beauty and good disposition, and
is tali of stature. Her limbs are per-
fectly proportioned : her voice soft,

her speech gracioııs though reserved,
and her breath fragrant as the rose.
She is ohaste, and obedient to her
huşband." Jarrett III, 243.

398

THK MAASIR-TTL-TT1CARA.

dur and given to Pir Muhammad Shirwânl, Bâz Bahâdur, who was
wandering in the jungles between Khandes and Mftlwa, collected
an army and came forward to fight. He was again defeated by
Pir Muhammad and took refuge with Miran Mubârak the ruler of
Khandes, who gave him his army. On this occasion he again op-
posed Pir Muhammad, who af ter taking Bijagarh hastened off with
a few men to plunder Burhanpur and was returning laden with
booty. As fate would have it, Pîr Muhammad was defeated. and
in his üight and oonfusion he was crossing the Narbada. He got
separated from his horse and was drowned, and the fief-holders of
Mâlwa lost heart and went off to Agra. Bâz Bahâdur again be-
came securely possesed of Mâlwa. On hearing of this occurrence,
'Abdullah K. Uzbeg, who was one of the great officers, was sent
off along with a number of other officers, in the 7th year, to con-
quer the country. Bâz Bahâdur gave way before the arrival of
fche imperial army and fled. At the sound of the pursuit of the
viotorious army he threw himself into the mountain-defiles, and
spent his rîays in wretchedness. For some time he went to Baharjî
the landholder of Baglâna, and from there he went to Gujarat to
Cingez K. and Sher K. Gujaratl. After tlıat he went to Nizâmu-
1-mulk in the Deccan, and being unsucoessful everywhere, he took
refuge with Bânâ Udai Singh. in the 15th year Akbar sent Hasan
K. Khazânoî to make him hopeful of favour and to bring him into
service. At first he received the rank of 1000, and finally got the
rank of 2000 zat u saroâr (personal, and cavalry). Bâz Bâhadur
and Rüpmatî both sleep l on a ridge in the middle of the wide
lake of Ujjain.

BEBADAL KHAN SAIDAI GÎLANT.
He was a good poet. He came to India in the time of Ja-
hangir and became one of the king's servants, and was included
in the list of poets. in the time of Shah Jahan he on account of
his sagacity and skill received the title of Bebadal (Incomparable)
Khân, and was for a long time darogha of the goldsmith's office

ı Through the kindneaı of Çaptan
Luard I have Mcartained that if
B5ı Bahâdur wm ever buried belide

Rijpra»tî, there ig nothing to slıow
the fact at preaent.

THE MAASnt-UI/-TTMARA.

397

in the royal establishment. The jewelled throne — known by the
name of the Peacock-throne — was finished by him in the course of
seven years at the cost of a kror of rupis, or 333,000 tomans of
Persia, or four krors of the khânî coinage of Transoxiana. As a
reward he was weighed against gold. in fact so valuable and
adorned a throne was never seen in any other age or race, nor at
the present day is there anything like it.

Verse.

No second to it has come to view

However many side-glances 1 have been thrown.

When by the revolutions of Time various kinds of costly jew-
els had been gathered together in the royal jewel-chamber, it oc-
curred to Shah Jahan in the beginning of his reign that the sole
object of collecting such eye-pleasing rarities was to add lustre to
the sovereignty and therefore they should be so made use of that
both sightseers might share the beauty of these products of the
mine and ocean, and also that a fresh glory might be added to the
Sultanate. After reserving the private jewels which were in the
females' appartments, and which were of the value of two krors of
rupees, it was ordered that jewels to the value of eighty-six lacs
of rupees should be selected out of the jewels in the store-rooms,
and which were nearly three krors of rupees in value, and made
över to Bebadal Khân so that with them and one lac of tolahs of
püre gold, corresponding to 250,000 misgâls, the value of which
was fourteen lacs of rupees, he might make a throne three and a
quarter yards (gaz) long, two and a half yards broad and five yards
high. The inside of the canopy was to be chiefly of enamelled
work and with a few jewels, but the outside was to be inlaid with
rubies and cornelians and the canopy was to be supported by
twelve emerald-ooloured pillars. On the top of the canopy there
were two (?) peacocks made of jewels, and bebween every two (?)
peacocks there was a dirakht (tree, the bouquet of Tavernier) set
with rubies, diamonds, emeralds and pearls. in order to asoend
to the throne there was a stair of three steps which was adorned

l Ahval. lit. " squinta."

THE MAASIR-UL-FMARA.

399

398

THt! MAASİR-XJl>tJMARA.

with lustrous jeweis. The middle one of the eleyen jewelled
balustrades (takhta) which went round the throne in order to
retain the pillows, and which is the one on which the kmg
rests his arm, carried jewels worth ten lacs of rupees, and
among them was a ruby - the price of vvhich was one lac of
rupees Shah 'Abbâs Şafavî had sent it as a present to
Jahangir and the latter had given it to Shah Jahan as a reward
for his conquest of the Deccan. At first the names of Amir Timur,
M Shahrukh and M. Ulugh Beg were engraved on it. Afterwards
when by the revolutions of Time it fell into the hands of the Shah
(of Persia) he had his own name cut upon it. Jahangir had his
own name and that of Akbar engraved on it, and af terwards Shah
Jahan had his own name engraved on it. At the New lears
feast of the 8th year, 3 Shawâl 1044, 12 Mareh 1635, he sate upon
this incomparable throne. Hajî Muhammad K. Qudsi* made the

^^AumZ Shahinshâh 'Âdil. " The throne of the just Shahin-
shâh/' 1043, 1633-34.

He also wrote a masnavi in praise of the throne, of whıch the

following is a verse.

Verse.

If Heaven approached to the throne-foot
it would give Sun and Moon as guerdon. 8
Bebadal K. also wrote 134 couplets, every first line of twelve
couplete gave the date of the king's birth, every first İme of
the 32 followin g couplets gave the date of the Accessıon and
every first line of the remaining ninety couplets gave the dates of
theTxpedition from Agra to Kashmir which took place m 1043
1633-34, of the return to Agra, and of the sitting on the peacock
throne. The followin g famous qu.train is also a productıon of

Bebadal. .

Quatram.

That which was your throne majestic as heaven
W as the ornaaenfc of your justioe över the world

Thou wilt last as long as God exists

For substance is ever accompanied by its shadow.

in the beginning of the reign of Aurangzeb the Peacook-
Throne was by orders of the reigning sovereign stili more adorned
by Amînâ at a cost of a kror of rupees. in the year 1152, 1739,
when the great Shahinshâh Nâdir Shah filled the capital of Shah-
jahânâbâd with glory by his power, he took away the throne ' from
the king of the time as part of the spoils of India.

BEGLÂR KHÂN.

His name was S'aad UUah and he was the son of S'aîd K.*
Caghatai of Akbar's time. He had ali the advantages of an
Amîr's son. He was famed for personal beauty , the strength of his
limbs, and pleasant speech. He surpassed his companions in skill
in polo and in military aptitudes. in the lif etime of his father he
gaineda name for reliability. in the 46th year Akbar gave M. ' Azîz
Koka's daughter in marriage to him. He had a lofty mind and
behaved like a prince in matters of etiquette, and was always in
quest of fame. When his father died he, though his rank was
amali, did not dismiss his father 's servants. in the beginning 3 of

1 See Tüzük 202. A»other ruby
worth a lac iı mentioned in KhMR K.
I. 293.

s Ri«u II. 6486 and Ethe 846.
8 rfinamöi. Preeent to a bride on
unveiling.

l For Tavernier's description see
vol. II, pp. 241, 242, ed. 1676. He
speaks of only one peacock. The
acoount in the Maaşir is copied from
the Pâdahâhnama I, Part II, pp. 78,
ete. See tbe translation in Elliot VII.
45. This translation has been useful
to me, but the description is stili
somewhat obscure. According to
Elliot' s ver»ion there were two pea-
cocks on the top of each pillar.
Though Tavernier speaks of only one
peacock, I think there were two for
Bernier speaks of two, II. 53, ed.
1699. The peacock-throne was first
used at Agra. in my father 's His-
tory of India, II. 705, a representation
is given of a jewelled peacock which
vu one of the ornaments of Tipu
Sultan 's throne. See also Keene's
Delhi, p. 19. The totol cost of the
materials of the throne according to

the PadshShnâma was a kror of
rupees, that is one million sterling.
Tavernier's aocount of the cost, p. 242,
as stated by his informants, is rauch
greater and presumably ineludes
workmanship, ete. He saw it af ter
Aurangzeb had spent an odditional
kror of rupees on it, but stili two
krors are far less than the 107 thou-
sand lacs mentioned by him. Accord-
ing to Beale, Bebadal is probably a
sobriquet of thepoetAbfi yâlihKalîm.
Elsewhere he calls Saidai Saidai Qîl-
âni and says his poetical name was
Bedii. See pp, 106 and 344. Saidai
is the Mulla Shaidâ of Rıeu. Cat. III.
1083a and I. 251a. But if Shaidâ
lived till 1080, 1669-70, he must have
been a very long-lived inan.

2 B. 331.

8 Tüzük 96. İt w»s in the 0th
year.

400

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

Jahangir's reign he obtained the title of Nawâzişh K. When in
the Sthyear, 1022, 1613, Ajmere became the residence of Jahângir,
it was perceived that the rernedy for the long-standing trouble of
the Rânâ, which had not been brought to a conclusion, lay in ap-
pointing Prince Shah Jahan to the task. Beglâr K. 1 was his
assİ3tant. When Udaipür, the Rânâ's residence, was oecupied by
Shah Jahan, Nawâzişh K. and some other officers were sent to
Kambhalmîr, which was in the hill country, and there was such a
want of grain that a sır of it could not be had for a rupee. An
universe of men gave their lives for want of bread. At this time
the Khân in his zeal and generosity shared his food every dav
with a hundred others. As he had no money, he sold his
dishes of gold and silver and expended the proceeds. When dis-
sension broke out betvveen Jahângir and the heir-apparent, and
love became hatred, and the dispositions of both parties were
turned towards strife, the imperial retinue proceeded with a small
force from Lahore in order to collect troops on arrival at Delhi.
Nawâzişh K. also zealously came to the Presence from his fief in
Gujarat and did homage. As such times were tests of the jewel
of loyalty , he was the recipient of a thousand congratulations and
was the subject of favours. He was appointed to accompany
'Abdullah K. who was in charge of the vanguard of the army.
Tt happened that as soon as the imperial army and Shah Jahan's
men encountered one another, 'Abdullah K. in accordance with a
secret treaty galloped off and joined the prince. Nawâzişh K.
was ignorant of what was beneath the surface and thought that
the urging on of the horse was for purpose of battle. He and
some other officers and followers f ought bravely and acquiredfame
for courage. He became more and more an object of favour and
received the title of Beglâr K. He obtained the faujdâri and the
fief of Sorath and Junâgarh, the rank of 2000* with 2500 horse,
and hoisted the flag of glory. He stayed long in that country
with honour and respect, and af ter the accession of Shah Jahan

l in the 8th year he got aa increase
of 500 horse so that his Tank became
2000 personal and horse. Tüzük J.
116.

* in the löth year of Jahângir he
obtained the rank of 3000 with 2000
horse.

THE MAASIB-UL-TTMARA.

401

though he received ali increase of 1000 zât, yet in the same year
he was removed, and in the third year, 1039, 1630, he died. He
was buried in Sirhind in his father's tomb. Af ter him. none of
his family became distinguished.

(RAJAH) BETHAL DÂS GAUR

They say that formerly Marwâr and Meywâr were in the pos
session of this tribe (the Gaur tribe) before they came to be held
by the Râthor and Sîsodia tribes. After the latter became vioto-
rious, several parganas of those districts remained in tlıe possession
of the Gaur tribe. Bethal Dâs was the second son of Rajah
Gopâl Das Gaur who, at the time of the return of Sultan Kharram
from Bengal and of his coming to Burhanpur, was governor of the
fort of Asir. After that the prince summoned him to his presence
and put Sirdâr K. in his place. At the siege of Tatta he with his
son and heir Balarâm bravely saorificed their lives. Bethal Dâs
came from his home to Junair, and entered into service. After
Shah Jahan had aacended the throne he obtained the rank of 3000
with 1500 horse, the title of Rajah, a flag and a horse with a
gilded saddle, an elephant, and a present of Rs. 30,000. After-
wards, he was sent under Khân Jahan Lodî to chastise Jujhâr
Singh Bandila. in the 2nd year he was sent off, along with
Khvvâja Abü-1-hasan, in pursuit of Khân Jahân Lodi. in the
keenness of his zeal he did not wait for the commander but went
off like a whirlwind. Near Dholpür he came up with Khân Jahân
and engaged him. After the manner of the Rajputs he dis-
mounted and behaved with gallantry, and received several
wounds. As a reward, he received an increase of 500 horse, and
the present of a drum: in the third year, when the king came to
the Deccan and sent three armies, under three leaders, to chastise
Khân Jahân Lodî and to devastate the country of Nizâmu-1-mulk
he vh sent off along with Rajah Gaj Singh, and did good service
in the battle against Khân Jahân Lodî.

As his and his father's fidelity had been witnesse by the king,
and he was desirous of becoming the governor of a fort— without
which the title of Rajah did not carry infhıence— he was made
51

402

THE MAA8IR-ÜL-CMARA.

governor of the fort of Ranthambur in place of Khân Celâ. in
the sixth year he was made faujdâr of Ajmere in succession to M.
Mozaffar Kirmanı. Afterwards, he was appointed to the Deccan
in attendance on Prince Muhammad Shujâ' and did good service at
thesiegeof Parenda. As the fort could not be taken, and the
prince was summoned to coûrt, he in the 8th year, after coming to
court , was sent to Ajmere. in the 9th year, when the king came
to the Deccan and sent three armies under three leaders to chas-
tise Sâhü Bhonsla, he was placed in the contingent of Khân
Daurân When out of great liberality, the country of Dhandera
had been given to his brother's son Siv Rftm, and the latter had
göne with a body of troops and driven out Indarman the zamin-
dar, the said zamindar collected a force and retook the terrifcory
from Siv Râm. Thereupon, in the tenth year, the Rajah was
sent wıth a force— of which the leader was Mut'amid K.— to set
the territory free. Af ter he came there, he erected batteries över
against the fort of Sehra. The zamindar got hard pressed and
waited upon Mut'amid K., and the Rajah came to court and
received the rank of 4000 with 3000 horse and the territory of
Dhandera as his home. in the llth year when the king was
going to Lahore, he was made the governor of the fort of Agra.
in the 12th year, he, by orders, conveyed treasure from Agra to
Delhi, in the 14th year he, on the death of Wazir K., was lef t
i» charge of Agra, and in government of the fort.

in the 16th year, af ter the arrival of the royal retinue at
Agra, he received the rank of 5000, with 3000 horse, and in the
19th year his rank was 5000 with 4000 horse. He was now sent
in the vanguard of Prince Murâd Bakhşh to take Balkh and Bad-
akhşhân. Af ter Balkh was taken, when the Prince became discon-
tented and returned to court, and S'aad Ullah K. went off to settle
the country, he in the 20th year came to court with the persons
lef t behind by Nazr Muhammad. in the 2 İst year, when the
king entered the newly-erected buildings of Shahjahanabad, his
rank was 5000 with 5000 cavalry of which 1000 were two-horse,
and three-horse, and was appointed to Kabul, in the 22nd year
he came to court and another 1000 of the cavalry of his con-
tingent were made two-horse and three-horse. in company with

TltE MAASlR-tTL-ÜMARA.

403

Prince Aurangzeb he distinguished himself in the battle with the
Persians, which took place during the siege of Qandahar. When
the fort could not be taken, he came with the prince to court in
the 23rd year. He obtained leave to go home, and he died there
in 1061, 1651.

As he was noted for his fidelity and loyalty, the king grieved
for his death, and favoured those whom he had lef t behind. His
eldest son was Rajah Anurüdha, 1 of whom a separate account'has
been given. The second was Arjan who became known to Shah
Jahan during his father's lifetime. On the day when Râo Amar
Singh killed Şalâbat K. in the king's presence, he behaved bravely
and struck Amar Singh twice with his sword. in the 19th year he
vvas appointed with Prince Murâd Bakhşh to the Balkh campaign.
in the 2 İst year his rank was 1000 with 700' horse, and in the 22nd
year he had an increase of 100 horse, and in the 25th year, after
his father's death, he had an increase of 500 with 700 horse and was
appointed to Qandahar in attendance on the prince. in the 32nd
year he accompanied Maharajah Jaswant Singh to check the advançe
of the Deccan army, and was appointed to Mâlwa. in the battle
which took place betvveen the Maharajah and Prince Aurangzeb
near Ujjain, Arjah behaved bravely and sacrificed his life. The
third son was Bhîm, who after his father's death received a proper
rank and who fought well at the battle of Samogarha on the side
of Dârâ Shikoh and came near the qür of Prince Aurangzeb, and
was killed. The fourth was Harjas, who entered into service in the
time of Aurangzeb. After the Rajah s death the ten lacs of rupees
which he had lef t were divided as follovvs • six lacs, and also
goods, to Rajah Anurüdha, thfee lacs to Arjan, Rs. 60,000 to Bhîm,
and Rs. 40,000 to Harjas. Girdhar Dâs the younger brother of the
Rajah was, in the 9th year of Shâh Jahan, after the killing of
Jujhâr Singh Bandîla and the capture of the fort of Jhânsî, made
governor thereof. in the 15th year he had the rank of 1000 with
400 horse, and in the 22nd year he had an increase of 1000 horse.
After the Rajah's death his rank was 1500 with 1200 horse. He

was appointed to the siege of Qandahar and in the 29th year he

* . ^ _^_____

l Maasir II. 276.

404

THE MAASIK-UL-DMAKA.

THE MAASIR-UL-TJMARA.

405

was made governor of the fort of Agra in succession to Siyâdat
K., and had the rank of 2000 with 1200 horse. in the 30th year
he was made faujdâr thereof in âddition to his governorship and
had an inerease in his contingent of 800 horse. in the battle of
Samogarha he was in Dârâ Shikoh's vanguard, but it appears fronı
the ' Âlamgîrnâma that he was also actively employed during the
reign of Aurangzeb.

(RAJAH) BHAGWANT DÂS. '

Son of Rajah Bihâra Mal Kachwâha. He distinguished him
şelf at the battle of Sarnâl in 980, 1572, vvhen Akbar after the
conquest of Gujarat made an onset with 100 troopers on ibrahim
Husain Mirza. He was rewarded with a flag and a dram. He
also did good service in the nine days' expedition to Gujarat and
thereafter was sent by way of Idar to the Rânâ's country, in
order that he might put down the re beis the re. The Rajah
brought ali the landowners of Budhnagar and Idar into the high-
way of good service, and had an interview with Rânâ Kîkâ and
brought his son Amr Singh to court. in the 23rd year, when the
jagirs of the Kachwâha family were placed in the Panjab, the
Rajah was made governor of that province. tn the 29th year his
daughter was married to Prince Selim (Jahangir).

Chronogram.
The Moon and Venüs were conjoined. (993)

Akbar personaUy went to the Rajah's quarters, and the latter
gave a splendid feast, and produced the bridal present and tribute
wbich came to a large sum. They aay there were strings of
Persian,. Arab, Turkish, and Cutch horses, together with 100 ele-
phants, and many male and female slaves. Abyssmian, Circassian
and Indian. The dower wâs two krors of rupees.* The king
and jJrince were conveyed in litters, and on the whole road rare
cloths were spread. in the year 995 (on the 4th August 1587),
Sultan Khusrau was born of this marriage. in the 30th year the

I B. 333
The T A. and Badayûnl say it was tankas, i.e: dâms.

Rajah was made a panjhazârî, and in the year in which Kunwar
Man Singh was appointed to the Yûsuf zai affair, the Rajah was
made governor of Afghanistan. He formed some unfitting desires
and the king recalled him. The Rajah repented and had recourse
to entreaties , and his apology was admitted. But when he crossed
the Indus and came to Khairâbâd he was seized with madness,
and they brought him back to Attock. A physician was feeling his
pulse, and the Rajah drew his (the physician's) dagger and stabbed
himself. The king's physicians were appointed to treat him, and
afte* a long while they cured him. in the 32nd year he and his
tribe had a jagir in Bihar, and Kunwar Mân Singh was sent to look
after that country. in the beginning ' of 998, 1589, he died in
Lahore. They say that when Rajah Todar Mal was cremated, he
was present. When he came to his house he vomited* and had an
attack of strangury. After fiVe days he died. One of his good
works was the building of a Jâm-a' s masjid in Lahore where many
men collect and sav their prayers on Fridays.

(RAO) BHÂO SİNGH HARA.

Son of Satr Sâl who had a place in Dârâ Shikoh's vanguard at
the battle of Samogarh, and bravely lost his life. Bhâo 4 Singh
in the first year of Aurangzeb came from his home to court, and
did homage. He received the rank of 3000 with 2000 horse, the
gift of a flag and a drum, and the title of Râo with the zammdari
of Bündî, ete. , which had belonged to his ancestors. in the battle
with Shujâ' he was appointed to the king's artillery which was in
front. When Shujâ' had fted, he, in company witıı Prince
Muhammad Sultan, was appointed to pursue him. Afterwards,
when the prince 's army had passed Bîrbhûm 6 on the way to Bengal,

1 Apparently both officers raust
have died in the end of 997, for
Akbar got the news at Kabul in that
year or very early in 998.

» A.N. III. 570. The word is ist-
farügh , and perhaps it means " over^
strained himself."

3 The Jâm'a Mosque in Lahore
waa built by Auıangzeb in 1674. it

seems unlikely that Bhagw5n would
build » mosque. He ereeted a famous
temple to Hârî Dev at Mathurâ,
Grovese, 3Ö4.

■* 'Âlamgîrnâma 231. Satr Sal is
the Chuttar Sâl of Tod who deseribes
his death in battle.

* 'Âlamgîrnâma 498. The Rajputs
left because tbey had heard falso

406

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

Bhâo Singh left the prince vvithout leave and returned. He was
appointed to the Deccan, and in the third year in company with
Shaista K. the Amîru-1-unıarâ he was engaged in the siege of the
fort of Islamabad ' or Cakna, which had been constructed by
Maliku-t-tajâr the general of 'Alâu-d-dîn Ahmad Shah Bahmanî,
who had been appointed to conquer the Konkan. The garrison
fell into difficulties, and by Bhâo Singh's intervention made över
the fort. Aftervvards when Shaista K. was removed from the
Deccan, and Maharajah Jaswant Singh stayed in that quarter to
punish Siva, Bhâo Singh also remained with him. As Râo Bhâo's
sister was married to the Maharajah, the iatter sent for her from
her native country in order that she might make friendship be-
tween them , but Râo Bhâo Singh was f aithf ul to his salt and did
not agree. After the arrival of Mîrzâ Rajah Jai Singh at the
Deccan, he made campaigns along with him. in the 9th year he
svent wrth Diller K. against the zamindar of Ohanda* (in the Central
Provinces). From the Naskha Dil Kushâ 8 it appears that he was
for a long time in Aurangabad. He had formed an intimacy with
Sultan Muhammad M'uazzam. in the 21st year corresponding to
1088,* he died.

As he had no sons, the rule of his native country fell to the
grandson 6 of his brother Bhagvvant Singh, who was called
Anurûdha Singh and was son of the Kishn Singh whom Sultan

reports about the result of the battle
of Ajmer vvith Dâıâ Shikoh. Atp.490
of the 'Alamgîrnama mention is made
of one Kamâl Afghatı the zamindar of
Bîrbhüm. This would seem to indi-
eate that the Benşal Rîrbliûm vvas
raeant, for an Afghan family did get
possession of that zamindari about
1600. See Hunter's Rural Annals of
Bengal, App. F., whore a Kamâl K. is
mentioned. At p. 496 of the 'Alam
girnSma Bîrbhüm is spoken of as a
village and at 458 as a station.
Apparently the geography of the
'Alamgîrnama is vague. Mîr Jumla
did try to take Shujâ' in the rear by
marehing via Bishanpur, ete. See
Stevvard's Bengal, 269. The rain»

obliged Mîr Jumla to return to Râj-
mahal. Perhaps the defection of the
Rajput3 also contributed to this.
l Elliot VII. 262.

* 'Âlamgîmâma 1023.

s Rieu's Cat. I. 271a. it is a book
of historical memoirs relating to the
Deccan , and vvas translated by Jona-
than Scott, and published under the
title of a " Journal kept by a Bondela
officer." The author was Bhîm Sen
Kâyath.

* 1677. Tod says he died in 1682
in Aurangabad.

6 The Maagir A. ealls Anurûdha
grandson of Bhâo, p. 227. But Tod
agrees with the Maagir Umara, which
perhaps he ha3 copied.

THE MAASIR-UL-ÜMARA.

407

Muhammad Akbar had summoned when he was governor of Ujjain,
and who had been killed ' with a dagger on account of insolence.
After his death his son Budha Singh was raised to the leaderehip,
and was for a long time in the contingent of Bahâdur Shah in
Kabul. When after the death of Aurangzeb there was disagree-
ment between Bahâdur Shah and A'zim Shah and the former vvas
victorious, he received the title of Râm Rajah, a mansah of 3500
and the zamindari of Mümîdâna, 4 and Kotah — whioh (Kotah) be-
longed to Râm Singh the grandson of Mâdhu Singh Hârâ, who had
been killed along with A'zim Shah. There arose a quarrel between
him and Bhîm Singh his (Râm Singh's) son. After his death, his
soiı Umed Singh for a time ruled and then left the property to his
sons. At the time of writing Kishn Singh 3 his grandson holds
the property.

(RAJAH) BHÂRATHA BANDÎLA.

Grandson of Râm Cand who was (the elder) son of Rajah
Madhukar. As Jahangir had a special regard for Bir Singh Deo,
in the end of the year of his accession, 'Abdullah K. went* rapidly
from his fief of Kâlpî on the day of the Dusserah to Undchah
(Oorcha), and arrested Râm Cand, who in that rugged place was
showing the appearance of sedition, and produced him before the
king, in chains, in the second year. The king removed his chains
and gave him a robe of honour and made him över to Rajah BâsO
who was to take security from him and let him go. From that
day Undchah belonged to Rajah Bir Singh Deo. in the fourth
year Râm Cand' s daughter 6 entered the royal harem, at his re-
quest. When he died, his grandson Bhâratha received in the
seventh year a suitable rank and the title of Rajah. After the
presumption which Mahâbat K. showed on the bank of the Bihat
(Jhelam) and his subsequent flight to the Rânâ's country,

1 Maagir A. 161, which saya that a
quarrel arose at the time of putting
on the robe of honour, and that Kishn
Singh killed himelf. This vvas in
1088, 1677. Tod in his account of
Bundi saya Kishn vvas put to death by
Aurangzeb.

* J. II. 275.

8 Called by Tod Bishn Singh.

* Tuzuk J. 39, where Râm Cand
is called the son of Nand Kuar
(Nandkümar). 'Abdullah reached
Undchah on the Dusserah day. See
also B. 487-88. Bir Singh was Râm
Cand 's younger brother.

6 Tüzük J. 77.

408

THE MAASIR-UL-TTMARA.

Bhâratha 1 was one of the officers whom Jahangir appointed to
pursue him, and who halted at Ajmere. Meanwhile the aspect of
circumstances changed. Jahangir departed to another world, and
the standard of Shah Jahan brightened Ajmere. Bhâratha has-
tened to serve him and received an increase of 500 troopers ao
that his rank became* one of 3000 with 2500 horse, and he had
the gift of a flag and a horse. in the first year he became 8
faujdâr of Etawah and its neighbourhood — which was crown land
— and after some time had* the present of a drum. in the second
year he went with Khwâja Abul-hasan in pursuit of Khân Jahân
Lodî, and in the third year was appointed, along \vith Râo Ratan
Hâdâ, to conquer Telingana. Afterwards, he had an increase of
500 horse and did good service, along with Naşîrî K.,ı in the siege
of Qandhar in the Deccan. When the garrison got into difficulties,
they, at his recommendation, surrendered. 6 in the fourth year
he came to court and received an increase of 500 zât and had alto-
gether the rank of 3500 with 3000 horse. Afterwards he was
appointed to guard the borders of Telingana. in the 6th year he
took the town of Waklür 1 ' (?) together with the family of Bola,
who, along with Sîdhî Miftâh, held the town on behalf of the
rulers of the Deccan. When this news reached Shah Jahan, he
raised his rank to 4000 with 3500 horse. in the 7th year, when
the court was at Lahore, the news came 7 that the Rajah had died
in the year 1043, 1633-34, in Telingana. His son was Rajah Deb
Singh of whom an account has been given.

(RAİ) BHOJ. 8

Younger son of Rai Surjan Hâdâ (pronounced Hârâ). When
his father attached himself to Akbar, he too ahvays did good ser-
vice, and was the object of speeial favoür. İn the 22nd year of
the reign the fort of Bundî was taken from Düdâ his elder
brother and given to him. After that, he was for a long time

' Pâdshâhnâma I. 82.
> Do. 120.

3 Do. 191.

♦ Do. 229.

t Iâdahâhnâma, 377.

« it is Diklür in Pâdshâhnâma I.
534.

1 Pâdshâhnâma I Part II, p. 13.
» B. 458.

THE MAASTO-TTL-TTMARA.

409

included in the contingent of Kunwar Mân Singh and did brave
deeds in the battles with the Afghans of Orisaa. Afterwards he
was appointed to the Deccan along with S. Abu-1-fazl, and
always distinguished himself. After Jahangir 's accession, the king
desired to marry the daughter of Jagat Singh, the son of Rajah
Mân Singh. Rai Bhoj , who was the maternal grandf ather of the
lady, objected,and this displeased Jahangir, who resolved to punish
him on his return from Kabul, in the same year, which was the
second of the reign, and corresponded to 1016, 1607, he loosed ' the
thread of his life (committed suicide?) Up to the 40th year of
Akbar's reign he held the rank of 1000. They say that the
daughters of the Rahtor and Kachwaha families have entered the
harem of the house of Timur, but that the Hâdâ tribe has never
consented to such an alliance

(RAJAH) BIHARA MAL.»

Son of Prithî raj Kaohvvâha. in this tribe there are twosec-
lions — Rajâwat and Shaikhâwat. Bihâfâ Mal belonged to the
Rajâwat seotipn, and was settled at 'Amber, which is a dependency
of Ajmere and is east 3 of Mârwâr. Though it is inferior to Mâr-
wâr in extent, it is superior in pfoductiveness. He was the first
Râjput vho entered into Akbar's service. After the death of
Hümâyûn, when disturbances arose on every side, HâjI K., a slave
of Sher Khan, also became seditious and besieged Nârnaul whioh
was in the fief of Ma j nün K. Qâqshâl. The Raja at that time was
friendly with him, and from goodness and right-thinking he iriter-
posed and took amicable possession of the fort, and procured an
honourable departure for Majnün. After Hemü had been .slain,
and the report of Akbar's fortune nad become current, Majnün
Qâqshâ1 represented the ohoice fidelity of the Rajah, and an order

l B. l.o. says he committed suicide.
Tod in his chapter on the Annals of
Haravati (roprint II 521) says Rai
Bhoj died in his palace at Bundî, but
does not say he committed suicide.
The expression in the Maaşir is am-
biguous. Bai Bhoj 's grand-daughter
w»a married to Jahangir in the third

year, 1608, Tüzük J. 69. Rai Bhoj
had a distinguished son, Râo Rain,
who reöeived the title of Sarbuiand
Rai See Maaşir U. II. 208.

> B. 328, where the naruo is spelt
Bihârî.

S Text has " west." Probably thir
is a printer's error.

410

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

was sent for his appearance. The Rajah paid his respects in the
end of the first year. On the dav of taking leave, when the
Rajah and his sons and other relatives had been clothed in robes
of honour and presented, the king mounted on a furious (rnast)
elephant. As the elephant was furiously moving from side to side,
the people everywhere dispersed, but when it ran to where the
Rajputs were, they stood stili. This pleased Akbar greatly,
and he graoiously said to the Rajah that he would cherish
him.

in the sixth year, when Akbar was proceeding to Ajmerc to
visit M'uinu-d-dîn's shrine, it was represented to him in the village
of Kalâlî by Caghatai K. that Rajah Bihârâ Mal— who was-, dis-
tinguished for intelligence and courage, and who had waited upon
him in Delhi — had become apprehensive and taken refuge in the
hills because M, Sharfu-d-dîn Husain the governor of Ajmere had,
at the instigation of Süjâ the son öf the Rajah's elder brother
Pûran Mal, Ied an army and had fixed a sum of money as tribute,
and had seized Jagnâth the son of the Rajah, Raj Singh the son of
Askaran, and Kangâr the son of Jagmal, who were the brother 's
sonsof the Rajah, and wantedto seize ' Amber whichwas the Rajah's
ancestral residence. From appreciation of his merit the king sent
for him, and his brother Rüpsî appeared at the station of Deosah
along with Jai Mal his son, who was the headman in that neigh-
bourhood, and did homage. in the town of Sângânîr the Rajah
himself appeared with most of his relatives and was graoiously
received. The Rajah, from his good sense and foresight, wished
to emerge from the crowd of landowners and to be enrolled
among the special intimates of the court, and so expressed a de-
sire that his daughter might enter the Harem. The king assented ,
and the Rajah took leave to accomplish this affair, and at the time
of Akbar's return he sent his daughter, with ali ceremony, to the
royal ,palace at the station of Sâmbhar. He himself, his son
Bhagwant Pas, and Kunwar Mân Singh the son oFthe latter,
waited on the king at the station of Ratan. 1 Akbar honoured

I This apparently should be Ran-
tanbhur. Mân Singh was only the

adopted son of Bhagvvant. Bihârâ
Mal's daughter became the mother

THE MAASIR-ÜL-ÜMARA.

411

him more than ali the- other Rajahs and Rais of India and bes-
towed high dignities and offices on his sons and grandsons and
on his tribesmen and nıade them the pillars of India. The Rajah
was raised to the rank of 5000 and dismissed to his home, while
Rajah Bhagvvant Dâs and Kunwar Mân Singh together with many
of his other relatives attended the king to Agra, and rose by de-
grees to high honour. 1

(RAJAH) BIKRAMÂJIT.*

His name was Patr Dâs and he was a Khatrî by caste. At
first he was accountant of the elephant-stables of Akbar. He
received the title of Rai Rayân, and aftervvards attained to high
rank. in the 12th year at the siege of Citür he, along with Hasan
K. Cagatai, looked after the royal battery. in the 24th year he
was made diwân of Bengal in partnership with Mir Adham. in
the 25th year when the rebels killed Mozaffar K. and impris-
oned Patr Dâs, he cleverly managed to e3eape, and was for some
time aftervvards employed in the province. in the 31st year he
was made divvân of Bihar. in the 38th year he was sent off to
take the fort of Bândhü — which was one of the strong forts of
the age, and where, on the death of Râm Cand Baghîla and his
son, the men of the plaee had set up the grandson who vvas of
tender age After besieging it for eight months and tvventy-five
days the garrison surrendered from \vant of food, and the fort was
taken. in the 43rcJ. year he was made Chief Diwân, 3 and next
year he was removed from that post and sent off to the fort of
Bândhü. in the 46th year he received the rank of 3000. in the
47th year, when the slaying of S Abu-1-fazl by Bir Singh Bandîla
was reported to Akbar, an order was given that Patr Dâs should
exert himself to extirpate that evil-doer, and not give up until he
sent his head He in repeated combats fought bravely and

of Jahangir For account of the

mitted Sati. Gıowse, Mathurâ 148.

marriage, eto. see A.N. II, p. 240,

There is also a temple afc Mathurâ to

ete. of translation.

Harî Dovî which was ereeted by

1 it vvould seem that Bihârâ Mal

Rajah Bhagwân Dâs. do. 304.

died aboufc 1569, for in 1670 a monu-

' B. 469.

ment was ereoted at Mathurâ, to

5 A.N. İti. 741 and 758.

the memory of his widow who com-

412

THE MAASIR-TJL-tTMARA.

defeated Bir Singh, and when the latter took refuge in the fort of
Trîj Patr Dâs proceeded to invest it. When Bir Singh made a
breach in the wall of the fort and came out, the Rajah followed
him, till at last he escaped into the jungle in the 47th year the
Rajah came to court according to orders and kissed the sublime
threshold. in the 49th 1 year he received the rank of 5000 and the
title of Rajah Bikramâjît. After the accession of Jahangir he
was chief officer of the artillery and was ordered to collect 50,000
artillerymen (?) Fifteen* parganas were assigned in tankhwâh
for the expehses When the disturbanee caused by Mozaffar
Gujarati's sons 3 and the slaying of Yatîm Bahâdur in Gujarat
were reported, he was sent there with a large force, and an order
was given that he should appoint officers, from among thoae who
appeared before him at Ahmadabad, to the rank of yüzbâshî
(centurion) , or if they had held higher commands he was to report
the eircumstances in defcail. The year of his death does not
appear. 4

(RAJAH) BİKRAMÂJÎT RAİ RAYÂN.
He was a brahman, and his name was Sundar 5 Dâs. He was
a writer in the service of Prince Shah Jahan, and for his upright-
ness and zeal he was made Mir Sâmân (majör domo). On account
of his high spirit and lofty nature he was raised from the pen to
the sword. İn the affair of the Rânâ he attacked with a gallant
army the country of the latter and devastated it, and killed many
and made many prisoners. By his instrumenfcalitv the Rânâ sub-

1 Jahangir in the Tüzük, p. 9, speaks
of having conferred the title on him.
His father, he say s, had made him
Rai Bayan. He was to collect 60,000
artillerymen (topcîs) and 3000 gun-
carriages.

s Cf. Price's Jahangir, 28. The
Tüzük, p. 10, does not mention the 15
parganaa.

8 The Tüzük 3. speaks of one son,
and of the death of Yatîm Bahâ-
dur in the flrst year. See p 23.
Yatîm ia there called Pim. The
Maaşir has the vanan t Talîm. There

is no mention of Yüzbâshis ete. in
the authentic Tüzük. Perhaps the
permission to appoint yûıbâthis was
a consequence of the former order for
colleeting 50,000 çunners. Tbe MirBt
Ahmadî lith., p. 192, saya Mozaffar
Gujarati lef t two sona and two daugh-
ters.

* Jahangir, Tüzük translation, p.
104, speaks of a son named Kal v ân
whom he severely punished.

6 He was a nâtive of Bandhû, i.e.
Banda, in the Allahabad Division.
Tüzük translatian, 325.

THE MA ASIK- UL- UMARA.

413

mitted and waited upon the Prince. İn return for this good service
Rai Sundar Dâs had an inerease of rank, and the title of Rai Rayân.
When the Prince left for the first time for the business of the
Deccan he sent him along with Afzal K. to give counsel to İbra-
him 'Adil Shâh of Bîjâpür. He transacted that affair in a proper
manner and obtained fifteen lacs of rupîs of tribute With two
Iacs of rupîs which 'Adil Shah had given to himself he purehased
at Goa a ruby wei g hing 7 miş^âls, 5J- surkhs, and which was
unrıvalled for colour and water, and presented it to the Prince at
the time of paying his respeets. The Prince made it the head of
his own present to his father, and the Rajah had an inerease of rank
and the title of Rajah » Bikramâjît, which is the-highest honour in
India When in the end 1026 (1617) Gujarat was assigned to the
Prince as his fief, the Rajah was appointed to the charge of it as
his deputy. He led an army against the Jâm and the Bihâra, who
are the principal landholders of the province. The territory of the
first of these is bounded on one side by Sorath, and on the other
by the ocean. The other is on the seashore and marehes with
Scinde. Both landholders are men of substance, and who ever
holds the properties is styled the Jâm, and the Bihâra. üp to this
time they had never waited upon any king. By the Rajah's dex-
terıty they became obedient, and did homage to Jahangir in
Ahmadabad.

When Süraj Mal, the son of Rajah Bftsü, who had been
appoinfced to take the fort of Kângra, becametreacherous and rebel-
lious, the Rajah was sent in the end of the 13th year with an
army consisting of the Prince's servants, and also of Jahangir's,
viz. Shahbâz K. Lodî and others, to take that inaccessible asylum'
which no Delhi sovereign had hitherto throvvn his lasso över.'
He first addressed himself to the putting down of Süraj Mal.
After a short struggle he put him to flight, and won the forts of
Mau and Maharî which was Süraj Mal 's residence. in reward
for this he was given drums. in the 16th year, 1029, 1620, he was
sent to besiege Kângra, the city of which is called Nagarkot. He
pressed hard upon the besieged and in the beginning of 1030, 1621,

1 Tuzuk J. translation, p. 402.

414

THE MAASIB-UL-UMARA.

they after a siege of fourfceen months and odd days sued for
quarter and surrendered the fort.

The fort is famous for its strength. it lies in the hill-country
north of Lahore The belief of the landhoiders of the Panjab is
that no one but God knows when it was built. During ali this time
it had never passed out of the hands of one tribe. No stranger's
hand had ruled över it. Among Muhammadan Sultans, Sultan
Fîrûz Shah went with ali his grandeur to take it. When he found
that this was impossible, 1 he had to be content with an inteı 7İew
with the Rajah of it, and to withdraw his hand. They say that
the Rajah took the Sultan and a number of his followers inside
the fort to a feast. The Sultan said to the Rajah that it was
indiscreet to introduce him to the fort : if he and his followers were
now to attack him, \vhat conld he do ? The Rajah inade a sign to
his men, and immediately crovvds upon crowds of armed men oame
out of ambushes. The Sultan became apprehensive, but the Rajah
represented that nothing but obedience was in his mind, but
stili it was right to take precautions. No Delhi Sultan had ever
succeeded after this in taking the fort.

Akbar, with ali his appetite for conquest, and length of reign,
did not succeed in taking Kângra, though the country adjoined
his dominions. Önce when the Rajah of it had become an object
of censure, Akbar made över the country to Rajah Bîrbar and
appointed an army under Husain Qulî K. Khân Jahân, the gover-
nor of the Panjab. While he was pressing the siege, there arose
the rebellion of ibrahim Husain Mirza. The Khân Jahân was
compelled to make peace with the Rajah and to go after ibra-
him. After that, Rajah Jai Chand, the lord öf the fort, sho\ved
proper respect for the emperor by continually sending tribute, and
doing homage.

in the beginning of the 26th year, 990, 1582, when Akbar
was marching towards the Indus, he went to see the wonders of
the temple of Nagarkot, which has from old time been a place of
pilgrimage. At the first stage Rajah Jai Chand did homage.

1 Aocording to Shams Sîraj's history, 188, the Rajah surrendered the fort.
Seealso Elliot III, 317.

THE MAASIR-TTL-UMARA.

415

When Akbar halted for the night at the town of Desûha, which
was in Rajah Bîr Bar's fief , the spiritual form, 1 of which strange
stories are told, appeared to him in a dream. She reheareed the
greatness of the emperor, but warned him against his intention.
in the morning he related his dream and turned back. His
followers, who had been wearied by the difficulties of the road,
and the raggedness of the defiles, but had been afraid to make any
remonstrance, were greatly delighted at his change of plan.

When Jahangir came to the throne he resolved to take Kân-
gra and in the first place sent Şhaikh Farîd Murtaza K., who was
the governor of the Panjab, to take it. He died before he had
accomplished the task, and Rajah Süraj Mal was appointed to the
undertaking. Aa everything has its appointed time, that scoundrel
went the other way about. Meanvrhile by the auspiciousness of the
Prince the heir-apparent, and the excellent measures of Rajah
Bikramâjit, the long-standing knot was unloosed, and in the 16th
year Jahangir visited the fort and introduced Muhammadan rites

there

The fort is situated on the top of a lofty hill, and has 23
bastions and 7 gates. its inner circuit is one kos and 15 .tanöbs.
its length is a quarter kos and two tanâbs, and the breadth is more
than 22 tanâbs, and less than 15. its height is İH cubits There
are two İarge tanks inside. The temple * of Mahâmâya is near the
city, and is known aş Durga Bhavânî. it is regarded as a repre-
sentative of the deity. Pilgrims come to it from a distance and
obtain their hearts' desire. A strange thing is that in order to
obtain their wishes they out their tongues, and that some of them
have their tongues restored in a fevv hours, and others, after one or
two days. Though physicians regard the tongue as capable of re-
growth, yetitsrestoration in so short a time is very extraordinary.
in the'legends they cali the goddess Mahâdev's wife (viz. Mahâ-
mâya), and the learned of the sect represent his energy by this

name.

They 8 say that on seeing the evil she had done (to her

1 Taken from A: N. III. 348.

2 Taken from Ain, aee Jarrett II. 312.

8 Jarrett II. 313, n. 2.

416

THE MAASIR-UL-ÜMARA.

husband) she committed suicide, and that her body fell in four
places. Her head and some of her members fell towards Kâm-
râj in the northern hills of Kashmîr, and this place is called
Sarada' Other portions fell near Bîjâpür in the Deccan. That
place İS called Tuljâ Bhavânî. The place to the eastward where
portions fell is called Kâmâkhya. The place where portions
femained on the original spot (of the suicide) is called Jâlandharî.
This is the place (near Kângra), and near it flames burst out.
Some places bum as if they were tallow, and this is called Jâlâmukhî.
it is visited by pilgrims, and they throw various things into the
flame and draw favourable omens from this. On the top they have
built a lofty dome, and there is a great assemblage of people.
Apparently it is a sulphur mine, but the common people regard it
as a miracle. Even Muhammadans gather there, and some of them
take part in the spectacle.

Some say that when Mahâdev's wife ended her life, he out of
excessive grief carried the body about for a while. When the
cohesion of the members was dissolved, portions fell in various
places. They worship at each place in proportion to the dignity
of the member that fell there. As the breast fell there (at
Kângra), that is regarded as the holiest of the places. Some say
that a stone which the infidels used to worship was removed by the
Muhammadans and thrown into the river. Aftervvards a cheating
brahman showed another stone as that one. Afterwards, the Ra-
jah, either out of simplicity, or from cupidity — for much was ob-
tained from offerings — set up this stone in the village. it is written
in histories that when Sultan Fır üz Shâh came to this neighbourhood
he heard that the brahmans had from the time when Alexander Zü-
1-Qarnîn came there, set up an image of Naushâba and worshipped
it. The Sultan took the image and sent it to Medina. it was cast
into the highway in order that it might be trodden under foot.
Ferishta* relates that there were in this temple 1300 books written
by brahmans of old times. Sultan Fîrüz Shâh sent for the learned
men of the sect and had portions translated. Out of these

I Text has an alif as the first letter, but the name is Sarada, or Shârada.
See Jarrett l.o. For Tuljâ Bhavâni see I.O. XXIV, 52.
» Ne «al Kişhore's lithograph, Part I, p. 148.

THE MAA8IR-UL-ITMARA .

4İ7

abstracts f Izzu-d-dîn Khâlid Khânî who was a poet of the time —
composed a book in Verse on the science of omens, ete, and called
it Dilâîl Fîrüz Shâhî. in truth, it contained much about practical
and theoretical sciences.

When Rajah Bikramâjît, after the taking of Kângra, joined,
with a well-equipped force, Shah Jahan in the 15thyear, newscame
that the Deccan rulers had, on hearing that Jahangir had göne off-
to Kashmîr, become refractory, and extended their feet beyond
their proper limits. Especially, Malik 'Ambar had done this, for he
had taken possession of the territories of Ahmadnagar and Berar.
The imperial servants, who were gathered together in Mahakar,
had contended with the enemy, but from want of provisions had
göne to Bâlâpür, where too they could not maintain them-
selves. They had göne to Burhânpür and joined the Khân
Khânân. The enemy had attacked the imperial dominion and be-
sieged Burhânpür. As the settlement of the troubld&s Deccan de-
pended upon Shah Jahan, he went off there with the great officers
inthisyearof 1030, 1621.

After Shah Jahan had reached Burhânpür, five armies of
30,000 cavalry were dispatehed to put down the rebels, under the
command of Dârâb K., 'Abdullah K., Khwâjâ Abu-I-Hasan, Rajah
Bikramâjît, and Rajah Bhîm. Though Dârâb was nominallv
Commander-in-Chief , yet in reality the whole * management was
in the hands of Rajah Bikramâjît. The Rajah marehed in eight
days from Burhânpür to Khirki — vehich was the residence of Nizâm
Shah and Malik 'Ambar — and thoroughly destroyed that city.
When Malik 'Ambar saw destruetion in the mirror of hîa situation
he approached the Rajah with representations of repentance and
humility. it was agreed* that lands of the value of 14 krors
of dâms out of the iands of the Deccan which remained in
the possession of the Deccanis should be given up, together
with lands which were imperial property, to the imperialists, and
that 50 lacs of rupis should be paid as tribute from the 'Âdil-
shâhl and Qutbshâbîs, and that the Rajah should retum with ali
the troops to the town of Tamarnî (?) and encamp there. The

ı KhSfl K., I. 317.

• Cf. KhSfi K. I. 312.

418

THE MAASIR-tJL-TJMABA.

Rajah in accordance with Shah Jahan's orders built near that
town and on the bank of the river known as Kharak Pûrnâ a very
strong fort and called it Zaf rnagar. He spent the rainy season
there.

When Shah Jahan had settled the Deccan, time played
another game. The particulars are that when Nür Jahân got
complete sway and had control of political and financial matters,
and nothing but the name of king remained to Jahangir, she fell
athinking that if Jahangir 's long illness ended in his death, the
empire would become Shah Jahan's. Though he was perfectly
friendly to her, how would he permither to exercise ali this power ?
Therefore she married the daughter that she had by Sherâfgan
to Sultan Shahriyâr, the youngest son of Jahangir, and set about
patronizing him. She becam'e hostile to Shah Jahan and turned
Jahangir 's feelings that way also. So he was sent for to court for
the affair of Qandahar When he oame to Mândü he wrote to
his father that on account of the mud and slush of Mâlwa it
was advisable to remain in Mândû till the end of the rains
As the Shah of Persia had to be opposed, it was necessary to
collect equipments, and he asked that fort Ranthanbhür might
be assigned for the harem and for the families of the officers.
Also that the pro vince of Lahore, which was on the road to
Qandahar, might be given to him in fief in order that he might
have faoilities for collecting provisions, ete. He also asked that
until the termination of the expedition he might have the appoint-
ment and removal of officers.

The Begam, who was ali powerful, represented these requests
as improper and made Jahangir believe that the prince's design
was to take possession of the empire. She so worked upon
Jahangir that he assigned the Qandahar ezpedition to Shahriyai-,
and took away the fiefs that Shah Jahan had in Upper India, and
summoned his officers to court. Though Jahangir perceived the
e/ils of these orders he could not help doing what pleased the
Begam. He did whatever she said. At lasfc it came to fighting.
On the one side Jahangir left Delhi, and on the other side the
prince came to Bilüchpür. There were only ten kos between
them, The prince's confidants represented that things had got

THE MAASIR-UL-TTMARA.

419

beyond a peaceful settlement, Jahangir would not be quiet. The
prince's army was better in quantity and quality than the
emperor's, and they should engage. The prince replied that he
could not behave so presumptuously, and in a way that w as dis-
pleasing to both creature and Creator. If H.M were defeated
and he obtained the victory, what advantage would he get from
such a sovereignty ? And what pleasure would it give him ? His
only desire was that the evil advisers and stirrers up of strife
might be punished.

At last it was arranged that the prince should fcurn aside to
the left to a distance of 4 or 5 kos and halt in Kotlah which is in
Mewât, and that three forces under the charge of Dârâb K.,
Rajah Biktamâjît and Rajah Bhîm should attack and devastate
the country round about the imperial camp, and so prevent the
coming in of supplies. Possibly, this would lead to peace. When
Âşaf K. on behalf of the king came in front of the prince's troops,
with 'Abdullah K. in the vanguard, the latter had previously said
that when an encounter took piace, he would join the prince's
troops. No one knew of this except the prince and the Rajah.
'Abdullah in accordance with the agreement urged on his horse,
and the Rajah perceiving this went to Dârâb K. to inform him.
Suddenly Nawâzish K., son of S'aîd K. Chaghatai — who was in
the imperial vanguard — thought that 'Abdullah was making a
charge. He too urged on his horse and his contingent. He fell in
vrith the Rajah who was coming back with four or five men from
seeing Dârâb. He hastened to oppose. Before assistanoe came up
a bullet struck his temple and he gave up the ghost. Both sides
withdrew from fighting and returned to their own place. The
Rajah had attained the rank of 5000 personal and horse, and there
was no greater officer than he in the prince's service. His brother
Kunhar Dâs was his deputy in Ahmadabad.

(RAJAH) BÎR BAHÂDUR.

Son of Bahrojî Sirkâr (?), which is a section of the tribe of
Dhangar. His ancestors lived in the neighboufhood of AnagundI '

Vijaynagar or Hampi in the Bellary district.

420

THE MAASIR-TjL-TJMARA.

on the banka of the Tungabhadra, and which was formerly a seat
of kings. it chanced that they had to move from there and come
and dwell in villages near Bijapur. Bahrojî in consequence of his
connections with Nima ' Rajah Sindiah — who had obtained an im-
portant office and extensive fiefs — received in the time of Nizâmu-
l-mulk Aşaf Jah a suitable office and the fief of pargana Palam in
the province of Bîdar, and entered into service When he died,
Akâjî his eldest son took his place and gradually attained to the
rank of 7000 and the title of Rajah Bîr Bahâdur, and got addi-
tional fiefs. in 1190, 1776, he died. He was acquainted with the
Persian tongue and was skilled in poetry, and in duhara (dohra),
which is an expression f or rhyme in the language of the men of
the Duâb. After him his son Sadharm and his nephevvs divided the
hereditary properties, and continued in service. (Q)

(RAJAH) BÎRBAR.*

His name was Mohesh Dâs, and he was a brahman and a bard
(bâdfarosh). in Hindi suoh a person is called a Bhât. This set of
men are the panegyrists of the wealthy. Though Mohesh Dâs was
without means and was in distressed circumstances, yet he was a
congeries of eloquence and understanding. By his abilities he be-
came a favourite with his contemporaries , and when by his good
fortnne he entered into Akbar's service, he became by his wit and
humour one of the favourite companions, and gradually took the
lead of ali the other intimates. As he was skilled in the composi-
tion of Hindi verses, he received the title of Kab Rai, which re-
semblesthephrase Maliku-Bh'aara (king of poets). When in the 18th
year the king was displeased with Rajah Jai Cand, the Rajah of
Nagarkot, and imprisoned him, his son Budh Cand, who was ypung
in years, assumed the position of his father's representative and
entered on the path of rebellion. The king presented the territory
to Kab Rai, who had a fief there, and issued an order to Husain
Qulî K., the Khân Jahân and govetnor of the Panjab, to the effeot

1 Text Timâ. But the word is
Nima. it seems tb be a family name
and is used by Tod in his Annals of
MeywSr< Khafî K. has the word

THE MAASIB-ÜL-ÜMARA.

421

several times in his second volume ; in
the Bib. Ind. ed. it is written NîbS.
* B. J04.

that he should march there with the officers of the province and
take Nagarkot from Budh Cand and give it to Kab Rai. He also
conferred on the latter the title of Rajah Blrbar, i.e. the brave
Rajah, and sent him off there.

When the Rajah came to Lahore, Husain Quli K. and the
fief-holders led an army against Nagarkot and besieged it. By
chance, just when the garrison had got into difficulties, the dis-
turbance of ibrahim Husain M. broke out, and as the suppression
of it became the pressing work of the hour, the taking of the fort
had to be put off. On the recomraendation of the Rajah, Husain
Qulî had to be content with receiving a tribute of five mans of
gold from Budh Cand, with reciting the khutba and having coins
struck in Akbar's name, and with laying the foundation of a mos-
que in front of the gate of the fort of Kângra. When in the 30th
year 994, 1586, Zain K. Koka was appointed to chastise the Yüsuf-
zai — who are a large tribe in the hill-country of Bajaur and Swâd —
he after ravaging Bajaur came to Swâd, which lies to the north of
Peshawar and east of Bajaur, and is forty Jcos long and 5 to 15 kos
broad, and has 40,000 householders, and punished it.

As the army was wearied out by traversing the defiles , he asked
the king for reinforcements S. Abu-1-fazl in his zeal and devo-
tion begged to be placed on this service, and Akbar oast lots
between him and Rajah Birbar. As it happened, the dice gave the
name of the Rajah. After he was appointed, Akbar, out of cau-
tıon, sent after him an army under the charge of Hakim Abü-1-fath.
When both leaders had entered the hill-country, although there
was a dislike between the Kokaltâsh and the Rajah, the former
prepared a feast and invited the new arrivals. The Rajah dis-
played resentment and ili humour. The Koka exercised self-res-
traint and went to see the Rajah, but when they consulted to.
gether, the Rajah, who was also previously on bad terms with the
Hakim, spoke with flippancy and rudeness, and ended with con-
tumely and abuse.

in fine, the mist of dissension arose betvveen them, and each,
from envy, tried to discredit the other' s opinion. At last, on
account of presumption and discord it came to their entering the
defile of Balandi without proper arrangements. The Afghans

422

THE MÂASIB-UI'-UMARA.

overwhelmed them from every side with stones and arrows. in
the confusion, men, horses and elephants got mixed, and a large
number of men lost their lives. Next day they made an ill-con-
cerfced maroh, and in the darkness they got entangled in defiles,
and many were killed. Rajah Bîrbar also fell.

They say that when they came to Karâkar some one said to
the Rajah that the Afghans intended to make a night-attack, and
that if he could get through the defile — which was less than three
or four kos long — the danger of the night attack would be at an
end. The Rajah withoutinforming Zain-K. Koka, started off at the
end of the day, and the whole army followed him, and what was
to happen, happened. A great defeat tef el the royal army, and
nearly 8000 men with some officers and notables were killed in
those two days. Though the Rajah tried ali he could to get out,
he was killed.

Whenever any one in his ingratitude and incognition of what
is right treads the path of calumny instead of rendering thanks, he
soon is pierced by the thornbrake of the results of his actions.
They say that the Rajah whilst traversing these mountains was
continually frowning in his heart and his brow, and would say to
his cönfidants that the times seemed out. of joint that he should
have to accompany the Hakîm and assist the Koka in traversing
hills and deserts. What would be the end of it ali ? He did. not
peroeive that the furtherance of his master's projects and the
carrying out of his eommands was the main thing and the
source of good. Though it might be a cause of dissatisfaction, it
was evident that Zain Khân, on account of his fosterage and rank,
was the superior, and that the Rajah had only latterly attained the
rank of 2000. But his presumption was caused by his companion-
ship and intimacy with the king.

They say that on receiving the news of Bîrbar's death, Akbar
refrained for two days from eating and drinking, and the letter of
sorrow which he wrote to the Khân-Khânân 'Abdu-r-Rahim, and
which appears among S. Abul fazl's letters, shows what a place
the Rajah had in the king's heart, and how close his connection
with him was. Accordingly, af ter expression8 of praise, and men-
tion öf his loyality, he says, " Alas, a thousand times, that the wine

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

423

of this wine-cellar has become lees, and that this sugarcane
has become poison. The world is a deceiving and thirst-producing
mirage, and a station full of heights and hollows. Crapulousness
follows the drinking at this feast. Some obsfacles have prevented
me from seeing the body with my own eyes so that I might testify
my love and affection for him."

Verse.

" What heart is there that bleeda not for this sorrow,
Whose eyes are not blood-shot from this grief ? "

in fine, Rajah Bîrbar was among the singular of the age for
liberality and generosity, and was famed for his gifts. He had
perfect skill in music. His poetry and distiches ' are weil known.
His takhallaş was Baramba* (?) His eldest son * had the name of
Lala, and he received a suitable manşab. Owing to bad behaviour
and self-indulgence he exceeded his income. When this was not
increased, he took into his head to live in a free and easy manner,
and in the 46th year he obtained permission to leave the.court.

(RAJAH)* BİR SINGH DEO BANDÎLA.

Son of Rajah Madhukar. From the first he joined the ser-
vice of Prince Sultan Selim, and attached himself to his fortunes.
When he showed audacity in slaying Abu-1-fazl, Akbar repeatedly
sent troops against him. in the 50th year it was reported that he
with a few followers had göne off to the wilds, and that the royal
troops were pursuing him. When Jahangir came to the throne,

l Text duhaza, but should be doha-
ra or donra.

« The DarbSr A. 295 says that
many people say his takhallaş was
Burhiya. Badayünî, Lowe, 164 nas
Brahman DSs, but the Persian text
II. 161 has Birb.am.D5s, and it may
be noted that a section of the Bhâts
is called Birmbhât. Elliot, Supp.
Glossary, I. 18. The editors of the
Maaşir give the variant Barhana
"naked."

3 There was another son, Har Har
Rai, who is mentioned in the 48th
year, A. N. III. 820, ashaving brought
a letter from Prince Daniel from the
Deccan. There is a long notice of Bîr-
bar in DarbSr Akbarı, p. 295 et seç.,
and there is also a Hindustani pam-
phlet about him. it seems that he
was a native of Kâlpî. There is a
tradition that his daughter was one
of Akbar'a wi ves.

* Blochmann 488, ete.

424

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

Bir Singh Deo was raised in the first year to the rank of 3000. in
the 3rd year he was appointed with Mahâbat Khân in the affair of
the Rânâ, and received a khilat and a horse. in the 4th year he
went with Khân Jahân to the Deccan, and in the 7th year his
rank was 4000 with 2200 horse. in the 8th year he hastened
from the Deccan to join Sultan Khurram, who had been appointed
to chastise Rânâ Amr Singh, and again came to the Deccan. in
the 14th year, when the prince aforesaid went to the Deccan, he
distinguished himself in battle with the Deccanis, when he had
under him 2 or 3000 cavalry and 5000 infantry. When a disagree-
ment occurred between Jahangir and Sultan Khurram (Shah
Jahan) Bir Singh came to court with a well-equipped force, and
in the 18th year accompanied Sultan Parvez in his pursuit of
Sultan Khurram.

When in the end of Jahangir' s reign, things assumed a differ-
ent aspect, and there was much intriguing, Bir Singh, with the
help of bribery extended his power över the estates of the neigh-
bouring zamindars and acquired a wide and fertile territory. He
acquired such power as scarcely any other of the Rajahs of India
had attained to. in the 22nd year, corresponding to 1036, 1627,
he died. The idol temple in Mathurâ which was converted (?) by
Aurangzeb into a mosque was built by him. As Jahangir had been
impressed 1 by his good service, he^ from indifference, preferred
pleasing this villain to observing the glorious Law, and gave him
permission for building this idol-temple of a wretched religion. He
spent thirty-three lacs in making it strong, and especially in deco-
ration and ornamentation. % He also made in Undcha (Orchha)
lofty buildings which for size and ornamentation surpass ali others.
Especially there is an idol-temple by the side of his palace which
is very lofty and grand. A large amount of money was spent on
it. There are the tank Shersâgar, which has a circumf erence of
5£ royal kos, and the tank of Samandarsâgar, which is twenty kos

l The good service waa the killi ng
of Abul Fazl. See Maaşir A. 95, 96
for an account of the building of the
mosque.

* Porkâri, or purkâri, Perhapa the

word refers to the filling of the temple
with idols. The account of the des-
truction of the temple is taken from
the Maaair A. 95.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

425

round, in the pargana of Mathurâ. 1 in this estate there are

nearly 300 large tanks. He had many sons. Among them were

Jujhâr Singh and Pahâr Singh, of both of whom accounts have

been given.

BIYÂN K.

He was a Fârûqî Shaikh and like the Fârüqîs of Khandesh
he was styled Khân. He attained to the rank of 2500, and held
a fief in the Deccan, and entered into service. He had the
manners of a dervish, and his disciples speak öf his extraordinary
customs. He had an old friendship with Saiyid 'Abdullah K.
Qutbu-l-mulk (the Bârha Saiyid). When in the year 1129, 1717,
the Amîru-1-umarâ Husain 'Alî K. proceeded from the Deccan
towards Delhi in order to seize Farrukh Siyar, he was ili, and in
the year 1130, 1718, he died and was buried in his own abode in
the quarter of Fâzilpüra in the city of Aurangabad. His eldest son
obtained his title. His second son Muhammad Murtaza K. gained
high rank and vvas made governor of the fort of Bîdar. He vvas
a pious man and one contented with fate. He was a good friend.
He died in 1189, 1775, aud is buried outside Haidarabad near the
Fath gate. (Q)

BÜRHÂNÜ-L-MULK S'AÂDAT K.

His name was Muhammad Amîn, and he belonged to the
Mûsavî Saiyids of Nishâpür. At first he had the rank of 1000

1 This ınust be a pargana in Ban-
delkhand. in the history of Ban-
delkhand, A.S.B.J. for 19C2, p. 114. it
is stated that Bir Singh constructed
the tanks of Bir Sâgar and Barvva
Sağar, and many others, in ali 52.
Bir Sâgar is in Oroha, 12 m S.S.B.
Orclı a, and Barvva Sağar is 12 m. E.
.Jhansi. it seems probable that the
Mathurâ of text is a mistake for Mar-
aura which is a pargana of Jhânsî.
Mr. Silberrad mentions a pargana
Moth in Jhânsî which ınay be what is
meant. Bir Singh built a great palace
at Datia, id. 114. The temple which
Bir Singn built in Mathurâ and which
Aurangzeb destroyed in 1670, Maaşir
54

A. 9(1, has been desoribed by Taver-
niero, II, p. 403, Chap. XII. it seems
to nıe that Taverniere's description
applies better to the tample of Govind
Das in Brindâban. He seems to speak
of it as an old temple, and not one
less than 50 years old. it was dadica-
ted to Kesava Deva (Krishna) See
Growse's Memoir on Mathujâ, pp. 37
and 127. The site is no w occupied by
Aurangzeb's mosque, Growse, id. 127.
The Maaşir A. calls it the temple of
Keshav Rai. it would seem that
some of the idols were savad and taken
to Nâthdwâra in Meyw5r, Growse,
130. Possibly Mathurâ in text is a
mistake for Jhatra or Chatra.

426

THE MAASIR-tTL-UMARA.

and was enrolled among the Wâlâ Sh&hîs (household cavalry) of
Farrukh Siyar. Af ter the accession of the latter he was, by the
insfcrumentality of Muhammad Ja'afar, — who then had the title of
Taqarrib K. and was Khânsâmân, and in the beginning of the
reign was, when there was a famine, also made in addition krori
of the market (ganj), — made his deputy-fcrort. Aftervvards he was
made faujdâr of Hindaun Bîâna — which is a turbulent place —
and obtained a name for energy by his chastisement of the con-
tumacious and seditious there. He received an increase of 500.
When Agra became the encampment of Muhammad Shah, h&
came there and joined him with a good force. Together with
Muhammad Amîn K. Bahadür he was an important sharer in the
killing of Husain Ali K., and in the subsequent commotion of
Ghairat K. and other friends of Husain 'Alî he fought and distin-
guished himself. As a reward he received the rank of 5000, 5000
horse and the title of Bahâdur, and the grant of a flag and a
drum. Afterwards in the battle between Muhammad Shah and
Sultan Ibrâhîm, 1 eldest son of Sultan Rafî'u-şh-şhân, whom Qutbu-
1-Mulk (Saiyid Abdullah the elder of the Bârha brothers) had raised
up (as emperor), af ter the assassination of Husain 'Alî, Burhanu-1-
Mulk was a leader and fought well. Af ter the victory he was
raised to the rank of 7000 with 7000 horse and had the title of
Burhânu-1 Mülk Bahâdur Bahadur Jang and was made Subahdâr
of the capital (Agra). When Cürâman Jât, who had been one of
those brought forward by the Saiyids of Bârha, was killed* in
this battle by the imperialists, and his sons bad strengthened
their forts and raised the head of arrogance, Burhânu-1-Mulk was
appointed to chastise them. But as they had thick jungles and

l See Siyâru 1-Mutâkherîn (reprint)
I. 186. Burhan received the insignia
of the Fısh for his oonduot in this
battle. Sultan ibrahim'e title appa-
rently was Rafî'u-1-Qadr. See Scott's
History of the Decoan II. 179. The
Hadîqau-1-Aqâlîm, p. 384,sayshe w as
made governor of Agra in 1101, 1690
(but there must be a mistake in the
figures lıere) and that he was made

governor of Oudh in succession to
Rajah Gîrdhar.

s Perhaps this statement is due to
wrong pointing of the text. in the
notice of ChurSman I. 54ö, it is not
said that he was killed in the battle,
and though Beale say s he was, the
statement seems inuorrect. See Elliot
VIII. 360.

THE MAASIR-UL-TTMAHA.

427

atrong keeps, they were not punished as they deserved. After-
wards he was removed from his şubahdâri and made darogha of
the Headquarters' artillery— to which a daily salary was annexed
i ? ) —in addition to the government of Oudh. » He became renowned
in that province for having a large army and park of artillery
and from his binding and killing the rebellious. in the 21st year
of Muhammad Shah, corresponding to 1151, 1739, when Nâdir
Shah came to India and the emperor went to Karnâl to engage
him, Burhânu-1-Mulk had fallen behind, but by long marches he
brought himself on. As his baggage was behind and on the road,
the Persian army, on learning this, made a rapid movement and
fell on it. As soon as Burhânu-1-Mulk heard of this, he, in spite
of the prohibition of the emperor and his aivisers, acted hastily
and went off to fight with the Persians with the force that he had
with him. They turned back and he went in pursuit, and then
they joined with other troops and turned round and as3ailed him.
He was vvounded , and by chance the elephant of Nisâr Muhammad
K. Sher Jang his brother's son was mast and ran at his elephant,
and drove it into the Persian army. There was no means of
stopping him so that Burhânu-1-Mulk was made prisoner. After*
that he became an opportunİ3t and impres^ed upon Nâdir Shah
the weakness of Muhammad Shah, and it was agreed that he
should cause the giving of a large sum from the capital. After
that an arrangement was made between Nâdir Shah and Muham-
mad Shah, and Burhânu-1 Mülk was ordsred to go with Tahmâsp
K. Jalair to Delhi. Accordingly he hastened there and arranged
a lodging for the Shah in the fort. On 9 Zi'-l-hajja, 9th March
1739, both kings came to the city and on the night of the lOth,
1151 , lOth March, Burhânu-1-Mulk 3 died of his former wounds. in

1 Topbhânai-Hazür. Probably this
has the same meaning as the phrase
topjçhâna-i rikâb, for which see Irvine's
Army of the Moghuls, p. 134. *Appa-
rently both phraşes meant the light
artillery which attendeo on the em-
peror. The original of the words ' ' to
which a daily salary is annexed " is
fce rvz tfUab mokarrarî tut. I presume

that the wnrds refer to the omee öf
superintendent of the artillery and
not to the government of Oudh.

î The Siyar M says he became dis-
gusted by hearing that he had been
superseded, id. I. 313.

8 See Beale, s.v. S'aadat K.. w here
some additional particulars are given.
He was the son of M. Nâsir and was

428

THE MAASIR-UL-TJMARA.

fact, he was an energetie officer and was bold and good to the
people. He left no sons. His daughter waa married to Abu-Î-
Mansüf K. (Şafdar Jang). A separate notice of him has been
given.

BUZURG UMED KHÂN.
Son of Shaista K. 1 in the beginning of Aurangzeb's reign he
was raised to a suitable manşab and was appointed, along with his
father , to obstruct Sulaiman Shikoh who wanted to cross the Ganges
and join Dârâ Shikoh (his father) Afterwards he got the title of
Khân and in the first year of the reign, when the imperial army,
after defeating Shujâ', proceeded to Ajmere to confront Dârâ
Shikoh, he came with his father from the capital and gained the
bliss of service, in the 7th year he had the rank of 1000 with
400 horse, and in the 8th year, when the port of Chittagong
was conquered\by his efforts, he obtained the rank of 1500 with
900 horse. Chittagong is on the borders and is contiguous to the
territory of the zamindar of Arracan wbo belongs to the Magh
tribe. The subjeots of that zamindar were always attacking the
imperial possesaiona when they had an opportunity, and commit-
ting plunder and carrying off prisoners. After Chittagong was

origirrally a merchant. See also El-
phinstone. Sir Henry Lawrence, in an
article on Oudh in the Galcutta Be-
vie.iv for 1845, denies that he was
ever a merchant. The Siyar-1-Mutâ-
kherln says nothing about Bürhan's
being vvotınded or of his dying o£ his
wounds. it speaks of him as Saadat
K. and says he died of a cancer in his
foot, T. 310. There are several notioes
of Burhânu-1-Mulk in Elliot VIII.
There is also an account of him in the
Hadiqau-1-Aqâlîm under the article
NishBpür, p. 383 of Newal Kishore's
lithograph. it says he began his
career »s a eervant of Mubârizu 1
Mülk Sirbaland K.

1 Kevral Ram says he was the third
■on.

* Khâfi Khan II. 188. A large
parçana in the Bakarganj district is

naraed Buzurgumedpur. The fullest
account of the taking of Chittagong is
in the 'Âlamgîrnfima, p. 940, ete. A
Captain Moore* (î) is mentioned in
conneetion with the victory, pp. 948
and 952. Chittagong was taken in
1665 There is a translation of the
'Âlamgîrnama account of the taking of
Chittagong in the translation of the
Riyâsu-s-salatîn, p. 228, ete.

* Captain Moore, as my friend Mr.
Irvine has suggestedto me.is probably
Captain Mor, i. e. Chief Captain. See
Danvers' Portugûese in India, II. 371,
■where it is mentioned as a title of
Francisco Pereira da Silva. Buzurg
ümed took Chittagong in January
1666. See two valuable articles by
Jadu Nath Sarkar in A.S.B.J. for June
1906, p. 267, and June 1907, p. 405.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

429

conquered, it was ineluded in Bengal. in the 30th year he was
made governor of Allahabad in succession to Himmat K., the
son of Khân Jahân Bahâdur Kokaltâsh. Afterwards, he was
made governor of Bihar. in the 30th year corresponding to
1105, 1694, he died. They say he was of a very haughty disposi-
tion. Müsavi 1 K. Mîrzâ Mu'izz whose pen-name was Fitrat, and
who was the son-in-law of Shah Niwâz K. Şafavî, and was a
learned man and a good poet, was made diwat of Bihar during
Buzurg Umed's governorship, and went there. On the day of his
first interview, as there was a small water-basin in the portico of
the governor's house and it had running water, the Mirza without
thinking put his hands into it, and rinsed his mouth önce or
twice. The governor was offended at this uncouth proceeding
and reported against him to the Presence, and to gratify him
Musavî was removed from his appointment.

(RAJAH) CABÎLA* RAM NAGAR.

The Nâgar is a branch of the Brahman caste, and they chiefly
live in Gujarat. Cabîla Râm was the brother of Daya Râm, and
both were revenue-servants on the establishment of Sultan Azîmu-
şh-şhân. Daya Râm, after some time, died, and Cabîla Râm
became faujdâr of Karra-Jahânâbâd. When Muhammad Farrukh
Siy ar, in order to claim the sovereignty and to fight with his
uncle Jahândâr Shah, marehed from Patna, Cabîla Ram first 8
joined with Sultan A'zzu-d-dîn, the son of Jahândâr Shah, and
afterwards he came with some lacs of rupees from the colleetions
of his t f alüqs and with a suitable force and joined Muhammad
Farrukh Siyar. in the battle he was opposed to Xokaltâsh K.
and did good service, and after the victory he received the rank
of 5000, the title of Rajah and the office of Diwan of the Khâlşa.
As this post, which is subordinate to the viziership, was given
him without the approval of Qutbu-l-mulk the vizier (Saiyid
'Abdullah), it became a cause of disagreement between the king

ı For Müsavi's biography see III.
633. See also Sprenger s Cat. 109
and 408. He died in 1106 The Taz-
kira Husainî 253 has a short notice of
him.

* Ca$>]aintext. See Irvine, A S.B. J.
for 1898, p. 156 and note.

8 See Irvine, A.S.B.J. for 1896, 185,
ete.

430

THE MAASIR-TJL-TTMABA.

and the vizier, and there were long arguments between them
about it. At Iast he received the government of the capital, and
afterwards he was made governor of Allahabad, and went off
there. in the beginning of the reign of Ratîu'-darjât when sedi-
tious men raised to the sovereignty in Agra Nekü Siyar the son
of Sultan Muhammad Akbar, it was reported that Cabîla Râm
wişhed to join him. But as he was on bad terms with the
zamindar of his own pro vince he could not arrive. Af ter Nekü
Siyar had been got hold of, Husain 'Ali K. soüght to punish Cabîla
Râm. Before he set out, Cabîla Râm suddenly died in the first
year of Muhammad Shah's reign, corresponding to 1131, 1719.
After him his brother's son Girdhar, who was the son of Daya
Bahâdur, and was called his chief swordsman (Mîr Shamsher)
attended to the collecting of troops and the putting in order of
the fortifications of Allahabad. Though an army was sent against
him, under the command of Haidar Qulî K., yet at last, by the
mediation of Rajah Ratan Cand, he received the rank of 5000 with
5000 horse, the title of Rajah Girdhar Bahâdur, and the charge of
the province of Oudh, and went off there, When the Saiyid's
downfall arrived, he came from Oudh to court and did homage.
in the 7th year he was made governor of Mâlwa in succession to
Aşâf Jâh, and in the 9th year when Holkar came to Mâlwa from
the Deccan and stirred up strife, he opposed him and was killed
in 1139, 1727. Till the arrival of another governor his sons took
charge of the defence of the citv of Ujjain.

(KHÂN 1 'ALAM) ÇALMA BEG.
He was the son of Hamdam Koka, the foster-brother of
M. Kâmrân. By his fortunate horoscope he became a favourite
with Hümâyûn and was made his table-attendant. When in the
year 960, 1553, Kâmrân was blinded he made from the bank of
the Indus the request to go to the Hijâz. Hümâyûn went with
a number of his intimates to take leave of him. The Mîrzâ after
paying his respects recited this verse.

1 B. 375, 378, and Badayünî III,
386, who oalls him M. Barkhürdâ-

Bat this titie saems to belong to
another Khân 'Alam. B. 512.

THE MAASIB-tnUTMARA.

431

Verse. 1

The fold of the poor man's turban brushes the sky

When the shadow of a monarch like thee falte on his head.

Later on, this verse rose to his lips —

Whate'er comes on my life from thee is oause for thanks,
Be it shaft of cruelty or dagger of tyranny.

The king, who was a world of compasaion and gentleness,
showed sympathy, and bade him adieu. Next day he ordered
that ali his servants who wished to do so were permitted to accom-
pany the Mîrzâ. No one volunteered. Those who had boasted
of their love for him abandoned him. Hümâyûn said to Çalma Beg
Koka who was attached to his court: " Will you go with him or
wül you stay with me ? " He, though ne was in service at the
court and enjoyeü the king's favour, preferred fidelity to temporal
pleasure, and said, "I see that it is right for me that I, at this
dark time and clouded nights of solitude, should be in the
Mîrzâ's service." Hümâyûn highly approved of nis fidelity and
gave him leave, and made över to him the money and effects
which had been settled upon for the Mîrzâ, and sent him to the
Mîrzâ. When the Mîrzâ died, Çalma Beg obtained his desire of
serving Akbar, and soon attained to the rank of 3000 and got the
title of Khân 'Alam.

When in the 19th year Akbar, at the request of the Khân-
khânân, who had been besieging Dâüd Kararânî who had hoisted
the flag of claim to the countries of Bihar and Bengal, came to
that neighbourhood and perceived that the taking of Hâjîpür,
whicb is a fort över against Patna, while between them there
rolls with great violence the Ganges with a breadth of about two
kos was necessary to the conquest of Patna, he appointed a force
under the command of the Khân 'Alam to go by boat. He went
up stream towards the Gandak, and in spite of a rain of cannon
from the fort he disembarked and entered on the arena. Many
of the enemy were killed in that man-testing fight, and the fort

ı See A.N. translation 1, 606. The first couplet is imitatedfrom the Gülistan,
III. 19.

432

THK MAASIR-TJL-TUfARA.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

433

was taken. The Kh&n 'Alam was the object of thousands of
thanks and praises. When in the same year Bengal, which was
in Dâûd's possession, was conquered without a battle, and Dâüd
went to Orissa and there displayed arrogance, the Khan-khanân
went to extirpate him, with the Kh&n 'Alam in the vanguard.
On 20 Zî-1 q'ada 982, 3rd March 1675, there was an engagement
at Takrüî (Tukaroi), a dependency of Orissa. The Kh&n 'Alam,
on account of being in the prime of life and of his excessive
courage, dropped the thread of deliberation, and galloped too far.
A body of archers exerted themselves against him. The Khftn-
khânân got angry at this recklessness and spoke roughly and
made him turn back. His men had not been properly drawn up
when Gujâr K. , who was the head of the hostile army, and whose
swift elephants had their heads, necks and trunks dressed up with
black Yak tails and the skins of wild beasts so as to inspire terror,
arrived. The horses of the imperial vanguard were frightened at
this extraordinary spectacle and fled. The Khan 'Alam, who was
mounted on a veteran horse, remained firm and behaved with
courage and slew many of the foe. Suddenly his horse reared on
account of a sword-cut and Khan 'Alam was thrown. He quickly
remounted, and then a mast elephant came and flung him to the
ground. The Afghans crowded round him and finished him.
They say that before the battle he said, " Something telis me that
I shall yield up my life in this engagement. I am confident that
my devotion will be told to the king." He had a poetical vein
and wrote poetry. Hamdamî was his pen-nome. This verse is
famous.

Quatrain. i

O thou, why ruin your white beard,

Yöu pull out white hairs one by one, but the whole shows

(white).
You surrendered your youth to folly,
it boots not now to pluck out your beard.

1 These lineamsy remind us of the famous verse of Bochester which Goethe
and Jowett used to quote.

(RAJAH) CANDAR SEN.
He belonged to the Mahratta tribe and had the title of Jâdün.
His father Dhan&jî Jâdûn was one of the influential leaders who
accompanied Sambhâ Bhonsla. He was always attacking and
plündering countries with a large force. Accordingly, his name
is mentioned in- the notice of Raj ah Sâhü Bhonsla. Afterhim,
Candar Sen obtained great influence among the Mahrattas. For
some reason he became discontented, and in the reign of Muham-
mad Farrukh Siyar, he, on the recommendation of Nizamu-1 mülk
Aşaf Jâh,— who had become governor of the Deccan for the first
t i me> _entered the royal service and obtained the rank of 7000
together with Bhâlkî and other estates in Bidar. He served with
4000 horse. in the Pancmahala 1 t'alüq— which is an expression
for the parganas of Angür (?) Maknahal, Amarcatiya, Karlcor and
Üdmân, which are five estates in Sarkar Mozaffarnagar aliaş
Mttlkhair in the province of Muhammadâbâd Bidar, which were
in his fief— three kos from the river Kishna— he built a small
f ort on the top of a little hill and gave it the name of Gandargarha
Aşaf Jâh had much consideration for him. After his death, in
1156, 1743, his son Rajah Rftm Cand took his place, and had the
rank of 7000 and the title of Maharajah. But on aocount of his
addiction to wine, and neglect of business, his soldiers were always
in want of their pay. in the tinm of Şalabat Jang most of his
estates were resumed on account of his injustice, and again for
some reason they were restored. Sometimes he applied himself
to service and sometimes he neglected his duties. in the time of
the heir-apparency of Nizâmu-d-daula Aşaf Jâh— when the army
of Islan} had entered the Mahratta country, and there was daily
fighting— he colluded with them and at night went off with a body
of troops. As he was of a changeable disposition, and wicked,
and was devoid of understanding, he did not acquire their confi-
dence eitheı*, and after some time was imprisoned in Daulatabad.
By the mediation of some persons he was released and after ex-
pressing repentance for his crimes he came before Nizâmu-d-daula

ı Thi» is not the Panomahal o{ the I.G. This Pancmahala lay in Bidar and
west of Hyderabad.
55

434

THE MA ASIR-tTL- UMARA.

Âşaf Jâh. He was confirmed in his rank and fief. When at last
he did improper actions, confidence in him was lost and Âşaf Jâh
put him under surveillance and shut him up in the fort of
Golconda. There he died. He left two sons who obtained a
small fief out of the heredifcary possessions.

(MİRZA) CÎN 1 QULU.

Son of M. Qulîj Muhammad K. of Akbar's time. He was
learned and excellent. He studied under Mullâ Mustafa of Jaunpür ,
and read the current books He was adörned with many good
qualities, and was very liberal. Nbr was he wanting in courage and
greatness of heart He advanced far in administrative matters
and for a long time was faujdâr of Jaunpür and Benares. They
say that he was skilful in entertaining, and that his assemblies
were so delightful that they inspired desire to centenarian ascetics
When they beheld them Whf n his father died in the reign of
Jahangir, his younger brother M. Lahorî,* who was his father's
favourite and had been brought up with excessive kindness, but
who8e disposition was enough to leaven a whole world with
petulance and turmoil, and whose navel-strings had been cut in
devilry, joined him. No long time had elapsed before his dis-
ordered brain had made him stretoh out his hand against the
king's territory. in Jaunpür he raised the head of presumption,
and became notorious for sedition. So far was this that M. Cîn
Qulîj was killed in consequence of his wickedness, and his property
confiscated. They say that it took the clerks a vvhole year to
make out lists of his property.

in the year 1022, 1613, when Jahangir was in Ajmere, Mullâ
Mustata, who was one of the learned men of Jaunpür, was sum-
moned to the presence with the intention of censuring him for .his
teaching of the Mîrza. Mullâ Muhammad of Tatta was the spiri-
tual teacher of Âşaf Khân," and on account of the profundity
of his learning was an intimate friend of that noble Khân. He

1 B. 500, Tuzuk J, 148.

* Qu. The MîrzB of Lahoro.

» Text JSh, He was Abul Hasan,

elder brother of Nur Jahân, and Shah
Jahan's father-in-law! B., 369. For
Mullâ Muhammad, gee Maaşir III. 369.

THK MAASIR-UL-ÜMARA.

435

«ntered into disputations with the Mullâ and carried them on for
a week without interruption. When he became acquainted with
Mullâ Mustafa's erudition, he interceded for him and saved him
from calamity. The Mullâ resolved to go to Mecca, and after
that he went to his native country and died.

M. Lahorî was a terrible specimen of the Divine Wrath, and
full of wickedness. He had no good quality. He w as a hideous
lump of flesh, and his pleasure was confined to hearing the sound
of the whip. it was necessary that he should hear it ali day long.
He never paused for an instant in his ill-treatment of God's people.
He used to bury his servants alive that they might bring him
tidings of Münkir and Nakir ! When they opened the grave after-
wards, the victim was found dead. in the lanes and the bazaar
he rode över men 's shoülders, and on account of his father's
high position no one ventured to complain. When his father was
governor of Lahore he one day heard there was a wedding in a
Hindu's house, and he went there and carried off the bride by
force. Whenever her kinsfolk complained to the father, he, in
spite of his learning and piety, which made him regard himself as
the itâhid of the time, was so overcome with father ly affeotion
that the reply he gave was that "it is just as if you had made
a good connection with us." When M. Cîn Qulîj was involved
in his wickedness, M. Lahorî was seized and brought to court.
He was imprisoned for a long time. At last he was released and
Teceived a daily allowance. He lived at foot of the Dar.san
{window) of Agra on the bank of the Jumna and kept a number
of pigeons. He lived by begging and passed his time in misery
and suffered the retribution of his evil deeds until he died.

Of the sons and relatives of Qulîj ' Muhammad K. there were
M. Cin Qulîj, Qulîj UDah, Bâljü Qulîj, Bairâm Qulîj, and Jân
Qulîj. Most of them had suitable appointments.

» Cin Qulij's father. See B. 354,
and 601, and Tüzük J. 148, »here, as
remarked by B., the story is told
differently. The account of M. Laho-
rî's ebaraoter is borne out by Father
Pinheiro's letter qooted by General

Maclagan, A.S.B.J. for 1898, p. 99.
Pinheiro says that one of Qulîj K. 's
sons (doubtless M. Lahor!) ordered a
man who was going through the
baseaar to be hung merely that he
might see how it was done !

436

THE MAASIB-ÜL-UMARA.

THE MAASIB-UL-ÜMAKA.

437

CURAMAN 1 JAT.
The Jâts are a proud and seditious tribe Plotting is their
profession and their hearts are stony. Though they live in the
land. of Pannah* under the pretext of being agriculturists., and
have populous habitations and strong 8 forts, yet they have al-
ways practised thieving and robbery from the environs of Agra to
the borders of the province of Delhi. Repeatedly have the impe-
rial faujdârs becorae the victims of those rioters and have thrown
away tîhe coin of their lives. For instance, in the time of Shah
Jahan, Murshid* Qulî K. Turkmân, the faujdâr of Mathurâ, Mahâ-
ban and the Kumaon hills, was killed by a musket-shot while
attacking one of the strong villages of that country. Those
banditti have of ten been chastised by the imperial troops, and
have given their honour and their lives to the winds of destruc-
tion. But after some time one of the tribe again raised the hand
of violence from out of the skirt of sedition and reared the stan-
dards of insolence by plundering the highways. in the time of

l The author treats c and j as the
sanıo letter

s Sarzamini-pana. A variant gives
Patrıa, and M. Âlamgîrî, p. 93, 2nd laat
lihe, has aarzamin i-Patna. The J&ts
belonged neither to Patrıa in Bihar
nor to Pannah in Central India, and
it is clear from the passage in the M.
'Âlamgîrî that some place near Ma-
thurâ and in or near pargana Sa'îdâ-
bâd in that distriot is meant, and it is
also clear that that passage is the source
. of the statement in the text. I have
•examined two M8S. of the Maaşir
'Âlamgîrî and also two MSS. of the
Maaşiru-1-UmarS, in the B. M., but
they do not altogether clear up the
difficulty. What they seem to have is
Battiah, or Bettiah or Bat t ili. Lieut.
Perkins, who tranalated the Maaşir
'Âlamgîrî for Sir Henry Elliot, has Ta-
bîa, but I can find no such place, and
1 think it is clear that the first letter
is a P. or * B. The Maaşir A. saya
that the Kokila Jât was a leading

inan of the village in question and
that he was the cause of the kin .g of
'Abdu-n-nabî and of the devastation
of pargana Sa'idfibâd. Now 'Abdu-n-
nabî was killed at Sahora, a village of
the Mahâbah pargana, Growse, ppı 36
and 151. See also Maaşir A. 83 where
it is written Soraor Sahora. Possibly
the word intended is paltî, a village or
share, for there are many pattîs in
Mathurâ: see.Crowse, p. 340. it is
also possible that the vvord is Mathurâ,
there being not nıuch d iff erence in
Persian writing behveen £J and J^x».
it may be noted here that Cürâman
was the son of Bhajja.

Text, razih, but ratşina seems to
be the true reading.

♦ Bâdshâhnâma II. 7 and K. K. I
552. The occurrence was in the 1 lth
year ot the reign, 1667. Apparently
the fight w as in pargana Jadvrâr,
Sarabhal aarkâr, J. II. 290 and Supp.
Glossary II. 137. For an account of
the Jâte see Supp. Glossary I. 130.

Aurangzeb, Kukla ' Jftt by name, by his insolence and turbulence
became the terror of the countryside. He plundered and burnt
the town of S'aîdâbad* near Mathurâ. 'Abdu-n-nabî K., a famous
faujdâr of that place, attacked, in the 12th year (of Aurangzeb),
the village of Sûra' — which was the abode of the miscreants — and
sent many of them to annihilation. in the battle.a bullet caused
his death, and he attained martyrdom. Aurangzeb sent off from
the capital Hasan 'Alî K. Bahâdur to be faujdâr of Mathurâ and
gave him a brave army and a park of aTtillery. The Khân by
his courage and excellent dispositions made that rebel, as well as
his companion Sangî (teşt Sankî), prisoners and sent them to
court. The royal wrath caused both of them to be cut to pieces,
limb by limb, while the son* and daughter of that scoundrel
(Kukla) were made över for their upbringing to Jawâhir K. Nâzir.
The daughter was given in marriage to Shâh Qulî cela, a well-
known officer, and the son got the name of Fâzıl and became a
hâfiz (reciter of the Qoran). in Aurangzeb's opinion no other
hâfiz was so much to be relied upon.

When the royal standards went off to take the forts of the
Deccan, this seditious tribe seized the opportunity afforded by
the sloth of the officers who laid their heads within the collar of
comfort, and wrapped their feet in the skirt of perfunctoriness,
and at önce severed the chairi of obedienoe, and stirred up a tem-
pest of evil, and, under the leadership of one colled Rajah 6 Râm,
oppressed many of the parganas and plundered caravans and
travellers. Leading members of society were imprisoned and dis-
graced. The honour of bahâdurs trickled into the dust of con-
tetnpt, and şübahdârs had to prostrate* themselves before this
impudent fellow. Of necessity Prince Bîdâr Bakht and Khân

1 M. 'Âlamgîrî 93.

2 M. 'Âlamgîrî, pargana S'aîdâbad.
'Abdu-n-nabî built the Jama' Maejict at
Mathurâ in 1071 or 1660-61. See Mur-
ray's Handbook to Bengal, 269. Ac-
cording to Tiefenthaler 'Abdu-n-nabî
was a convert from Hinduism.

3 M. 'Âlamgîrî 83, w here there is
the variant Basahrah. it really is

Sahora in pargana Mahâban, E. of the
Jumrja. See Murray's Handbook to
Bengal, 270.

* M. 'Âlamgîrî, 94. For dakhtarân
read dakhiar-ı-ân.

6 M. 'Âlamgîrî, 311.

f Lit. Had to draw a line with
their noses.

438

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

Jahân Bahâdur Zafr Jang were appointed from the Deccan, and
they took much trouble and made great exertions. On 15 Ram-
zân,' 4th July 1688, in the 32nd year, that warlike bandit re-
ceived a gunshot wound and became a resident in hell, and the
countrj'side was cleansed of his contumacy and violence. His
head was sent to court. After that, in the 33rd year, 16 Jamâda-
al-awwal* 1100, 26th February 1689, the fort of Sinsini, 3 which
was the residence of that miscreant, was taken from the hand of
the infidels by the exertions of the fortunate prince (Bîdâr Bakht;
nevertheless the crew was not extirpated. Reports of their op-
pression were continually brought to the emperor. in the 39th
year the eldest son of the Caliphate, Bahâdur Shah, was ap-
pointed to chastise them. And after that, Cürâman renewed the
disturbances. When Shâh 'Alam and A'zim Shâh joined in battle,
this evil-minded one collected a number of robbers and kept near
the two armies and was prepared to plunder the vanquished. As
soon as the defeat of one party was reflected in the mirror of his
observation , he opened the hand of plunder and carried off goods
and cattle. He also laid * hands on the treasure and jewels, and
in a moment got possession of what his predecessors had not ac-
quired in a lifetime. When Bahâdur Shâh, after returning from
the Deccan, came to Ajmere, to punish the Gürü (the Sikhs), and
the üne of march passed near their houses, Cürâman made 6 his
appearance and removed the stain of contumacy from his coun-
tenance. Hewas ordered to accompany Muhammad Amin K. Cin
Bahâdur whO had been appointed to proceed in advance against
the Sikhs. Afterwards, he bound up the waist of service and ac-
compained 'Umdatu-1-mulk the Khân Khânân who was besieging
the Gürü in Lohgarha near the Barfî Koh ' (snowy mountains)
among difficult hills. Afterwards, when the sovereignty was
changed. and the ruler became suspicious, he, in his own native

1 M. 'Alamgirî, 311.

S do. 334.

8 Tezt Sansini. " A village aitu-
ated between Dîg and Kumbher. "
Elliot VIII. 360. it is oalled Sanal in
do. VII. 632.

♦ Khâfî K. II. 668.
» Khîfi K. II. 669.

• See Elliot VII. 424 where it is
stated that Barfî Rajah is a name
give» to the Rajah of Sirmür. See
KhSfî K II. 673l

THK MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

43»

oountry, returned to his old ways and increased more and more
in insubordination and contumacy, and by devastation and plun-
der produced insecurity and ruin up to the capital.

in the time of Farrukh Siyar, Rajah Dhîrâj (Rajâdhîrâj) Jai
Singh Siwâî led an army against him, and Saiyid Khân Jahân the
maternal uncle of Qutbu-l-mulk (one of the two Saiyids of Bârha),
went off to assist with a proper force. The rebel shut himself up
in the fort of Thün. When after a year's siege and after severe
engagements he got into difficultie», he begged pardon from Qutbu-
1-mulk , and asked f or an increase of rank, and promised tribute.
Though the Emperor was unvvilling, yet in spite of his dislike, he
(Qutbu-l-mulk) oontrary to the wish of the Rajah (Jai Singh) per-
sisted, ' and summoned him, and gave him a place beside himself.
The emperor was helpless and ordered that he should be received
into service. He was not again admitted to an audience, but by
the favour of Saiyid 'Abdullah K he was raised to a high rank
and was elevated from the low position of a robber to the zenith
of Amîrship. He strengthened the chain of unity and concord
with the Saiyids of Bârha and gave himself out as one of the loyal
and devoted adherents At the time when the Amîru-1-umarâ re-
moved the sovereign and set off to the Deccan, and Qutbu-l»mulk
hastened to the capital, Cürâman enrolled himself among the Amlru-
1-umarâ's companions. After that brave leader was killed, Cürâl
man stayed for some days in the Imperial army in a hypocritica-
manner and wished to set fire to the Imperial pbwder-magazine, or
else to drive off the artillery-bullocks. He did not succeed on ac-
count of the caref ulness of the officers and the arrangements made
by the Head of the Artillery. When Qujtbu-l-mulk approached
the Imperial army with the intention of giving battle, the scotin-
drel atole some sets of camels and three elephants and left
the Imperial camp and joined Qutbu-l-mulk. On the day
of the battle he made great attacks upon the Emperor's bag-
gage, and as his men held possession of the river-bank, he allowed
neither friend nor foe to quench their thirst. Whoever approached
the water was destroyed. The men who were assembled on a

1 Siyar II. L 106, 107 and Elliot VII. 53S.

440

THE MAASIR-UL-TJMAKA.

sandy hill by the bank of the Jumna were alî plundered by him , so
fchat even the office-papers ' (daftar eadârat) were looted. His ac-
tivity and insolence were sach that the Emperor himself took a bow
into his hand and shot arrows at him tvrice or thrice. The special
musketeers also diacharged their muskets at him. When signs of
defeat showed themselves, he went round aDd round in the neigh-
bourhood of the camp by the route of Delhi, and fell upon the
vanquished. Wherever his hand could reach he took what was
lef t. Af ter the rope of his life was severed* by the traction of
death, Muhakam Singh and pthers of his aons made disturbances
by means of their strong forts. With the fire of injustioe and op-
pression they burnt up everything (lit. the dry and the wet). S'aâ-
dat K. Burhânu-lrmulk the governor of Agra used ali his energies
to ohastise them, but his sword did not cut, and the strength of
his arm could not uproot the thorn. The Emperor sent Rajah
Dhlrâj 8 with officers and artillery against them. The Rajah first
attended to cutting the jungle s and with the help of the Moghul and
Afghan heroes took two or three fortlets. in less than two
months — during which there were mauy fights and night-attacks
on both sides — he made the position of the besieged difficult. At
this* time Badan Singh, one of their cousins, on account of
quarrels and disputes about property, aeparated himself and joined
the Rajah. He showed him the way to take the fort, and they at
önce lost confidence, and set fire to their own powder-magazine.
The fort was taken possesion of. But no trace was found of the
treasures whieh were everywhere famous. When the zamindârî
was by the Rajah's recommendation given to Badan Singh, Muha-
kam Singh also chose submission, and by the instrumentality of
Mozaffar K. the brother of Khân Daurân oame to Court and made
many efforts. As he did not suoceed, he from that time made his
castle (badnâ) and his home at Deeg. Up tül now he has not
withdrawn his foot from the circle of obedience, and he makes a

J Elliot VH. 641.

* Besle »aya Cür&man w as kılled in
battle betvreen 'Abdullah and Muh.
Shih, but thia aeema a mistake. Ap-
parently b» eventually oommitted »ui-

eide. See EUiot VIII. 360, and Siyar
M. 239, also Elphinstone 614.

S That ia Jai Singh 8iw«î the
founder of Jaipür. See Beale, p. 193.

♦ KhSfi K-J II »46. Elliot VII. 521.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

441

show of service. Accordingly, in 1150, 1737-38, when Âşaf Jâh
Bahâdur went forth to punish Bâjî Râo, he (Muhakam) sent one of
his relatives together with a suitable force. Hİ3 men fought well in
the Bhopal-MâlWa battle. Though in order to preserve their
rank and name as royal servants they have left off their old habits
of robbing and stealing, yet they have carried violence so far that
the territory from within five kos of the capital (Delhi) to one
fourth of the province of Agra belongs to them as zamindari and
jagir and as farm. When they relinquish them (the farms)
they give them to tiyüldârs, and they take without any subterfuge,
abündant toll (râhdârî) from comers and goerş. No one ventures
to complain. Good God ! the subahdârs do not impute ali this
bad management and disgrace to themselves. The business of the
sovereignty of India ha,s come to a standstill.

When Badan Singh went to his place (i.e. died) in the end
of Muhammad Shâh's reign, his son Süraj Mal surpassed 1 his an-
cestors in violence and proçeeded to lay hold of the estafcea in the
environs (of the capital) and seized theexchequerlands, and people's
jagirs. From the city of Shahjahanabad to Bhadâwar,* and from
the e3tates of the Kacwâhas to the bank of the Ganges — which on
the other side belonged to the Rohillas — he passed by nothing, and
took most of the parganas in the Doab, and in the year 1174, 1761,
he also took possession of the fort of Agra. At the time when
the reigning sovereign Shah 'Alam was obliged to stay in the pro-
vinces of Bihar and Allahabad, Süraj Mal became offended with
Najîb K. (Rohilla) on account of estates on the borders and led an
army against him. A battle took place near Shahjahanabad, and
although the Khân had but a small force, yet the arrogance and
presumption of Süraj Mal worked for him, and he suddenly
stretched* him on the dust of destruction. The short account öf
this affair is that Süraj Mal came forth with a small party to watch
his own men who had been appointed to aurround Najib K., and
was going along incognito. At this time a jam'adâr of the Khân's
companions, who recognized Süraj Mal, fell upon him with a hun-

1 Literally, advanced beyond his ancestors' pillow.

4 Apparently Bhadaurâ a n ati ve State in Owalior, I.G. VIII. 21.

3 InDecember 1763.

442

THE MAASIR-UL-ÜMARA.

dred young men of his brethren and put an end ' to hini. After
him, his son Jawâhir Singh took his plaee, and in order to redress
matters led a force against Delhi and made a commotion for a
time. At last peace was made through the instrumentality of
Mulhâr Râo Mahratta. in the year 1 — he began to behave ili to
Rajah Ânîr, 3 and a battle ensued in which he was defeated.
After him, fiis brothers took the place of their ancestors. M.
Najaf K. Bahâdur prevailed över them and rooted them out. One
of their descendants holds a small property.

(RÂO) DALPAT BUNDILA.
S. Râo Subh Karn s. Bhagvvân* Rai s. Rajah Bir Singh Deo.
They say that Benares is the native place of this elan, and that
an ancestor came from there and took up his abode in Khaira-
garha Katak and received the title of Khainvâr. A long time
ago, one Kâsî Râj — the 24th ancestor of Râo Dalpat — lived in
the tract no w known as Bundîlkhand, and paid his devotions
to Bindeshwarî 6 Devi. On this account he received the 'name of
Bundîla. When in the reign of Shah Jahan, the headship of the
elan came to Rajah Pahâr Singh, Aurangzeb at the time he was
prince, and had charge of the Deccan, sent a letter (nishân) to
Subhakarn along with money and summoned him, and gave him
the rank of 1000. in company" with Saiyid 'Abdul Wahâb of

1 Siyar Mutakharîn IV. 32, Elliot
VIII. 363.

2 The year is lef t blank but is 1 182,
or 1768. * Elliot VIII. 364-65.

3 He is-called Rajah Madhü Singh :
s. Rajah Jai Singh in Elliot VIII. 364.
After his defeat Jawâhir was assassin-
ated in Agra Jaw5hir's brother
Ratan Singh succeeded him, and he
too was aısassinated by a Hindu im-
postor who pretended that he was an
alchemist. The victories of Najaf K.
över Süraj Mal 's descendants are re-
eorded in Elliot VIII. 366, ete.

* Third s. Bir Singh, J.A.S.B. for
1902, p. 115, w here the name is apel t
Bhagwan. At p. 103 id. it is atated
that before the rulo of the Bundîlae

there were Gharwar Kshattrîs who
were Sflraj-bansîs by descent, who
ruled in Kashî, that is Benares.

' The Bindhâsni or Durgâ of the
J.A.S.B. article, p. 104, where see the
legend. KSsî Râj is there called Jag-
dâs or Panoham (the fifth son). See
also Fogson's Hist. of the Bundelas,
pp. 6—8. Apparently Khairâgarha
Katak is KhairSgarh in the Central
Provinces, I.G. XV. 207, and the
title Khairwâr is Gaharwâr. See V. A.
Smith, J.A.S.B, for 1881, pp. 1 and
3.

• The text omita the words 6a itti-
fâq " together with " and so makes
the introduetion of 'Abdu-1-Wahâb's
name here unintelligible.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

443

Jûnagarh — who for some time had taken up his abode in Burhan-
pur — he was engaged in the conquest of Baglâna, and that
country came into the imperial possession. in the beginning of
the 32nd year of Shah Jahan, the prince (Aurangzeb) prooeeded
to the capital to inquire after his father's health, and when he
came to Ujjain, he fought a battle with Maharajah Jeswant Singh.
in it Subha Karn performed feats of valour and was wounded.
He also behaved equally well in the battle with Dara Shikoh.
After the battle with Shujâ' he was sent away to pursue and
chastise Campat Bandîla. Aftersvards he vvas appointed to the
Deccan, and in the affair of Bijapur he was in the Mîrzâ Rajah's
lef t wing. in the lOth year he quarrelled with the Mîrzâ Rajah
and came to court, and was appointed to ser ve along with Muham-
mad Amîn K. , the governor of Kabul But as his Companiondüp
with the Khân was not agreeabie to him, ke in the 11 tK year,
was summoned to court and appointed to the Deccan arnıy.
He always did good service in battle , and in the IŞth year,
when the army, under Diler K., had an engagement with the
Deccanis, he and his son Dalpat were in the rearguaref. in the
20th year he fell ili, and he lef t Diler K. and went to Bahâdur-
garha — where his quarters were — and died in the 2 İst ysar. Râo
Dalpat attained in the llth year to the rank of 250 with 80
horse, and after some time he got 300 zât and horse, and after his
father's death obtained 500 zât and horse. He conciliated his
father's servants by good treatment. in the 22ncVyear he quar-
relledwith Khân Jahân Bahâdur, the governor of the Deccan, and
came to court, and afterwards be went back to the Deccan with
Â'zim Shah. in company with Hasan 'Alî K. ' Âlamgîrshâhî he
went into the Konkan and did good service in battles. in the
23rd year his rank was 600 with 600 horse duâspa (two horse), and
in the 24th year he had the rank of 700 with 700 horse, and in the
27th year when he, along with Ghâzî-u-d-dîn K., was bringing
grass to the a,rmy of Muhammad Â'zim Shah which was besieging
Bijapur, he displayed courage in resisting the enemy, and his rank
was raised to 1500 with 1500 horse, and he had the title of Râo.
in the 30th year when Imtîyâzgarha alias Üdnî (Adoni) fell into
the royal possession, his rank became 2500 with 1500 horse, and

444

THE MAASIB-tT]>UMARA.

he received the gift of a drum and was made governor of the fort
of Üdni (Adoni). in the 33rd year he resigned this charge and
came to court. Af ter this, he was sometimes employed in bring-
ing treasure from Aurangabad and sometimes in convoying cara-
vans from that city to the camp. On the route he frequently
chastised the foe. in the 34th year he was appointed to the con-
tingent of Prince Kâm Bakhşh, and when this prince attacked
Wâkinkera he took excellent charge of the rearguard and with the
prince he in accordance with orders hastened to Ginji— where
Zül-fiqâr K. was, and where corn was scarce— with corn and other
stores. Zül-fiqâr K. placed him on the right wing. in the 44th
year his rank was 2500 with 2500 horse, and in the 47th year it
was 3000 with 2700 horse, and in the 49th year it was 3000 with
3000 horse. Af ter Aurangzeb's death he came to Upper India in
company with Muhammad Â'zim Shah and attained to the rank of
SÖÖO, in the battle Avhich took place with Sultan A'zîmu-sh-shân
he fell ' in the vanguard. After his death Bihârî Cand and Prithî
Singh, his sons, disputed in their native country the possession of
the property. Meamvhile Ram Cand, his eldest son, who was in
Satara, arrived. When the army of Biharî Cand also came for-
ward, he retreated and went to court, and joined when Bahâdur
Shah had halted near Ajmere. When no one attended to him, he
hastened to his native country and prevailed över his brothers.
Afterwards he came to Lahore and waited upon Bahâdur Shah.
in the time of Muhammad Shah he was appointed to go with the
royal army against Bhagwant Singh the Zamindar of Karra Ja-
hânâbâd, and fell bravely in that battle. The remainder of the
elan entered into the royal service, Jbut the Mahrattas took posses-
sion of most of their estates. At the time * of writing, an army of
the hat-wearers (English)— who came from Bengal with the design
of reaching the port of Surat— had stayed for some time in their
country and worked much havoc there.

As mention 8 has been made of the Feringhî hat-wearers, it is

ı Rieu Cat. I., 271 b.
* Thig biography is by 'Abdu-1-
Hayy. The expedition referred to

must be that of Colonel Goddard in

177».

8 Much of this acoount has been

THE MAASIB-UL-UMABA.

445

necessary to give some acoount of the doings of this tribe. For-
meriy, t ne y, ^th tne permission of the rulers, inhabited the sea-
shore and lived like subjects. The port of Goa was their seat of
government in the time of Sultan Bahâdur of Gujarat they got
a permit (qaul) by wiles and made two strong f orts called Daman
and Basî (Bassein). They brought a tract of country into oulti-
vation. Though its length was 40 or 50 kos, yet the breadth was
not more than a kos or half a kos. They cultivated the skirt of
the hills and raised valuable produets such as sugarcane, pine-
apple, and rice. They also made much money by planting many
cocoanut and betel-nut trees. Their current coins were ashrafis, 1
which were silver pieces of the value of nine annas and struck after
the European fashion, and lumps of copper which they called
buzurg. One jalûş is four buzurg*. They do not do any harm to
the peasantry, and they have assigned a separate quarter for the
Muhammadans But if any of the latter die, they educate* his
children in their religion.

When these facts came to the knowledge of Aurangzçb, M'aat-
bar K. the Paujdâr of Gulshanâbâd 8 and son-in-law of Mullâ Ahmad
Nâîtha, in accordance with orders, attacked them (the Portuguese)
and made some of their men and women prisoners. Upon this,
the Captain of Goa made a petition * with ali humility to the
King and his courtiers to this effect: " We are your unpaid ser-
vants for preventing the wickedness of the pirates of the sea ; if
you do not approve, we shall leave the land, and live upon the

abridged from Khafi K. II. 400 et
s*q. See also vol. I. il., p. 468. See
Elliot VII. 344. Bassein appaars to
have at one time belonged to Gujarat.
See Bayley'fl Gujarat, p. 20.

1 For an acoount of the Portuguese
coinage see Whiteway's Bise of Por-
tuguese power, p. 67, ete. Ashrafis
which were five-sevenths silver and
two-sevenths oopper were coined by
D. ^uis d'Ataide in 1678. Buzurg is
perhapa a corruption of bazaruco \ see
Whiteway 1. c. 68 and Hobson-Jobson,
art. Budgrook. But it is not impro-
bable that the word is bazarg "1in-

Buzurg has been corrupted
in Mahratta into Budrukh, so it or
bazarg may have become in English
Budgrook.

t Khâfi K.*I. 469.

s " in Baglâna near Junair." Ellipt
VII. 337. it is frequently mentioned
in Khâfi K. M'aatbar is mentioned
in Khâff K, II. 402. He was of the
Naitha elan.

4 Goa is a long way to the south
of Junair. it was the Portuguese of
Daman, ete, that were attacked by
M'aatbar. See Khafl K, II. 403. The
date was 1103-1601-92.

446

THE MAASIR-UL-TJMARA.

ocean." Their offences were thereupon forgiven, and an order
was given to M'aatbar K. to release the Feringhl prisoners. After-
wards the King was offended by the Feringhîs' plundering the ship
Ganj ' Sivvâî — -which was the largest ship belonging to the port of
Surat,— and again an order was issued f or chastising them. But
owing to the subterfuges of the officials this was not earried out.
They (the English) infiicted injuries* {rag-u-resha daıvâmda)
and girded up their loins to extirpate the French, who af ter the
time of Naşir Jang the martyr appointed one of their leaders to
accompany Mozaffar Jang and were in the Deccan till the time of
Âşafu-d-daulah Amîru-1-Mamâlik (Şalâbat Jang, 3rd s. of theNizâmu-
1-Mulk). The English took possession of the Haidarabad Carnatic
(Arcot), and afterwards they abolished the emperor's sway in
Bengal, and also got possession of the provinee of Bihar. By de-
grees they have novv beconıe the predominant partners in the pro-
vinees of Allahabad and Oudh. They have established ports 8
f rom Bengal to Arcot and the Tül Konkan* of the Deccan, and
have also seized the port of Surat. They have taken possession of
Slkâkul (Chicacole) and other Sarkârs of Haidarabad. At this
time they have, at the instigation of Raghü Nâth Râo, become in-
volved in a quarrel with the Mahrattas and are making a distur-
bance in Gujarat. God, assist the followerS of Muhammad.
May the peace of God be upon him and on his f amily !

DÂNISHMAND 5 KHÂN.
He was Mullâ Shafiâ of Yezd. He spent a long time in Per-
sia in acquiring knovvledge and excellence. After he had acquired

l Text Gaj Siwâî. But it is Ganj
Siw5î in Khâfî K. İL 421, where
there is an account of the taking of
the ship. it had sailed to within 8 or
9 days of Surat when it was attaoked
and taken by an English ship. The
Portuguese had nothing to do with
this. The yaar auuording.to Khâfî K.
was 1105-1693-94. See EUiot VII.
360.

* The sentence is obscure. The
account agrees in ita wording with

Elliot VIII. 392. Perhaps tbe phrase
there " who are ever in thirst for
their blood ' ' is the rag-u-re»ha dawâ-
nida of test. For this phrase see
Vullers II. 9«.

8 BanSdar. Perhapa- hert means
"faotories."

* The Tül Konkan is desoribed in
Khâfî K. II. 113 as the part of the
Konkan whioh belonged to the 'Adil
Shah of Bijapur.

' Bernier's patron.

THE MAASIR-TTL-UMARA.

447

the currrent sciences both rationai and traditional, he in order to
obtain a maintenance in an honourable way took a sum of money
from Persian merchants on the arrangement of a participatıon in
profits, and came ' to the spacious land of India which is the capi-
tal of profits for the owners of hopes. and the possessors of desires.
He stayed for some time in the Imperial camp, and accompanied
it from Agra to Lahore and from thenee to Kabul. On the re-
turn of the Royal retinue from Kabul he went to the port of Su-
rat with the intention of returning to his native country. As his
star was rising, and his fortune advancing, the extent of his wis-
dom and excellence became known to Shah Jahan. An order was
issued directing the officers of the port to send him to court. He
by the guidance of fortune donned the garb of pilgrimage to the
world's throne and on 9 Zf-1-hajja of the 24th year, 23 November
1650, opened the gates of his own success by kissing the threshold of
dominion.

As the merit and abiltty of this man who \vas worthy of the
royal favour again became impressed on H. M., \vho was a pa-
tron of the wise, he was raised to the rank of 1000 with 100 horse,
and an order was given that the peshkash of Sunday * for a year
should be given to him. Af terwards his rank was increased, and
in the 29th year he was made 2nd bakhshi in succession to Lash-
karK., and he received the title of Danishmand K., and an in-
crease of 500 with 200 horse. and so received the rank of 2500
with 600 horse. in the 31st year his rank was raised to 3000 \vith
800 horse, and in succession to I'tiqâd K. he was made Mir Bakh-
shi. in the same year be resigned 8 the office, and lived retired in
Shahjahanabad (Delhi), in the 2nd year of Aurangzeb he \vas
again encompassed by royal fayours and received the rank of 4000
with 2000 horse. in the beginning of the 7th year his rank was
raised to 5000, and in the 8th year he was Şübadâr* and guardian
of the fort of Shahjahanabad. in the lOth year he was made Mîr
Bakhshî in succession to Muhammad Amîn K., and received a

1 Aocording to M. 'Âlamgîrî 257 he

3 Bernier I. 67. He resigned be-

was for a long time at Ahmadnagar

cause he did not approve of Diîrâ

as a trader.

Shikoh.

* KhBfî K. I. 703.

* Bernisr I. 249 and also 289.

44S

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

decorated vvriting case. When in the 12th year the victorious stan-
dards of Aurangzeb \vent to Agra (mastaqarru-l- khilâfa) the charge
of the capital (döru-l-khilâfa, i.e. Delhi) vvas added to his office of
Mir Bakhshî, and he was sent to perform this \vork. in the 13th
year 10 Rabî'-al-awal 1081, 18 July 1670, he'died.

This excellent Amir was one of the learned men of the age
and was distinguished for his good sense and right thinking.
Af ter hini. up to the present day, no one has been found who united
learning vvith Amlrship. They say that when he entered the
roval service he was directed to argue and dispute on scientific
subjects with Mullâ 'Abdu-1-hakîm of Sialkot, who for learning and
vvisdom surpassed the wise men of old. A better scholar thaîı he
\vas not to be found in India, and his wise comments on a number
of influential books are a clear proof of this. There \vas a long
dİHCussion between these tvvo learned men about the eonjunction
ıran (in the phrase* ) " Thee do we \vorship, and of Thee do we
l>eg assistance." The very learned S'aad Ullah K. , vvho vvas in
learning a master {dar' Um 'alam bnd " in eruditionan ensign") vvas
the umpire, and in the end the two were adjudged equal. From
that day he vvas a favourite with the emperor and became an
Amir. As to what they say that in the end of his life he became
inclined to the learning of the Franks, and repeated many of the
paradoxes 3 of that set, it is improbable, \vhen we consider his
learning and excellence.

DARÂB KHAN.
!S. .MııkhtârK. of Sabzavvâr. Younger brother of Shamsu-d-dîn
Mukhtâr K. At the time vvhen Prince Aurangzeb proceeded from

l il. Alamgîri, 105.

1 Koran T. 4. I do not know the
point of the dispute. There is an
rtccount of 'Abdu-1-Hakîm in the Pâd-
shâhnâma I, Part II, p. 340.

& Cı. Bernier II, 134, who saya that
he used to discourse with Dânish-
mand about the discoveriea of Harvey
and Pecqııet, and the philosophy of
( lassendi and Descartes. See also id.
II. 209. These diacussions took place
early in the sixties and nearly twenty
years before Dânishmand" a death.

There ia a porlrait of Dânishmand in
an albüm in the B. M., Rieıı II. 779,
No. 3S. Even Aurangzeb grew tired
of Muhammadan learning and admin-
iatered a atriking rebuke to his old
preceptor Mullâ Şâlih: see Bernier and
Manucoi II. 29. Apparently the Mul
15 Şâlih, roferred to by Bernier, is the
man mentioned in Pâdshâhnâma II.
024 and deseribed as belonging to
BadakhshSn. He also may be the
Hakim Şâlih K. of Maaşir A. 130.

THE MAASIR-ÜL-UMARA.

449

the Deccan tovvards the capital in order to seize the sovereignty
and to overthrow Dara Shikoh, who on account of the illness of
Shah Jahan had taken possession of the affairs of the empire,
Dârâb received leave to depart as one of the auxiliaries of the Dec-
can. When Aurangzeb became successful, Dârâb in the very fîrst,
and before the accession, received the title of Khânand was appoint-
ed to the charge of the fort of Ahmadnagar. in the end of the
second year he vvas relieved and came to court, and in the 9th year
he was made Qarâwal Beg (chief huntsman) in succession to Faiz
Ullah K. Af ter that, he was also made superintendent of the spe-
cial gun-room. in the 13th year he was made superintendent of
the Ghuslkhâna in succession to 'Abdulla Khân, and afterthathe
was made Master of the Horse in succession to Rûh Ullah. After
that he was mad^ governor of Ajmere. in the 19th year he came
to court from there, and in succession to Multafat K. \vas made
Head of the Artillery. He was also made İst Mir Tüzük, in the
22nd year he vvas sent with a suitable force to chastise the Rajputs
of Khandîla and to throw down the idol temples there. When the
Emperor came to Ajmere, Dârâb attacked that abode of distur-
bance and destroyed the idol temples of Khandîla, Sanaula, ete.
Three hundred odd Rajputs stood firm in their obstinacy, and not
one of them escaped. in the same year the 25th Jamâda-al-awal
1090, 24th June 1697, he died. He had three sons and one
daughter. The eldest, Muhammad Khalîl, had the title of Tarbiyat
K. and of him a separate account has been given. The second ,
Aluhammad Taqî, married 1 the daughter of Bahramand K. bakh-
shî. His son vvas knovvn as Mîn (or Mubîn), and after his father's
death received the title of Muhammad Taqî K., and in the 48th
year vvas married 2 to the daughter of Shaista K., the son of Shaista
K. (the Amîru-1-Umarâ). Aurangzeb vvas very fond of him. in
the time of Bahâdur Shah he received the title of his maternal
grandfather Bahramand K. in the time of Jahândâr Shah vvhen
the office of vizier came to Zû-l-fiqâr the Amîru-1-umarâ, and the
management of ali affairs vvas in his hands, Muhammad Taqî, on
account of his relationship, vvas made a Panjhazftrî (5000). Some

l Maagir A. 221 . Maasir U. I. 457.
57

2 Maasir A. 480.

450

THE MAASIR-tTL-ÜMABA.

of the business of tlıe viziership was transacted by him. When
by the bad trading of the old workmen of the aky in the market
of the world, the shop of Jahândâr Shah's power went to pieces,
and another kind of goods came into use, the said Khân was chas-
tened by having his wealth and property seized and his mansab
and jagir taken from bim. But again by the help of the Amîru-1-
umarâ Husain 'Alî K., he was saved from these enveloping waves
of calamity and brought to the safe shore of the Deccan. in
Aurangabad he lived for a time in the dvvelling (haıvelî) of Sultan
Mahmüd (Aurangzeb's son), near the 'Ambarı tank, which Auran'g-
zeb had given to the deceased Bahramand.

When the government of the Deccan came to Aşaf Jâh, he
respected the Khân's family and spoke to him vvith much considera
tion, and gave him the government of citadel which yielded noth-
ing except retirement. For 15 or 16 years he lived there. At pres-
ent, a son occupies his place , and lives in the fort which is but a ruin.
The aforesaid Khân was even in this position a pleasant compa-
nion {khûsht'aârn). The third son is Kâmyâb K. who was married
to the daughter of Matlib K. He left a daughter who in the time of
Farrukh Siyar was married to Husain 'Alî K. But the daughter
of Dâfâb was married to Mîr Lashkar who was a descendant of
Mirza Haidar Şafavî. Her eldest son, Askhar 'Alî K., was for a
long time governor of the fort of Dharap (Dharab) in the Deccan,
which for strength and solidity has been called Daulatabad the
2nd. Aşaf Jâh, out of regard to his family, kept him in his pres-
ence and made him elerk of his jagirs and dîwönl. At present he
has some government work. He is an old man ; may God forgive
himl

DÂRÂB KHÂN MİRZA DÂRÂB. 1

Second son of the Khân-Khânân Mirza 'Abdu-r-Rahîm. He
was ahvays vvith his father and distinguished himself in the cam-
paigns. Especially did he distinguish himself in the famous battle
of Khirkî when he assisted his elder brother Shah Newâz K. ,
and was honoured by obtaining increased rank. When in the
14th year of Jahangir his brother Shah Newâz died, he received

' B. 339. There is a portrait of DSrBb in the B. M., Rieu II. 780.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

451

the rank of 5000 zât and horse and in the place of his brother be-
came governor of Berar and Ahmadnagar. in the 15th year when
Malik 'Ambar broke his promises and treaty, and stretched out
his arm against the Imperial territories, thinking the expedition of
the Emperor to the distant country of Kashmîr a good opportu-
nity, most of the officers left their stations (thânahs) and collected
near Dârâb. Khanjar K., the governor of Ahmadnagar, took re-
fuge in the fort, and Dârâb having equipped his forces proceeded
tovvards the Bâlâghât. 'Ambar 's banditti (barglân) every day
prowled round him and there were repeated fights, in ali of which
the evil-fated foe was defeated and slain.

One day Dârâb took with him well-mounted cavaliers and
attacked the enemy's quarters, and a great fight ensued. He was
victorious and returned to camp vvith much booty. Af ter that,
the enemy so barred the coming in of corn that the troops were
reduced to distress, and Dârâb was compelledto leave the defiles of
Rohankhera and to come down to Bâlâpür to encamp. When the
tyranny of the Cossacka of the Deccan proceeded so far that they
erossed the Narbada and plundered the estates in Mâlwa, Prince
Shah Jahan again was sent to the Deccan, and in the 16th year
halted at Burhanpur. The victorious army attacked and devas-
tated the Nizâm Shâhî territory up to the Godavery, and sacked
Khirkî vvhich was the residence of Malik 'Ambar. One day before
the army arrived, he had orept into the fort of Daulatabad along
\vith the Nizâmu-1-Mulk. Malik 'Ambar was compelled to sue
for peace and agreed to pay fourteen krors of dâms for the estates
adjoining the imperial territories, and fifty lacs of rupees as tri-
bute. in the 17th year the Prince in accordance witb his father 's
summons left the Deccan for the Qandahar campaign in company
vvith the Khân-Khânân and Dârâb.

When juggling Time started another game and there occurred
a cloud betvveen the Emperor and the Prince to such an extent
that there was marshalling of forces and contention, the Prince,
from a recognition of duty, did not confront the imperial army
and turned aside. Rajah Bikramâjît — who was his chief sup-
porter — faced the imperial army along vvith Dârâb. As it chanced,
in the melee the Rajah waa killed by a musket-shot, and the army

452

THK MAASIR-CL-l'MARA.

became disorganized. Dârâb could not maintain his ground,
turned back and joined the Prince.

When Shah Jahan was constrained to send the Khân-Khânân
from Burhanpur to Mahâbat K. for the purpose of coming to
terms, and that old man waslıed the roll of loyalty and fidelity in
the waters of forgetfulness, and joined the enemy, Dâıâb vvith the
children and grandchildren of the Khân-Khânân w er e imprisoned.
VVhen Bengal came into Shah Jahan's possession and he aimed at
the conquest of Bihar, he again received Dârâb into favour and
made him Governor of Bengal, but kept witlı himself as hostages
Dârâb's wife, one daughter and one son, and his nephe\v. When
the prince after the battle of the Tons ' (near) Benares proceeded
by the same route back to the Deccan, he sent an order to Dârâb
to proceed quickly to Garhî (Teliagarhi)— which is the gate of
Bengal — and to join him. Dârâb, from want of reotitude, savv
the affair in another light, and wrote in reply that the land-holders
had combined and were besieging him, and that he could not
eoıne. Though the misbehaviour and oppression of the land-
holders vvere true, yet he by not joining acted with dilatoriness
and contrary to loyalty. The prince was compelled to withhold
his hand from him, but in his displeasure he made över his young
son and his nephew to 'Abdullah K. To a madman a suggestion is
enough(?) and so 'Abdullah cruelly put both of these innocent
ones to deatlı. Aftervvards, vvhen Sultan Parvez, and Mahâbat
K. heard of this they sent strict orders to the zamindars of Bengal
to refraiıı from interfering with him and to send him to them.
When in the end of the 19th year Dârâb joined Sultan Parvez's
army, an order of Jahangir came to Mahâbat to the efîeot that
there was no sense in keeping such a vvorthless fellovv alive, and
that he should quickly send his head to court. Mahâbat vvas
bound by the order and immediately had his head cut off and
dispatched.

Şhahld pâk shud Dârâb miskin.

" The vvretched Dârâb became a püre martyr " is the chrono-

THB MAASIR-ÜL-UMARA.

453

gram (1034, 1625). They say that Mahâbat K. had the head
vvrapped in a napkin and sent it to the Khân-Khânân — who was
his prisoner — as a melon. The Khân-Khânân on seeing it said,
"True; a beautiful ' melon." Dârâb vvas a young man of ex-
cellent qualities, a prudent Ieader, and a brave man. No other did
such feats as he in the Deccan. But his horoscope was unfortıı-
nate. He left the side of Shah Jahan, and vvas driven out by the
Imperial side, so that his end vvas miserable.

DARBÂR K.

His name vvas 'Tnayat, and he vvas the son of Taklü* K., the
storyteller (qisşa-khwân) , vvho vvas distinguished in the service of
Shah Tahmftsp Şafavî as a storyteller, and vvas a favourite vvith
him. When his son came to India, he entered the service of
Akbar in his hereditary capacity and became a companion. He
received the rank of 700 and the title of Darbâr K. in the 14th
year, after the taking of Ranthambhor, and vvhen the king had
göne to Ajmere to visit the shrine of M'uînu-d-dîn, DaTbâr K.
took leave on account of sickness and came to Agra. He died s
after arriving there. As Akbar liked him much, he vvas greatly
grieved at his death. Darbâr K., from excessive fidelity and vvor-
ship of his master, made a deathbed vvill to the effect that they
should bury him at the feet of the king 's do : — över vvhich a dome
had been erected — because in former times this dog had, from
perfect fidelity, alvvays abode at the king's threshold. The king
too used öccasionally to take notice of this dog. When the dog
died, the king lamented the circumstance, and Darbâr K. erected 4
a building and buried the dog under the dome. in accordance
vvith his vvill he vvas buried under the dome.

Good God ! Hovv far affection for the vvorld carries us ! And
hovv many efforts and flatteries are used in such matters ! To
speak of the king's dog and to admit into one's mind thoughts of

l The Tons is a tributary of the
Ganges. Ifc flows northwards and

joins the Ganges on the right bank and
in the Allahabad district.

1 tarhuz shahidi. There is a play
on sbahîdî vvhich means both mar-
tyred and beautiful.

* B. 464 where , and also in Persian
text of Ain T. 227, it is Takaltû.

3 Akbarnâma II. 339.
* A.' F. does not say that Darbâr
erected the tomb ; l.c. 339.

454

THE MAASIR-TJL-UMARA.

vvorld-vvorship at such a time when one should be occupied with
one's God, and coneentrate one's thoughts on Him ! If it was
hypocrisy, woe for him wlıen they show him at the Resurrection
along with the dog, and if it was devotion God forbid that it
should be so. Yet the end of things is obscure and God's mercy
is wide ! '

Though Akbar did not possess fully a the arts of reading and
\vriting, yet he occasionally composed verses, and was versed in
history ; especially was he well acquainted with the history of
India. He was very fond of the story of Amîr Hamza which con-
tained 360 tales. So much so that he in the female apartments
used to recite them like a storyteller. He had the wonderful in-
cidents of that story illustrated 3 from beginning to end of the
book and set up in twelve volumes.

Each volume contained one hundred folios, and each folio was
a cubit (zira) long. Eaeh folio contained tvvo pictures and at the
front of eaeh picture there was a description delightfully \vritten
by Khwâja* 'Ata Ullah Munshî of Qazwin. Fifty painters of
Bihzâd-like pencil were erıgaged, at first under the süper inten-
dence of the Nâdiru-1- mülk Humâyünshâhî Saiyid 'Alî Judâî 6 af
Tabriz, and afterwards under the superintendence of Khwâja

1 See Blochmann's remarkg on this
subject.

2 Khatt u aaıvâd kâmal nadâsht.
Perhaps the meaning is " did not at
ali possess tlıese arts."

8 The illustrations are referred to
in the Ain B. 108. it is eaid that
there were 1400 illustrations, but if
there were twelve books each of 100
folios and two pictures on each, there
would be 2400. Hamza was Muham-
mad's uncle. For an account of the
'■ Story of Hamza " see Rieu II. 760b.
Both Mir Sayyid 'Alî and 'Abdu-ş-
Şamad are mentioned in B. 107. The
word in A.F. and m the Maagir for
illustration is majlit. The Ain also
tıses the word moza. Perhaps majlia
is pleonastic for it is followed in the

aasir by the word tasıvlr. There is
-. specimen of 'Abdu-ş-Şamad's work

in the Bodleian. The reference to
Akbar 'S listening to the story of
Hamza is A.N. II. 223.

it would seem from A.N. II. 349
that Akbar was in the habit of pass-
ing by or visiting Darbâr's tomb and
that the latter's son Deo Sultan — who
presumably was mad or violent — was
found lurking there with an evil de-
sign He was seized and imprisoned,
and died in confinemenfr.

At p. 332 of Elliot V. it is stated
that Akbar went into Darbâr K.'s din-
ing-hall after his death. Apparently
the correct translation is that he at-
tended the funeral-feast (majlis-i-
t'aam).

* Author of a history of Akbar.
Rieu 922b.

• Text has khudâmî, but the vari-
ant Judâî is right. See B. 590.

THE MAASIK-UL-ÜMARA.

455

'Abdu-ş-Şamad of Shiraz. No one has seen sucb another gem
nor was there anything equal to it in the establishment of any
king. At present the book is in the Imperial Library.

DARYÂ KHÂN ROHILLA.

Of the Daudzai tribe. At first he was a servant of Murtaza
K. Shaikh Farîd. Afterward3 he became the servant of Shah
Jahan during the time when he was prince. in the fight at Dhol-
pür with Sharîfu-1-mulk the servant of Sultan Shahriyar he dis-
tinguished himself, and acquired reputation. When Ibrâhîm K.
Fath Jang, the Governor of Bengal, opposed the prince and was be-
sieged in his son's tomb one kos from Akbarnagar (Rajmahal), the
fleet \vas in lbrahim's hands, and without boats the Ganges could
not be crossed. Daryâ K. and 500 Afghans crossed by an un-
known ford pointed out by the Teliya (the oilman) Rajah, and
when some ten or twelve horses had not reached the other side,
ibrahim came to oppose them. Darya K. stood firm and fought.
When 'Abdullah K. — \vho wished to cross at the same place— saw
this, he drew rein and went off to another ford. ibrahim K. sent
off Ahmad Beg K. after him to help his men, and when the prince
Jearnt this, he directed Rajah Bhîm to take 'Abdullah K. withhim
and join Daryâ K But before they arrived Daryâ K. had twice
attacked and defeated the enemy. But as he was on foot he
could not pursue them.

When Ibrâhîm K. learnt that Ahmad Beg had been defeated,
and that Rajah Bhîm and 'Abdullah K. had joined, he drew up
his foıces and opposed. When his companions could not resist the
shock of the brave men and fled, Ibrâhîm and a few more were
killed. The prince rewarded Daryâ K. with a lac of rupees and
some elephants out of the spoils of Bengal, and when he left,
Bengal and Bihar came into his possession. 'Abdullah K. and
Daryâ K. went off to Allahabad in advance, and in the first place
surrounded the fort, and aftervvards encamped at Mânikpür on
the bank of the Ganges 'Abdullah K. summoned Daryâ K. to
assist him. Daryâ K. delayed to do so, and a disagreement arose
between them. Meanwhile Mahâbat K. and Sultan Parvez arrived
at the bank of the Ganges. Daryâ K. asked 'Abdullah for the

456

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

fteet and the artillery in order that he might strengthen the
fords and prevent the Imperial army from crossing. 'Abdullah
purposely delayed compliance, and their mutual disagreement in-
jured their masber's business„ Daryâ K., vvho in addition to the
arrogance produced by victories vvas a continual drunkard, did
not properly secure the fords, and Mahâbat procured boats and
crossed elsewhere. Daryâ K. vvas obliged to join 'Abdullah and
Rajah Bhîm who had assembled in Jaunpûr, and from there they
went to the prince's camp at Benares. There it w as agreed that
they should give battle at Kankerâ ' — vvhich wa3 not devoid of
strength~and keep the river Tons 2 in front of them. Af ter a
fightj when victory was declaring itself on the side of the Impe-
rialists, the ne w servants of Daryâ K. — vvho were disgusted with
his ways — fled without fighting, and Daryâ K. — who was the
leader of the right wing of the vanguard — also withdrew. After
that he in Junair unfaithfully left the prince's service and joined
Khân Jahân Lodî, vvho was the governor of the Deccan. He was
not contented with this infidelity, but also stirred up Khân Jahân
Lodî to rebellious thoughts After the accession, he by a thou-
sand supplications and submissions , obtained service and received 3
the rank of 4000 with 3000 horse. His fief was assigned to hini in
Bengal, and he vvas appointed to go with Qâsim K. the governor
of that provinoe Af tervvards he received * in fief the pargana of
Banâdar (?) ete. in Khandes, and \vas ordered to the Deccan
campaign.

At the time when Sfthü Bhonsla, at the instigation of the
Nizâm Shah, was stirring up sfcrife in Khandes because the Khân
Zaman, the governor of that territory, had göne off to take the

l Sarzamin Kankerâ. Possibly it
nıeans rocky ground but more pro-
bably it is a misreading. The Iqbâl-
nâma which is apparently the source
has, p. 232, " the jungle of Kanpat,"
and there is the variant Katıtît for
whieh see B. 425. Probably Kantit
is right.

* A tributary of the Ganges. it
flows N.E. and joins the Ganges in the
Allahabad district on the right bank.

I.G. There is also a Tona which is a
tributary of the Jumna, but this is
not the one here meant.

s Khafi K. I. 401. He afterwards
had an inerease of 1000 lıorse. Pâd-
shânâma 1. 300.

* Pâdshâhnâma I. 226. it is men-
tioned there that he got a fief in the
Deccan, but the name is not given.
At p. 251 id. his fief is called Bashâ-
wada.

THE MAASIR-UI.-OMARA.

457

fort of Bîr from Saiyid Kamâl the Nizâm Shâhî, Daryâ K. came
from his fief with lightning-speed to Sâhü and chastised ' him and
drove him out of the country. When in the 3rd year the city of
Burhanpur became the residence of Shah Jahan in order that he
might uproot Khân Jahân Lodî, Daryâ K came from his fief and
did homage At that very time, he remembered friendship and
tribal conneetion and fled, and joined Khân Jahân. When Khân
Jahân vvas defeated by A'zim K. the Viceroy of the Deccan, and
went off to Daulatabad, Daryâ K. came by the Pass of Châlîsgaon*
to Khandes and lighted the flames of devastation. When 'Abdul-
lah K. \vas appointed to chastise him, he ret'urned to Daulatabad,
and at the same time he went off with Khân Jahân with the inten-
tıon of stirring up strife in Upper India, and came to Mahva, As
he could not stay there on account of the pursuit by the imperial-
ists, he vvent off, and vvhen he came to the Bundîla country, he
had a fight with Bikramâjît the son of Rajah Jujhâr Singh.
Daryâ K. vvas in the rear, and in the madness of drunkenness he
fcook no account of Bikramâjît and unhesitatingly attacked him.
in the melee a bullet reached him and he vvas killed. His son and
about 400 Afghans vvere also killed. in the 4th year, 1040, 1630-
31, his head vvas brought to court at Burhanpur.

DASTAM KHAN. 3
Son of Rustam of Turkestan, and one of the Sih hazâri (holders
of mansab of 3000) of Akbar. His mother Blbî Bakhyah Begî vvas
conneeted with Mâham Anaga, and had access to the seraglio.
Dastam vvas brought up in the service of Akbar. in the 9th year
he vvas appointed, along with Mir M'uizzu-1-mulk to pursue 'Ab-
dullah K. Uzbeg, and in the 17th year he vvas among the auxili-
aries of Khân A'zim Koka and vvas appointed to Gujarat. in the
battle vvith Muhammad Husain Mîrzâ he did good service and be-

1 Pâdshâhnâma I. 251.

2 Châlîsgaon is a subdivision of the
Khandesh district. it was at the foot
of the Sâtmâla range. I.G. X. 127.

s B. 398 and 020. it would ap-
pear from Bayazîd Biyât's Memoirs,
A.S.B.J. for 1898, that Dastam'a

mother 's name was Takhta. Dastam
is mentioned in the 7th year as hav-
iag accompanied Akbar on his expedi-
tion to Paronkha, A.N. II. 164. At
p. 177 of do. his mother is called
Najîba Begam.

458

THE MAA9IR-UI/-UMARA

came distinguished. Aftervvards he came with the Khân A'zim and
waited upon the Emperor. in the 22nd year the sarkar of Ran-
tambhor was put into his fief and he was made governor of Ajmere.
After being for some time there he turned his attention to putting
down the rebellious and to heartening the oppressed. in the 25th
year Üchlâ', the son of Balbhadar, and Mohan, Sür Dâs and Tilûksî,
the brother's sons of Rajah Bihâra Mal, came vvithout the Rajah's '
permission from the Panjab to the town of Lünî, their native place,
and took to evil courses. Dastam, in order to observe the respect
due to the f amily of the Kachwâhas, engaged in giving them advice.
His mildness increased their turbulence. At this time an order
came from Court to treat those recalcitrants with a mixture of pro-
mises and threats, but if they did not listen, Dastam was to pun-
ish them. He in his haste cast aside the thread of plan and went
forth to fight with them without having gathered an army. The
three nephews were killed, but Üchlâ — who was the leader of the
malcontents— took refuge in a field of millet (? jawar). Suddenly he
came out, calling " Dastam Khân," and engaging him wounded him
severely with a spear. Dastam, in spite of such a wound, killed
him with his sword, and then fell to the ground. His men şefe him
on horseback, and as long as the fight endured he contiuued en-
couraging them , until at la3t the rest of the vvicked f ellows took to
flight. Their houses were plundered. Two days (rüz duwam)
aftervvards he died in 988, 1580. As he was energetic, disinterested,
andtactful, Akbar regretted his death, and m comforting his mother
said,* " He was (only) separated from us for three years of his life ;
from you he was separated for many years. Consequently his de-
parture is harder upon us."

D'AUD KHAN.
He, Bahâdur K. and Sulaimân K. were sons of Khizr K.
Panî. At first he (Khizr) was a merchant, and aftervvards by the

1 The A.N. III. 326 says nothing
about the Rajah's leave.

i Apparently Dastam and Akbar
had met when the latter was only
three years of age, and presumably

thereföre when he was at Qandahar or
Kabul with hia unoles, and the two
mast have been together ever since.
Hi» mother perhaps ceased to attend
Court when Mâham Anaga died. There

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

459

influence of Bahlol K. 'Abdû-1-Karîm he became a sirdar. He
took part with Bahlol in the imprisonment of Khvvâş K. After-
vvards Bahlol nominally appointed him to assist Shaikh Manhâj —
who along with the Deccanis had göne off before this to chastise
Sîvâ, but in reality in order that he might arrange for the killing
of the said Shaikh. After Khizr K. had joined him, he one day
invited him to a feast. When the Shaikh came near Khizr's tent,
the latter came out to welcome him, and the Shaikh, who knew
his design, was beforehand with him and killed him, and then
joined the army. Bahlol, on hearing this, brought an army
against the Deccanis and there was a great battle. At last the
Deccanis made an alliance with the ruler of Haidarabad and joined
him. D'aûd K. was then in the fort of Naldrug. The Khân-
Khânân Koka, the governor of the Deccan, conciliated him, and in
the 18th ' year of Aurangzeb he became a servant of the king and
received the rank of 4000 and the title of Khân. His brothers
and other relatives received suitable rank and Naldrug was taken
for the government, and Zafarnagar in Berar was assigned to him
as a residence.

in the 26th year, after the imperial army had reached the
Deccan, he with his brother Sulaimân and his uncle Ranmast — wbo
was called 'Alî and in the 7th year of Aurangzeb had entered the
imperial service and obtained the rank of 1500 and gradually risen
to the rank of 5000 and the title of Ranmast Khân— had the good
fortune to do homage. in company with the otner two he was at-
tached to the retinue of Sultan Mu'izzu-d-dîn and was sent off to
chastise the Mahrattas. Ranmast K. got the title of Bahâdur K.,
and became famous. He was appointed, along with Rüh UUah K.
to the seige of Wakinkera, and in the 34th year vvas killed in the
batteries by a musket-ball from the fort. His son Umr K., who
aftervvards had the title of Ranmast K., took up his abode in Ran-
mastpüra in Aurangabad. On his death several sons remained,
but at the time of vvriting none of them is alive. D'aûd K. ob-
tained distinction by being attached to Zü-l-fiqâr K. and performed

is a reference to Dastam in Jahangir's
Tüzük, p. 26U

> This apparently should be the

20th. See Maaşir Umara I. 802 whieh
gives 1677 as the date.

460

THE MAASIR-UL-TJMARA.

feata in the seige of Ginji and in battles with the foe. in the 43rd
year he was made Naib-faujdâr of the Carnatic-Haidarabad — vvhich
was substantively held by Zü-l-fiqâr, and in the 45th year the
faujdâri of Carnatic-Bijapur was added to this. in the 48th year
he as deputy for Muhammad Kâm Bakhşh was made governor
of Haidarabad, and in the 49th year — when the king came in
person against the fort of Wakinkera -he was summoned from
Ginjî and did good service in the seige of the said fort (Wakin-
kera). He behaved bravely and was treated with favour in con-
sequence. After Aurangzeb's death he took part vvith Zü-l-fiqâr
in the battle against Kâm Bakhşh. İn the 3rd year of Bahâdur
Shah, he as Zü-l-fiqâr's deputy held the government of the Deccan
with the exception of Khandes, Berar and the Payânghât. On
the death of the Khân-Khânan he was made governor of Burhan-
pur and the Berar-Payânghât. in Burhanpur his sister's son Bay-
âzîd K. was Naib, Hirâman Bakseria was the manager, and in
Berar another sister's son, who was called 'Alâvval K., had the
deputy ship.

When Muhammad Farrukh Siyar became sovereign, D'aüd K.
was appointed to the government of Gujarat. When the govern-
ment of the Deccan came into the handa of Husain 'Alî K. Amiru-
1-Umarâ, he proceeded thither (the Deccan). At this time D'aüd
K., in accordance with the king's directions, came from Gujarat to
Burhanpur, and though after crossing the Narbada the Amîru-1-
Umarâ proposed an amicable arrangement, it did not take place.
Outside the city of Burhanpur, in the 3rd year, D'aüd K. with a
small force proceeded to oppose and behaved with Rustum-like
courage, and drove on his elephant and broke the ranks. in that
battle, in the year 1127, 1715, lıe was killed by a bullet from a
Zambarak (camel-gun) and died vvithout offspring. But Bahâdur
K. and Sulaiman K. — who were his full brothers — did imperial
service along with their elder brother. The second one in the
5 İst year obtained the rank of 2000, and after the death of
Aurangzeb was a companion of Muhammad A'zim Shah. After-
vvards, vvhen Bahâdur Shah sat on the throne, he was made, in the
İst year, governor of Burhanpur, and in the 2nd year, after the
king came to Burhanpur, as the ryots complained of his oppres-

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

461

sion, he was set aside. After Bahâdur Shah's death he joined
Azimu-sh-shân, and on the day of the battle with the-other princes
in 1123, 1711, he was killed. Except daughteıs' sons he left no
offspring. The eldest of these vvas ibrahim K. After his uncle's
death he had the title of Bahâdur K., and in the 49th year he re-
ceived suitable rank and the gift of a drum. When in the time
of Aurangzeb the deputyship of the government of the Deccan
came to Dâüd K., he (Bahâdur) became Naib of Haidarabad, and
in the time of Muhammad Farrukh Siyar— when Haidar 'Alî K
became Dewan of the Deccan— he vvas made faujdâr of Qamarna-
gar alias Karnül. in the beginning öf the reign of Muhammad
Shah he, in accordance vvith orders of H.M., came with Mubârik
K. and was killed in 1136, 1774, in the battle against Nizâmn-1-
mulk Aşaf Jâh. His sons were Alif K. and Randaula K. The
former was made faujdâr of Qamarnagar, and the latter got a
jâgir and lived with Aşaf Jâh. Both died, and Bahâdur the son
of Alif vvas made faujdâr of Karnöl, an appointment vvhich he
held for a long time. When the hat-vvearers of Pondicherry
made a night attack on the camp of the martyred Naşir Jang,
and discipline got out of hand, the said martyr, thinking that Ba-
hâdur vvas on his side, vvent tovvards his detachment (misi) vvhich
vvas the left vving. As Bahâdur K. vvas in league vvith the enemy
he knovvingly and intentionally martyred him by shooting him,
in 1164, 1750. He then formed an ıntimacy (şahbat kok) vvith
Hedayat Mahîü-d-din K. (Mozaffar Jang, grandson of Nizâm-ul-
mulk) and assumed triumphant vvays. Though the leader, on ac-
count of prudence, temporised, yet after the army had reached
Raicor near Cuddapah he became impatient and the dislike be-
came public. in the end therc vvas iighting and the leader vvas
vvounded by an aırovv and Bahâdur vvas killed by a bullet. The
verse is excellent.

Verse.

Everything that succeeds in the world

When it comes to the top, it fails :

No success remains in perfection,

When the book is finished, the pağe is turned

462

THE MAASIB-UL-UMARA.

At the time of this writing Ranmast K. alias Manawar K. the
half-brother of Bahâdur K. is faujdâr of Karnül. He is a friend
of the vrafcer. '

D'AÜD KHAN QORESHÎ.

S. Bhîkan K., who was one of the Shaikhzâdas of Hişâr Fîrüzâ
and was a chief and confidential servant of Khân Jahân Lodi. in
the fight at Dholpür, which took place between Khân Jahân and
the royal troops, Bhîkan flung away the coin of his life. Shaikh
D'aüd entered into the service of Prince Dârâ Shikoh, and obtained
influence with him by his courage and good qualities. in the 30th
year he was made faujdâr of Mathüra, Mahâban, Jalesar and
otherestates which on the death of S'adullah K. became the prince's
fief . He also had charge of the road between Agra and Delhi with
2000 horse. in the same year he at the request of the prince re-
ceived the title of Khân. in Dârâ Shikoh's first battle he was in
the vanguard with Satarsâl Hârâ. His brother S. Jân Muhamnıad
was killed. Afterwards, when Dârâ Shikoh fled before Aurangzeb,
he left D'aüd on the bank of the Sutlej at the ferry of Talwan *
which is a well-known crossing. Afterveards he fortified the fur-
ther bank of the Beas in ordor to hinder the pursuit. At last when
Dârâ Shikoh lost courage and fled from Lahore towards Multan,
D'aüd K., in accordance with orders, burnt and sunk the boats,
and then joined Dârâ. He went with him everywhere till he sepa-
rated from him at Bhakar and went off by Jasalmîr to his native
country of Hişâr Fîrüzâ. As his experience and ability were well-
known he received from Aurangseb a robe of honour. On the re-
turn of the royal standards from Multan to Delhi he came and
did homage and received the rank of 4000 with 3000 horse. in
the battle with Shujâ' he had command of the right wing of the re-
'serve. After Shujâ"s defeat he was sent off with Muazzam K.
(Mîr Jumla) to pursue him towards Bengal. When he came to

l This life waa written by 'Abdu-1-
Şayy. in the life of Naşir Jang in
the 3rd vol. it is stated, p. 865,that the
Navrab was shot by Himmat K, and
another person who is not named.
The oocurrence was on the 19th

November 1750. Elliot VIII. 391.
There is an account of Naşir Jang 's
death in the firso vol. of Orme's His-
tory.
2 JaiTott II. 316, in Sarkar Lahore.

THE MAASIR-T/L-UMARA .

463

Patna he was made governor thereof, and his rank was increased
by 1000 horse, duOspa and sihâspa (two horse and three horse).
When M'uazzam K. in his pursuit of Shujâ' had göne from the direc-
tion of Makhşüşftbâd (Murshedâbâd) to Akbarnagar (Rajmâjıal)
D'aüd was ordered to cross the river Ganges with his contingent and
the ausiliaries, and to proceed to Tanda, which was the residence
of the enemy, so that Shujâ' might be pressed on two sides. D'aüd
left his brother's son as his deputy in Patna and went off. He
afterwards joined M'uazzam K. and assisted in disposing of the
business. When Shujâ' left the imperial domains D'aüd returned
to Patna and addressed himself to chastising the sedition-mongers
there. The zamindar of Palâwan (Palamow)— which is forty kos
to the south of Patna, and the confines of which are 25 kos distant
from that city — was always insolent, and the territory had strong
forts, difficult roads and much jungle. Relying upon these fea-
tures he behaved presumptuously, and at this time he raised the
standard of obstinacy and delayed to pay tribute. The Khân, in
accordance with orders, proceeded to conquer the country. He
began by taking the forts on the borders, by relying upon which
the zamindar used to oppress the imperial territories. Though
the ruler was overcome with fear, and begged with contrition that
the amount of the tribute should be fixed, and that he might be
pardoned, D'aüd did not listen to him, and in the 4th year marched
to the territory with a well-equipped force. Batteries were erected
near the fort of Palâwan and there was hot fighting. An order
came from the Emperor to give the ruler quacter, and to make
över the territory to him on condition of his submission and of his
embracing islam. The miserable fellow stubbornly adhered to his-
paganism and D'aüd by successive engagements arrived at the wall
of the fort . Though from the great strength of the place it was
not thought that it could soon be taken, yet by secret (Divine) aid
the heroes reached the fortification ' of the wall and carried it.
The position of the garrison became difficult, and the zamindar fled
by night. After this victory, the Khân stayed some time in the

• HUâr-i-ahahrband. The expresaion comes from the 'Alamglrnâma, pp. 658
and 659.

464

THE MAASIR-T7L-T7MARA.

country to settle it and to strengthen the forts. He then left
Manklî K. there — who had, by the Emperor's orders, been made
faujdâr of Palâwan — and returned to Patna. 1 Af ter that he came
to court and was appointed to the Deccan along with Mîrzâ Ra-
jah Jai Singh to punish Sîvâ Bhonsla. His rank was made 5000
with 4000 horse, of which 3000 vvere two-horse and three-horse.
At the same time he was made governor of Khandes, and an order
was sent that he should leave one of his relatives with a body of
troops in Burhanpur and address himself to the duty assigned to
lıiın. After taking the fort of Rormâl he, during the siegeof Puran-
dhar, was sent by the Mîrzâ Rajah with 7000 horse to devastate
Sîvâ's country. He burnt the villages and hamlets appertaining
to Râjgarha, and the dependencies of Kundana, and devastated
many towns and then returned with his victorious troops. After-
wards he, with the right wing of the Mîrzâ Rajah's army, ravaged
the territory of Bijapur and fought several battles with the 'Âdil
ShâhI troops. in the 9th year he was removed from the govern-
ment of Khandes and was summoned to court. in the lOth year
he was sent off as governor of Berar, and after that he was again
governor of Burhanpur. in the 14th year he waited on the Em-
peror and was made governor of Allahabad. The date of his death
is unknovra. Hamîd K. his son had a great name for courage and
always served the Emperor . He died in the 25th year of Aurangzeb .

DAULAT» KHAN LODl.
He belonged to the Shâhü tribe, and at first was in the ser-
vice of Khân A'zim M. 'Azız Koka. As he had an abundant share

1 There is a full account of D'aûd's
campaign in PaIamow in the 'Âlam-
gîfnâma 648 et seq. There is a notice
of D'aüd K. in Manucci I. 308 and 317.
The campaign of PaIamow ia also re-
ferred to in the Masşir A. 37, and in
KTıâfi K. ri. 129. The campaign be-
gan in the third year of Aurangzeb,
1070. D'aüd having begun his march
againstPalamow on the 22nd Sh'abân
of that year (23rd April 1660), 'Âlam-
gîrnâma 649 last lîne : but Palaraow

was nottaken till the 4th year, 1071,
December 1660. There is an abatraot
by Blochmann of the account in the
'Âlamgîrnâma in theA.S.B.J.for 1871,
p. 124, .ete, and in the same Journal
for 1874, p. 240, there is a letter
from Colonel Dal ton deaeribing a
large picture of the taking of Pala-
mow. it is preservod at D'aüdnagar
in the Gya district.
2 B. 502.

THE MAASIR-TTL-T7MARA.

465

of bravery and skill, the Khân A'zim, at the time of the marriage
of his sister to 'Abdu-r-Rahîm s. Bairam K., made över Daulat to
him and said that if he wished to rise high and to get his father's
title he should keep this man near him and eherish him. For a
long time Daulat accompanied M. 'Abdu-r-Rahlm and did ezcellent
service. He was a predominant partner in the Gujarat victory, in
reward of which the Mîrzâ got the title of Khân-Khânân. He did
famous things in the Tatta and Deccan campaigns. He had
attained the rank of 1000 in the Khin-Khânân's contiagent, when
Prince Sultan Daniel made him his own servant and gave him the
rank of 2000. When that Prince went from Ahmadnagar to con-
gratulate his father on the taking of Asîr, he lef t Daulat to help
M. Shah-Rukh who had been appointed to guard that territory
(Ahmadnagar). in the end of the 45th year, 1009, 1600-01, he
died ' of colic in Ahmadnagar. He was one of the bravest men of
the age. Akbar was always apprehensive of his courage and dar-
ing, and they say that when the news of his death came he sıid,
" This day Sher Khân Sür has departed from the world." There
are wonderful stories told of Daulat K.

They say that when Shahbâz K. Kambü in the year 986, 1578,
in the 24th year of the reign, was appointed to chastise the Rânâ,
he made very strict arrangements about the order of march. He
and some of his servants went ahead, and ali the manşdbdârs and
servants came along with the qür. % The yesâmalân (liotors) were
so strict that they would not allow one horse to be in front of an-
other by so much as an ear. One day, the Khân-Khânân — who
was also among the auxiliaries — was riding alongside of Daulat K.
Daulat came out of the üne and did not heed the prohibition of
the yesâwals. At a sign from Shahbâz K. — who had many hasti-
nesses — his brotber 'Abdal K. spurred on his horse and struck
Daulat's horse on the noss with a stick. The latter drew his sword
and struck such a blow on the buttoeks of Abdal's horse that it
fell to the ground. Shahbâz told his men to seize Daulat. They
say that on that day Daulat Khân showed great activity, and did
wonders, and boldly went ahead of the troops. The Afghans,

i A. N. III. 785.

« B. 50 note.

466

THE MAASIR-TJIrTTMARA.

however, joined (with him) in making an onset. The Khân-Khâ-
nân in order to discharge himself of his obligation (to produce
Daulat K. ?> sate at the entrance to Shahbaz K.'s qaarters till
evening. Shahbaz came out and embraced the Mîrzâ, and per-
mitted him to go to his lodging. Next day the Khân-Khânân
brought Daulat K. to Shahbaz 's quarters and apologized for him.
Shahbaz gave Daulat a horse and a robe of honour and said, " Be
you the protagoniet (imâm "fugleman") of the army and ever
lead the way." 1

They say that when Shaikh Abu-I-fazl came to the Dçccan as
general manager , he one day in aû assembly where the Khân-Khânân
was, said apropos of something, that the Indian sword was written
about in books, but that he had never seen it. Daulat suspected
an allusion, and flourished his sword and said, " This is an Indian
sword, if I strike your head with it, it will go through." The
Khân-Khânân laid hold of his arm and put him out. The Shaikh
was much disconcerted, and afterwards the Khân-Khânân by much
importunity brought Daulat to the ghaikh's quarters and begged
pardon for Daulat. The Shaikh rose up and embraced him, and
gave him an elephant and a robe of honour and said that he had
no allusion in his mind.

Stranger stili is the story told in the Zakhîra-ul-Khwânîn that
when prince Daniel was displeased with the Khân-Khânân, he in
the heat of youth hinted to one of his blackguard-intimates that
when the Khân-Khânân came, he should give him a push in the side
so fchat he should fail from the fort of Burhanpur, which lies on
the Tap ti Acoordingly , one day they did this to the Khân-Khânân ,
but he kept his footing. His turban however fell off. The prince

> The story is not well told, there
being too great an effort at brevity,
Apparently Daulat K. broke his arrest
and distinguished bimself in the battle.
He was an Afghan, and the Afghans
supported him. As he wa$ the Khân-
Khânân's servant, the latter was res-
ponaible for him, and so sate at Shah-
baz Sî gate in order to get pardon for
Daulat. Perhaps, however, there waş

no fighting on the flrst day, and the
meaning is merely that Daulat insisted
on goingon in front snd that his breth-
ren — the Afghans— made a tumult
and prevented the ushers or lictors from
arresting him. Apparently the inoi-
dent belongs to the 23rd year of Ak-
bar's reign, 986, 1578. See Bloch-
mann, 400, and Maaşir, II. 692,

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

467

rose and took the KMn-Khânân's hand and begged his pardon, on
the ground that it was the re3ult of drankenness. Daulat put oüt
his hand and took off the prince's turban and put it on the Khân-Khâ-
nftn's head and took him home. But the story is improbable and
is not consonant with facts, for at that time Daulat was in atten-
dance on the prince, and not a companion of the Khân-Khânân.
So it cannot be accepted by those who investigate,

Among Daulat's son3 Mahmüd became melanchöly and even-
tually mad. Remedies made him a little better. in the 46th year
he went out to hunt and got separated from his companions.
Near the town of Pâl ' he had a fight with the Kolîs and was killed.
Another of his sons was Pîrai who had the title of Khân Jahân
Lodî. A full account of him has been given elsewhere.

DAULAT KHAN MAYI.
He is commonly known as Khwâş Khân. Mayi is a section
of the Bhatti* tribe which make their livelihood in the Panjab by
zamindari, and by robbery. He was the servant-rümâftardör
(handkerchief-holder)— of Shaikh Farîd Murtaza K. As in early
youth he was very beautiful, whenever he came into the presence of
Jahangir, the latter looked favourably upon him. After the
Şhaikh's death he received a suitable rank, aıid as his lıorosoope
contained advancetnent, he in a short time attained to greater
intimacy and to the title of Khwâs Khân, and was made süperin
tendent of the manşabdars of tne Jilau (retinue) who are trusted
houseborn servants ; suoh an office as his is only given to confi-
dential men. When Shah Jahan became king, he, in the year of
the accession, received the rank of 2500 with 1500 horse, and as
hewas not devoid of energy and courage, he distinguished him-
self in the fight at Dholpür with Khân Jahân Lodî and fell
wounded on the field. His courage and alacrity were impressed
on the mind of Shah Jahan, and his rank was inöreased. in the

ı There was a Pal in Khandes on
the borders of Malwa, J. II. 222, but
probably this is the Pal in Kathiawar.
A. N. III. 802 wrongly has Mâl

* Elliot, Supp. Gloss. 1, 37. Mayi is

the Mavi of Elliot, Supp. OIom. I. 90,
who makes it a section of the Gtujar
tribe. A note to teıt suggetta that
the word is Mati. There wae «uoh an
Afghan tribe. See J. II. 403, n. 2.

468

THE MAASIRr-TJL-UMAHA.

6th year his rank was 3000 with 2000 horse, and he received the
trtle of Daulat Khân. in the same year he was appointed to ac-
company Prince Shuja' 4x> the seige of Parenda. When he had ad-
vanced beyond Burhanpur, he wa 3 by Mahabat, the commander-
m-cluef s arrangement, appointed l to Ahmodnagar with 3000 horse
morderthathemightchastise Sâhü Bhonsla and attack his na-
tıve country of Chamârkünda.

in the 8th year in Muharram 1045, 1635, he was nıade* gov-
ernor of Sind in succession to Yûsuf Muhammad of Tâshkend in
the 9th year he arrested .» the false Baisanqar and brought him to
court. That trickster was an obscure person who gave himself out
as the Bâısanqar who in Shahriyar's battle was the leader of the
latter's army, and who after fleeing to the fort of Kaulâs in Telin-
gana died a natural death. The pretended Bâisangar went to
Balkh. Nazr Muhammad K. the ruler there wanted to make him
a relafaon by marriage (khıveski, son-in-law ?), but as his claims did
not prove to be true the connection did not take place. Then he
went to Persia, ând though Shah Safî did not admit him to his
presence, he showed him some favour. From thence he went to
Bagdad and Asia Minör (Rüm). After a long time, willingly and
unwülıngly, the hand of death seized his collar and brought' him to
Tatta. Daulat K. arrestedhim and sent him to court and he was
put to death. in the 20th year, Daulat received the rank of 4000
wıth 4000 horse, and was appointed in succession to S'aîd K. to the
government of Qandahar. I n the end of the same year he received
thehigh rank of 5000 zât and horse; suddenly evil fate became
unkınd and prepared for him the materials of ruin.

In Zi-l-hajja« of the 22nd year, December 1648, Shah 'Abbâs
the 2nd, ruler of Persia, addressed himself to the siege of Qandahar
it was the depth of winter so that on account of the quantity of
snow it was unlikely that help could arrive from India. Though

1 Pâdahahnâma I, Part II. 36.

* PSdthShnöma, I, Part II. 101.

* Do. 206.

* N. N. W. Haiderabad N. Bidar.,
Abdu-l-Hayy, the seoond author of tb
Maagir, died there.

* Pâdshâhnâma I, Part II. 207.
Can thia be the man whom Olearius
and Tavernier gaw in Persia and took
to be BolSqî T

« ElIiotVII. 86etteg.

THE MAASÎE-UL-ÜMARA.

469

the governor of the fort was vigilant in the matter of receipts and
expenditure, yet he, from a confused mind, so neglected prudence
that he did not make secure the towers which Qulîj K. had made.
For Qulîj K. had in the time of his government the foresight to
build towero on the top of the hill Cahal Zîna (forty steps) from
which guns and matchlocks could be fired into the fortifications of
Daulatabad ' and Mândü. The Persian musketeers took possession
of them, and proceeded to fire from them. One day the Shah
rode out in person and animated the fight. For three watches the
flames of contest blazed, but he was not successful and turned
back. But a number of Iiverles3 men threw the dust of disloyalty
on the head of fidelity and shamelessly said to the governor that
as the roads were closed, on account of the quantity of snow, there
was no hope of speedy help arriving, and that it was evident
from the energy of the Persians that the fort would soon be tak en.
After the taking, they would lose their lives and their children wouId
be made prisoners. Daulat K., who should have quenched these
flames by the water (ab, lustre) of th^e sword, from want of heart and
worthlessness did not remember the verse

Verse.
Whenever it is right for ypu to inflict a woünd (i;e. an

operation),
You'll do no good by laying on a plaster.

and replied by counşe] and admonition. Naturally this had no
effect. But Shâdî K. Uzbeg was the forerunner of ali in the path
of disloyalty and sent messages to the Shah.

When at this time the fort of Bast was taken from Pur Dil
K., and he was covered with contempt, Daulat K. lost stili more of
the courage in whioh he was deficient and sent 'Abdu-1-Latîf, the
diwân of Qandahar, to get a safe-conduct (amân-nâma) which

ı Tiefienthaler I. 75 aays that Shah
Jahan surrounded Qandahar with an
earthen wall and also put wâlls to the
forts of Doltabad and Mandui (evi-
dently these were names of forts near
Qandahar). The passage in text is

taken from VVSris's continuation of
the PâdshâhııSma. B.M. M.S. Add.
6556, p. 413b. Daulat lef t the towers
or forts unocoupied, and the Porsians
took possession of them. See Elliot,
id. 90.

470

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

was the seal of his condemnation, along with 'Alî Qulî K. tbe
brother of Rustum K., the Persian commander-in-chief. 'Alî Qulî
had brought a message from the Shah to the effect that he should
not labour fco cause more bloodshed and disgrace to himself and
others. Daulat K. himself made a pretence of sending men to
clear out ' the fort on the top of the hill, but as his heart was not
in it, there was no good result.

Though they say that if this spiritlesa man had by theguid-
ance of right-thinking göne with a body of men to that strong
position and waited there till the arrival of help, no harm would
have come to him or his men, yet in the opinion of good judges
it would have been impossible for him to hold out there 4 for three
months — when Prince Aurangzeb arrived with the learned S'aad
Ullah K. on 12 Jumâda-al-avval, 14 May 1649, at the foot of the
fort. I admit this, but he from ccwardice did not regard his hon-
our which men regard as above price, and to keep which they sac-
rifice property and life. Daulat K. chose the perpetual disgrace
of disloyalty and want of spirit which would not be removed from
him till the day of judgment. On 9 Şafr 1059, 12 February
1649, he came out with his goods and his companions and much
importuned 'Alî Qulî K. to relieve him of the burden of doing
homage to the Shah. If this was inevitable, he begged that there
might be no delay in his dismissal. 'Alî Q,uli having learnt bûth
his wishes introduced him to the Shah in the garden of Ganj 'Alî
K. known as Bâgh Ganj , and at the same hour he got permission
to go to India. He came there with a world of shame and loss.
As his faithlessness and ingratitude lef t no room for excuses, he
saw that the door of intercession was shut in his face, and with
a sad heart chose the corner of contempt, until the rest of his
life was completed.

in truth there is no question about his want of leadership
and littleness of courage, for he surrendered a strong fort — which
had five powerful defences to it, 4000 svvordsmen and archers,
3000 skilled musketeers and two years' supply of materials, includ-

1 Probablythe word is baruftan and
d ot baraftan.

9 Presumably this refere to tho
occupation of the Cahal Zina bil).

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

471

ing money, provisions, lead, gunpowder, ete— af ter a siege of two
months. He preferred a fleeting life to eternal fame, though a
number ' of persons threw in at night arrows bearing information
to the effect that the Persian army was in great distress from the
want of hay and corn, and that their cattle were dying and that
help would soon come from India. If he stood firm for another
month , the enemy vvould retreat \vithout gaining their object. But
this lost one had no fortitude. By the strength of misfortune (bedau-
lat) he gave to the winds the fortune* {daulat) of many years of
his life

(RAJAH) DEBÎ SINGH BANDÎLA.
Sön of Rajah Bhâratha. Af ter his fathef's death in the 7th
year of Shah Jahan he attained the rank of 2000 witti 2000 horse
and the title of Rajah. in the 8th year he was appointed, along
with Khân Daurân, to punish Jujhâr Singh, and received a drum.
After Undcha (Orcha) was taken — which formerly had belonged to
his ancestors, and in Jahangir's time had, in order to please Bir
Singh Deo, been taken from them , and given to him— it was given to
Raja Debî Singh, and he remained there. He also became the head
of the Bandîla elan. Aftervvards, when the king came to Undcha
(Orcha) and proceeded towards the Deccan, he, in the 9th year, came
to court and was sent to Saiyid Khân Jahan B&rha who had been ap-
pointed to devastate the Bijapur territory. He did good service there.
in the lOth year he, at the request of Khân Daurân, received a flag
and a drum. in the 19th year he in attendance on Prince Murâd
Bakhşh went on the expedition against Balkh and Badakhshan,
and repeatedly performed brave aetions, and on many occasions
had hand to hand combats with the Almânân. in the 22nd year —
when the fort of Qandahar came into the possession of the Persians —
he again went, with Prince Aurangzeb, to take that fort. in the
battle with the Persians he stood firm, and fought bravely A
third time he went to the same quarter with Dara Shikoh. When
he returned in the 28th year he was made faujdâr of Bhjlsa in

• KhSfi K. I. 6 8, who only speaks of one man's having given suoh informa-
tion and of one arrow having been shot in.
» The writer puns on his name.

472

THE MAASIR-UL-T7MARA.

Malwa, and in the 30th year he went with Muazzam K. Mîr Jumla
to Aurangzeb in the Deccan. in the 3 İst year he was summoned
to court and was sent off with Maharaja Jaswant Singh — who was
appointed to Malwa — to hold Aurangzeb in check. As the Divine
dejree had göne forth for his preservation, the Maharaja appointed
him on the day of the battle to, protect the Gimp. in the course of
the battle when Sultan Murâd Bakhşh rushed upon the royal (i. e.
Shah Jahan's) camp and this caused agitation and confusion, he
out of foresight submitted to the prince and joined him. Through
the prince 's recommendation he entered Aurangzeb '« service, and
after Murâd Bakhşh's arrest he received a robe of honour. Aftef-
wards when his zeal was made known through the Khan Daurân
Saiyid Muhammad, his rank became 2500 with 2500 horse. After
the second battle with Dârâ Shikoh he was made faujdâr of Bhilsa
in succession to Rajah 'Alam. in the 3rd year he was appointed
to chastise Campat Bandîla — who was being rebellious in the
prpvince of Malwa — and in the lOth year he was sent off to assist
Shamsher K. who had been appointed to chastise the Yûsufzais.
in the 13th year he was appointed. 1 to the contingent of Muhammad
Amîn K., the governor of Kabul. When he came to the Khyber,
that Khan was deieated. After that, there is no further account
of Debî Singh. Outside of Aurangabad to the westward inclining
to the south is a quarter which bears his name.

DÎÂNAT KHAN.

He was Mîr 'Abdu-1-Qâdir and the eldest son of Amanat K.
Khawafî. He was a man straight in conduct, weighty of speech,
magnanimous and sedate. He was disfcinguished for honesty and
truthfulness, and for soundness of judgment and prudence. He
became known during his father's lifetime, in the reign of Aurang-
zeb, and his ability and justice adorned the age. When his father
was conducting the affairs of the Deccan, he had charge of the
buildingsofthecity of Aurangabad. When Aurangzeb came there,
an order was given for renewal of the city-wall, the circuit of which

1 Maaşir A. 104. There ia an account of M. Amîn 's defeat in the Khyber in
Manucci II. 199.

THE MAASIR-UL-TTMARA.

473

was a thousand yards which is equal to two royal kos. The work
was undertaken under the superintendence ' of ihtimam K., the
Kotwâl of the army. As the king was ansious that the work should
be done qûickly, Dî&nat undertook to do it in four months, and
fînished it by an expenditure of three lacs. After his father's
death, the king having been impressed by the exeellent services of
the deceased, took into consideration the po3İtion of ali those who
were connected with him, and especially provided for Dî&nat, who
was the eldest and best of the sons, and increased his alIowances.
As his younger brother Mîr Husain had chiefly come under the
notjce of the king, he had his father's title, and the other was
styled Dîânat. in the 34thyear he was made dîwân of the Deccan
on the death of Müsâvî K. Mîrzâ M'uizz. When in the 43rd year
his brother Amanat K. the 2nd, who was the superintendent of
the port of Surat, died, Dîanat was appointed to the office. He
received ah increase of 500 and had the rank of 2000. But the
management of the affairs of the port was not approved of by the king ,
and he on account of his dis3atisf action summoned him tö court
Afterwards he was made dîvvân of the Deodan, and the Watör that
had flotved away returned to its old channel (i. e. he was received
again into favour). After Aurangzeb's death, Muhammad A' zim
Shâh confirmed him in the same appointment, and left him in Au-
rangabad.

How can the power and influence of the Diveans of those days
be desoribed? They could make grants (tankhtoâh) up to 99000
dâms (rs. 2475) under their own signature, and whenever they

i Maaşir A. 224. it was in the 26th
year. The text and apparently ali th'e
MSS. haye " on» thousand tftr'a ," i.e.
cubits, but surely the words daura ash
"its eircumf erence ' ' are.a mistak»ior
daura shash and the number of oubits
should be 6000, which wou!d more
nearly approac^ to two hos, though
even thia falla far ghort of the number
of oubits required, for according to
the MirStu-1 'Alam a royal kot oon-
taina 6000 zara' or oubits. We ought,
therefore, to have 10,000 tar'a. Ac-
Q0

cording to the MirSt two royal kot
vere equal to 3J ordinary önee.
Compare KhSfi K. I. 488 ırhere a des-
cription of the Daulatabad fort is
giyen, and is stated that the circum-
ference of the hill is 5500 dara Shah-
jahani which are equal to 1 kos, 10
jar'ık (bighaa).

Aooording to Rosen '» Persian gram-
mar tira' and zar are different, the
firat meaning a cubit, and the seeond
a yard. The Maaşir here tben may
be taken to mean yarda,

474

THE MAASIR-TTL-UMARA.

wanted they could from time to time add to such grants. As the
grants ' of jagirs were not valid without the signature of the em-
peror or the prime minister (Nüzim-i-kull) and as with the excep-
tion of Khân Firûz Jang— who was stationed in Berar— there was
no higher officer in the Deccan (than Dîânat the Diwan), whenever
a neoessity arose, the . lists of the grants of fiefs were brought to
him (Dîânat)* and that high officer entered the word " unexpec-
tedly presented " on the deeds and signed them.

When Bahâdur Shah came to the Deccan, the diwânî thereof
was nominally assigned to Murshid Qu1î K., and Musâvî 3 K. Mîrzâ
Mahdî was appointed his deputy until he should arrive from Ben-
gal. Afterward.3, when Dîânat waited upon the king, he was re-
ceived with muchfavour, and as the king designed to visit Haidar-
abad and the overthrow of Kâm Bakhsh, he left some revenue-
debtors* (?) in the strong fortress of Bîdar, and appointed Dîânat
to guard that territory. When Bahadur Shah returned from the
Deocan to Upper India, Dîânat,— who had chosen Aurangabad as
his home— was put in charge of the fort and citadel thereof and
spent his days in ease and comfort. Afterwards, when Murshid
Qull came into the Presence from Bengal, he did not wish to un-
dertake the duty (of Diwan of the Deccan) as his heart was in
Bengal. On account of former good offices, the deceased Khân 6

' Grants were made both of money
and of land. Compare Bernier who
saya his patron's grant was nagdi
(cash).

*• The whole paragraph is obscure,
and I am not sure of the raeaning in
several plaoes. I think that it must
be DîSnat, the diwan to whora the
grants were brought, and not Khân
Firûz Jang, i. e. GhSzîu-d-dîn K.
Firûz Jang, the father of the famous
Nizâmu-1 Mülk Aşaf Jâh of the Dec-
can, for he was at a distance and
moreover he waS not the prime, minis-
ter. The expression ghair mularaggab
occurs at vol. III. p. 853, and that of
nö nuıiaraggab at I, p. 6, and I think
that the words after it türe ba eanad

namöda " showing on the grant " but
it may be that they are basand namüda
" contenting himself with this."
There is a biography of Firûz Jang at
II, 872. I should mention, however,
that my friend Mr. Irvine is öf opinion
that the grants were submitted to
Ghnzîu-d-dîrı.

3 He is mentioned in KKSfî K II
396.

* Ammi Mahal. The espression is
a curious one and I am not sure of
the meaning. Perhaps it means
'* ladies of the harem."

« The words "deceased Khân" are
obscure and I am not certain that they
refer to Murshid Qulî. From the bio-
graphy of Dîânat K. the son it ap-

THE MAASIK-UL-UMARÂ.

476

(Murshid Quli?) exerted himself to ha ve the diwani conferred
again upon Dîânat.

When the sovereignty accrued to Muhammad Farrukh Siyar,
thb Diwânî of the Deccan was given to Haidar Qull K Khurâsâni.
Before he arrived, Dîânat had died. He had a share of learning
and excellence. The great book of the spiritual Maşnavî (by
Jalâlu-d-dîn Rûmî) was read in his assemblies as a blessed thing.
His son was Dîânat K. the 2nd, of whom a separate account has
been given. Among his daughter's sons, the one whom he loved
most was Saiyid Amânat K , the son of his eldest daughter, who
was known as Arjmand K. His father wus Saiyid Atâî. Mîr Ah-
mad his father was from Türân. Saiyid Ahmad was of high genin s
and was associated with poetry and eloquenoe. For some days
he was his grandfather's deputy. After that he became acquainted
vvith Haidar Qulî K. 1 and held the faujdârî of Bîr. in Gujarat he
held the government of Pitlâd* on behalf of Haidar Qulî. Some
time before this he was appointed by Aşaf Jâh to the collectorship
of Andür 8 which is one of the known estates of Bîdar. From mis-
fortune and the disease of cataract (nazül mâ* lit. descent of water)
which prevents one from seeing vvithout spectacles, he was con-
fined to his house. İn this unemployment and idleness he beoame
fond of alchemy and acquired a good knowledge of its technicali-
ties from reliable books. But sucoess in it is a hidden treasure
and is not to be found in druggists' shops, and it is a matter of
hope. ' ' The bounty of God He causeth to come to whom He
chooseth."

DIANAT KHÂN (son of the above).
His name was Mîr 'Alî Naqî, and he was the worthy son of
Mir 'Abdu-1-Qâdîr Dîânat K. By his straightness and honesty he
was the equal (lit. the second of two) of his honoured father. in

pears that »t was Zül fiqâr who pro-
cured the reappointments of father
and son.

1 Tezt 'Alî but the variant isright.

« J. II, 253.

i Qu î Indûr in Sarkar Talingâna,

J. II. 237 ; orperhaps Indüri in Sarkar
Kalam, J. II. 235.

4 Nazül-i-âb means hydrocele, but
here nazûl-i-mâ must mean cataract.
Apparently Dîânat had not atcoess to
spectacles. He was : tho author's
grand-uncle.

476

MAASIB-T7L-UMABA.

the discharge of his duties in the kîng's service he did not take the
road of hypocrisy or connivance. From the beginning öf his years
of dİ8cretion he was his father's deputy and acted as Diwan of the
province of Aurangabad. His father was Diwan of the Deccan
and so abode in the royal camp. Dlânat also held the substantive
office of the Biyütat of the city (charge of the public buildings).
in the time of his youth he esperienced an awakening and had a
desire for devotion. By a fortunate guidance he embraced the
service of that knower of spiritual and temporal mysteries Miyân
Shah Nur, a who was.a dervish without vanity and who passed his
time in asceticism and in trust in God. Dlânat was his devoted
follower. At the same age, he by the virtue of his association
withthatsaintkept freeof forbidden pleasures, and followed some of
the püre ways of the sect. When that illuminated (nüranl) Pîr
died, Diânat spent a large sum in the building and repairing his
tomb, and made endowments of land, ete. At the present day, in
the decay of the önce flourishing city, there is no other shrine
which is visited by far and near. Besides the days of his and his
sûccessors' anniversaries, and on other days also, there is an assem-
blage of high and low, like what occurş on the Âfahir Châr 8hambah %
of the month of Şafr. When arıy poor person came to visit the
shrine he (Dlânat?) 8 used to put two falüses into his hand in
order that he might go and bathe at the public baths, and so he used
to be called Shah Nûr Hamâmî (the faqîr of the bath).

They say that this saint ne ver told any one his family or tribe,
or birthplaoe, or profession, but it was gathered from his words,
and was inf erred, that he was the son of a rich man of the east
country (i. e. Bengal or Bihar). His disciples agree that his life
was prolonged beyond the natural limit. Stranger stili, he never
told to what order he belonged. in fact he never said a tvord
about either pîr (masfcer) or disciple. He instructed and advised
the sincere and his assooiates After his death his order became
current. The Khân appointed Saiyid Shihâbu-d-dîn — who was

1 Hediedou 2 Feb., 1693 (Beale).

8 The last Wednesday of Şafr and the day when Muhammad bathed for
the last time, Hughes' Dict. of islam.
3 Perhaps the saint himself is meant.

THE MA ASIB-tTI/- UMARA.

477

from Bihar, and for a long time had served Shah Nûr— to be his
successor. After him, his sister's son Saiyid S'aad Ullah succee-
ded him. At present his (Sâed Ullah's) son Saiyid Qutbu-d-dîn
k nown as Mjyân Manjhalî is the representative. in the fiower of
his youth he is ascetic and awakened, and acquainted with the
traditional and rational sciences; especially is he adorned with
humility and good dispositions.

in fine, during the reign of Aurangzeb the Khân held the
dîwânship of Bîdar and afterwards that of Bürhanpur and had
ıncrease of rank and the title of Khân. When Bahâdur
Shah came to the Deccan with his victorious army, Diânat
waited upon him and was graciously received. Inasmuch
as he was a man of powerful frame and fine physiqüe, of quick
apprehension and elever, and acquainted with most of the sciences,
and in every respect was of an original and inventive mind,
pressure was put upon him to make him stay at court— which is
the source of advancement. The Khân on account of love for his
birthplace had no liking for pomp, and could not bring himself to
remain in attendance. Some shortsighted persons from oblique-
ness of vision and erroneous notions brought a charge of alehemy
against him. They even represented this to the king. The real
facts are that the vapours of quicksilver or sulphur never touched
his brain, nor did the odour of sulphur 1 or lead reach his nostrils.
But sometimes for the sake of sport and in order to excite wonder
hewould by legerdemain (tardastîhâ) put a rupee into a fold of
paper, remove the rupee to another place and show men the paper,
and then produce the rupee. At first sight the speetators were
astonished. This şort of thing got noised abroad and was the
cause of his being arrested. And so Bahâdur Shah, at the time of

« Mis urime, but there are different
readings and the expression " smell
of copper and tin, or lead, does nöt
seem appropriate. The variant '' as "
"ashes" is supported by many MSS.
and is probably right. For rieâe B.M.
21, 470 has nahâs "bronze." Cf.
chapter on the Origin of Metals, B. 38.
A. F- says that sulphur and quiok-

silver were the only oomponent parts
of "the seven bodies," and that
quioksilver was called the mother of
the bodies, and sulphur the father of
the bodies. Also that rişâş was sup-
posed to be silver in the state of lep-
rosy, and quieksilver, silver in the
state of apoplexy, and that an alohem-
iat could heal the m !

478

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

returning from the Deccan, took him with him by compulsion and
brought him to near Ujjain. it chanced that at this time Murshid
Qulî K. M. HâdI— who had come from Bengal and been raised to
the dîwâni of the Deccan — was seeking to resign his new
appointment as his heart was attached to Bengal, and was
trying to gain his desire. Zül-fiqâr K. the Amiru-1-Umarâ gave,
by the breatb of kindness, ne w life to that hankerer af ter his
native land (Dlânat) by nominally appointing his father — who
was spending his days in guarding the citadel of Aurangabadj
and in spite of the Khân-Khânân— who was the chief cause of the
supersession — procured Dîânat's release from court by making
him his father's deputy, and so maae him happy by enabling him
to return to his native country. in the beginning of Farrukh
Siyar's reign he came to court. Haidar -'Alî K. of Khurasan the
dîwân appointed to the Deccan, who had no equal in influence, met
him in Agra and in accordance with royal orders took him back
with himself. He had groundless 1 apprehensions in his mind.
At the same time his father died and Nawab Nizâmu-1-Mulk Fath
Jang (Aşaf Jâh) the Nâzim of the country sent a recommendation
that Dîânat should have charge of the citadel. This was granted
and he was appointed. After that the Amîru-1-Umarâ Husain 'Alî
K. in accordance with an agreement with his brother Saiyid 'Ab-
dullah K. entrusted the dîvvânship of the Deccan to Dîânat, and
treated him with much honour and favour and conferred on him
the title of Dîânat K.

When that high officer had determined on returning to Upper
India he took Dîânat, who had been removed* from office, willin°-
or unwilling, with him. After the destruction of Farrukh Siyar,
he gave him the dîwânship of the Khâlşa and the rank of 4000-
Inasmuch as Dîânat had lived from the early youth in Auranpabad
which, on account of its proximity to the royal camp, lıad no
effective governor (haris), and Dîânat also enjoyed special con-
sideration on account of his father being in attendance at court,
and used to spend his days in much security and independence

> Perhaps the meaning is that Hai-
dar ' Ali thought Dîânat had come to
Agra to eupplant him.

2 Ziyau-d-dîn had been appointed
in his room. Maaşir, III. 37.

THE MAASIR-TTL-UMARA .

479

he had not subnıissive ways, nor the understanding of people's
dispositions. Now he was obliged to study how to please the
man in povver (Sirdâr), but he took no pains to conciliate their
environment. Rajah Ratan ' Cand — who had established himself in
the hearts of both the Jeaders (the Saiyids)— was ofiended at this,
and set about defeating him. At length, the minds of both the
leaders became prejudiced against Dîânat by Ratan Cand's
calumnies. At that time Nawab Fath Jang (the Nizâmu-1-Mulk )
had disposed of 'Alam 'Alî K.,* and as he had now to deal with the
faction of the Amîru-1-Umarâ, he was using ali his endeavours to
collect money and soldiers For these purposes he wished to get
by compulsion a sum of money from the rich. Some well-mean-
ing counsellors had regaf d to the la\vfulness of inflicting private
loss for the public gain and restrained him from vexîng the com-
monalty andsuggested the confiscation of Dîânat's property, as he
had been long suspected by the populace of having treasure and
buried wealth. Owing to the emergency of the times his eldest
son was put under surveilh„nce, and the gates of investigation
were thrown öpen. When tıothing was found, lying claimants set
about ezoavating disused wells, and the result was that the dust
of disgrace was sprinkled rn the heads of the tale-bearers. Except
gold and silver, jewellery, and the household utensils of his own
and of his near connexions, the total vâlue of which was Rs. 70,000,
nothing was got except disgrace and a bad name (to the in-
formants). The strange thing (turfa) was that as the Amîru-1- Umara
had taken a dislike to him , he regarded the commotion as a plot
between the two (Fath Jang and Dîânat).

The Khân himself used to relate how ''One day when the
news came of the death of 'Alam 'Alî K., I was asked (by the
Saiyid) as to what should be done to amend matters. I said,
' There's a Hindustani proverb that when one's hand has been
caught under a stone, it should be withdrawn slöwly.' Here the
very head of the Nawab (Husain 'Alî's) has been caught, for his

l'He was 'Abdullah K.'sdiwan and
had great influenöe. The Siyar M. I.
66 eays, he had originally been a sbop-
keeper.

2 The Amîru-1-Umarâ'a brother's
son; killed in battle with the Nizâmu-

1-Mulk in 1132, 1720.

480

THE MAA9IR-T7L-TTMARA.

honour is caught there.' Now an order should. be quickly sent
giving the viceroyalty to the Nizâmu-kmulk in. order to conciliate
him, and his amendment and punishment should be lef t until an
opportunity occurs. " He {Husain Alî) gave a glance at Rajah
Ratan Cand and smiled sardonİGally and said, " I have sent money
to the east (for recruits ?). Prom here to the Deccan there will be
relays upon relays of carriage (?). There will be 1 2,000 torch-bear-
ers and I will not halt even to take breath, and I will make no
distinction betvveen night and day. ' ' The Khân said, ' ' The might
and majesty of the Nawab is greater than this, but if you go so fast,
how nıuch of an army will accompany you, and what strength
will remain to men and horses ." He frovraed and said, " To die is
the perfection of soldiering." it is a hopeless case when a leader
prottdly*' utters words lik» one who has lost his senses, and so the
Khân answered, ■' When you have determined on a thing, trust in
God."

in fine, af ter the overthrovv of the Saiyids, he was favourably
treated by 'Itimâdu-d-daula (Muhammad Amîn K.) and was sent
off to the Deccan to take up the hereditary office of the Diwânî.
He waited upon Fath Jang and was encompassed with favours.
When that great officer wenb to court to take up the Viziership,
he entrusted to Dîânat the çare of his estates. He increased
more and nıore in his appreciation of Dîânat and made him
cheerful by restoring the money that had been confiscated, and
moreover apologised for what had taken place. The Khân said, .
" it was a subject for thanksgiving, not for complaining, for it
(the plundering) had been a means of allaying a suspicion of
wealth that had existed for many years. Otherwise God (only)
knovvs what kind of raging tyrants I might have f ailen among,
and how far they might have göne." After that, as his disposi-
tion was naturally self-opinionated and independent, he did not

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

481

1 This alludes to the fact of Husain
'Ali 's families being in the Deccan,
and exposed to the Nizâmu-1-Mulk's.
attack. See I. 333.

* Text furâat, but the reading of

a B.M. MS. jabrül seems preferable.
The text is wrongly pointed , making
it appear as if this last sentence was
part of Husain 'Ali's speech. But it
really is a refleetion of the author.'

consort with 'Izadu-d-daulah 'Iwaz K. the Naib Subahdar of the
Deccan, and it waa a case of " Hold aslant l and don't spill."

VVhen Nawab Fath Jang returned from Upper India, and
there was an intention of giving battle to Mubâriz K., the Khân,
who could not be controlled when speaking the truth, and knew
nothing about timeserving, without hesitation ascribed rebellion
and falsehood to his oto side, and spoke of the rights of the
other side Consequently, it was reported that he belonged to
the opposite party and he was nearly meeting with a great mis-
fortune. The mildness and easy-going of the Chief (the Nizâmu-
1-mulk) protected him, and after the victory he was merely de-
prived of his fief and office, and for a long time was confined to
his house. Again, Âşaf Jâh became kind to him and wished to
restore him to his fief and office, but 'Izad-u-d-daulah from the old
enmîty opposed this and withheld the Nizâm from befriending
him. Though he behaved with independence and nonsoliöitation
and did not beg or importune, yet the anxieties of unemployment
and vacancy at last made him ili. in the month of Rajab 1141,
Jan.-Feb. 1729, he died. Though he was reported to be hard and
rough, and did not in the king's business behave mercifully or
with regard to relations and did not öpen wide the gates of
praise and considerâtion for the world at large, yet for truth and
honesty he was the unique of the age. He did not take trouble
about the preserving of dignities and the proper forms of address,
but he secretly and clandestinely gave charities to the poor and
needy. Though he had but slightly studied the current sciences,
yet he had studied rules of conduct and ethics, especially the
commentaries of the Şüfis, and could speak accurately about them.
He abstained fröm forbidden things. But he did not much regard
external observances, nor did he consort much with ecstatic
Shaikhs. He was spoken of publicly and privately for his great
appetite.' Though he did not eat so much, yet he was fond of dain-
ties, and relishes with fruits andsweetmeats. He was of a power-
ful frame and had a vigorous appetite. He was a skilful marks-

1 See B. 192 and note 1.

* Kaerat iahtihS. Perheps " numer-

ous appetites," or " passions,
meant-

482

THE MAASIR-UTj-UMABA.

man with the gun and bow and was very fond of and ınuch versed
in hunting, in shooting at a target and in polo. At Karıdhila —
whîch is a village three koa from the city— there was a meadow of
Zainu-1-abidîn K. Khavvâfî which was famous. He bought it and
made a garden, and planted cocoanut trees. Time did not be-
friend his desire, though he wished to spend much money on it,
At present there are many flourishing cocoanut trees there. His
eldest son was Mîrak Muhammad Taqî l K. who was unequalled
for gentleness and friendliness. He was an exquisite companion.
He was for a long time churged with the buildings of Aurangabad.
Af ter his father's death, he was kindly treated by the Nawab
Asaf Jâh, and was made diwan of the Deccan, and had the title
of Wazârat K. and the rank of 2000. in the 16th year of
Muhammad Shah a madlike and poverty-stricken manşabdâr one
night without any reason attacked him with a sword. He hit him
on the nose. He was wounded, but the wound soon healed. But
from that day there was a disturbance in his disposition and he
went now tb the other extreme. He kept bravoes (mardam khâna-
jang) and cherised improper ideas^and gave himself up to des-
truction.

Though his mature understanding and discernment were in-
oonsistent with such vain thoughts, yet fate prevailed. He took
to soldiering and leadership and became on behalf of the Nizâmu-
d-daula Bahâdur (Nâsir Jang) — may his fortune endure !— master of
the army and went off to Dharür and Dhârâsîn.* He lef t the path
of safety behind him and without having resources for indepen-
dence and without power or influence, took up with every wicked
wretch, nor did he understand the infamy of those people.

At this time he, in Rînâpür, entered the service of the afore-
said Nawab, who aspired to the government of Haidarabad. it
chanced on the* 16th Zi-1-hajja 1151, 16 March 1739 (it was the
day), when the Shahînshah Nâdir Shah came to Delhi andordered
a general massacre, a soldier who was doomed to die behaved

THE MAASIR-TTL-UMARA.

483

1 Perhaps this shoııld be Naqî.
» Dharasiyün, Elliot VII, 55, 50 rn.
N.F. Sholapur.

3 The meaning is that it happened

on the same day, not that there was
any connection betvreen the two
things.

with violence and drew his dagger. One of the spectators was
beforehand with him and killed him. A number of soJdiers who
W ere tribesmen and relatives of the slain man, rose up to fight,
and some rioters entered Mîrak Taqî's tent and in the twinkling
of an eye cut him to pieces with a hundred swordcuts. He did
not knöw about this and had no suspicion, and did not Jift his
hands, and died a victim. Two youths who were not connected
with him bravely fell in that turmoil. None of his friends or
aervants exerted themselves. Nor was any help given by the
leaders who had assembled.

it looked as if they had ali wished for this thing. What they
wished, happened. it is said that at his death ali memory of the
flavour of his energies and the sweets of his companionship de-
parted from the hearts of his friends. He (i.e. Dîânat Mîr 'Alî
Naqî, the father) had many sons. His second son, Mîr Muhammad
Mahdî K., is dead. He was püre of heart and an orthodox and
God-fearing man, and was prudent in business, and he w as also
charitable. When the diwanî of the Deccan fell to his fulL
brother the martyred Waaârat K. (Mîrak Taqî), he was put in
oharge of the buildings. in the 15th year of Muhammad Shah he
died in his 37th year- He left scars on the hearts of the sincere.
At the time of writing, another son, Mir Muhammad Husain K.,
is an object (lit. vessel) of favour with Âşaf Jâh and is exalted by
the hereditary diwanî and the diwâni of the establishment of Asaf
Jâh. He maintains in perfeotion the honeety (diânat) which he
obtained by inheritance. 1

DIANAT KHAN QASIM BEG.
An Amir of the reign of Jahangir, and one who beeame ac-
ceptable to him on account of his tact and diligence. After the
advancement of rtimadü-d-daula, Dîânat spoke improperly about
him in the king's presence and so was placed in the charge of
Aşaf Ki Abu-1-hasan, in order that he might place him in the fort
of Gwalior which was in his charge. After some time he was

t The length of this notice is ao-
counted for by the fact that Dîânat Mîr

'Alî Naqi w as the son of the author's
grandunole.

484

THE MAA8IR-UL-UMARA .

released ' at the request of I'timâdu-d-daula. in the 8th year he
was appointed reviser of petitions ('arz mokarrir). I n the llth
year he was removed from that appointment and sent with Prince
Sultan Khurram to the Deccan. Nothing more is known *of him.

DÜNAT KHÂN HAKİM JAMÂLÂ KÂSHl.
In the first year of Shah Jahan he was made diwan of the
establishment of Mamtâzu-z-zamâni (the Queen), and in the 4th
year his rank was 1000 with 250 horse and he had the charge of
the diwâni of the Panjab in suocession to Mir 'Abdu-l-Karlm. As
he showed marks of trustworthiness he in the 5th year had the
title of Diânat K. and an increase of 150 horse, and received the
diwânî, amîni and faujdân of Sarkar Sirhind in suocession to Rai
Kâsî Dâs. In the 9th year he had an increase of 200 horse, and
in the llth, afterthe fort of Qandahar had come into the royal
possession, and Prince Shujâ' had been appointed to Kabul in ex-
pectation of an attack by Shah Safî, the king of Persia, he was
sent with the prince as diwân of the army. In the 12th year he
was appointed to the service of the " Branding and Verification "
in suocession to 'Âqil K. "Inayat K. In the 14th year he received
a robe of honour and a horse, and the diwânî of Aurangabad, the
Bâlâghât of Berar, and of the country of Telingâna which had
been eonquered. In the 17th year he received an increase of 500,
and in the 18th his rank was 2,000 with 7,000 horse. In the.21st
year when the diwâni of the Subahs was entrusted to the Rai
Raiyân he came to court. Af ter that Prince Murâd Bakhşh had
shown himself displeased with the Rai Rayân, Diânat K. was in
the 22nd year made diwân of the four provinces. In the 27th
year after being relieved of that charge he came to court and was
made diwân of the establishment of Prince Murâd Bakhşh. After
wards when the well-wishers of Aurangzeb had their desires ful-
fiUed, he had eourt service , auch as the Superintendentship ol the
Branding. In the 8th year of Aurangzeb he was made diwân of

1 Tüzük J. 149. This was in the
lQth year. He w as made reviaer of
the petitions in the sama year, do. 150.

» He came İrom Agra and wait?d

on Jahangir in the 1 7th year, and he
wag pardoned and restored to his for-
mer rank, Tnzuk 3§ö.

THE MAAS1B-UL-UMABA.

485

the Biyütât, and in the 9th year he was removed from that em-
ployment and in the 16th year corresponding to 1083, 1672, he
died. His sons 1 Dev-âfkan, Sher-âfkan and Rustum received
mourning robes of honour. The first of them was made in the
24thyear Superintendent of the "Branding and Verification" and
had the title of M'utamid K. The other two also obtained suit-
able manşabs.

DİÂNAT KJHÂN.

Muhammad Husain Daşht Bayâzl. The Daşht 2 Bayâz is
one of the nine trâcts of the country of Qohistan. He was one of
the nobles of that country and was the unique of the age for his
knowledge of history. By the guidance of good fortune he entered
the service of Shah Jahan in Junair and was admitted to intimacy
and influence. On the day of the Accession he received 8 the rank
of 2,000 with 800 horse, and a present of Rs. 8,000. \Vhen, after
the death of Jahangir, Khân Jahân Lodî, the governor of the Dec-
can, took some steps which indicated insincerity towards Shah
Jahan, or rather which were repugnant to royalty and fidelity, the
latter, though, owingto the necessityof the time, he issued orders
for his being confirmed in his government, and rank and fief , yet
he made many inquiries about his actions. For Khân Jahân had
taken away Mâlwa from Mozaffar K., who was the governor
thereof, and had laid hold of it, and ali the leaders of the Deccan
auxiliary forces were devoted to him, and the Nizâm Shâh was
his partizan because he had surrendered * to him (the Nizâm) the
territory of the Bâlâghât (above the passes). Shah Jahan feared
lest he might rebel, and in the first year of his reign he appointed
Diânat K. — who had a reputation for sound judgment and good
sense— to be wâqa'navîs 6 (Recorder) of the Deccan, and gave him

l Maaşir A. 1 24, where it is said that
Diânat was famous (or his knovvledge
of astrology.

< The white plain. it wa»adistrict
of the QohİBtan of Khurâsân, towards
Afghanistan. The Qohistân begins at
the frontiers of Herat and extends to
Nahavand and Hamadan. (YSqût,
Barbier de Meynard).

8 Pâdshâhnâma I. 119, where the
present is stated as Rs 7,000.

* Pâdshfihnâma I. 76. See also the
biography of Khân Jahân Lodî I.
716.

t Pâdshâhnâma I 205, where it is
said that he wa; also made Bakh-
«hî.

486

THE MAASIR-UL-TJMARA.

secret instructions to make himself acquainted with the secrets of
Khân Jahân's heart and to ascertain what his projecta were and
to report them. After Dîânat arrived at Burhanpur he, from his
perfect skill in physiognomy and his wisdom, wrote strongly to the
emperor to the effect that the disturhing and rebellious acts of this
man (Khân Jahân) were the result of his suspicions, and that in
reality he was in great fear and had lost heart. He could not
originate such projects (of rebellion). Shah Jahan might in full
confidence invite Khân Jahan to court, for there was no likelihood
of any disturbance in the country. On receiving this report Shah
Jahan gave up his apprehensions, and removed Khân Jahan from
the Deccan and made him governor öf Mâlwa. And he made Dîâ-
nat governor of the fort of Ahmadnagar. in the beginning of the
2nd year he had an increase » of 500 zât and 700 horse. When in
the 3rd year Burhanpur became the residence of Shah Jahan his
rank was increased to 2,500 with 2,000 horse. in the same year
1040, 1630-31, he died* in Ahmadnagar.

DILAWAR K. BAHÂDUR.
He was Muhammad N'aîm, the third son of Dilâwar K. 'Abdu-
l-'azîz, s. Mîr 'Abdu-1-Hakîm, s. Mir 'Abdu-1-Rahîm, s. Maulânâ
Kamâl of Naishâpür, who was brother of Maulânâ Jamâl, the grand-
father of 'Inayat Ullah K. As it happened, Maulânâ Kamâl came
from his native country and settled in Lahore, and died in the
year 1011, 1602-3. His tomb is outside of the city in the Serai of
Hâjî Siyah. Mîr 'Abdu-l-'azîz at first was the servant of Dârâ
Shikoh. When he turned his face towards serving Aurangzeb, he
gave out his name as being Shaikh 'Abdu-l-'azîz. in the 17th
year he had the title of Dilâwar K. and gradually rose to the rank
of 2,000 and then died. Muhammad N'aîm on account of his
being connected by marrage with 'Inayat Ullah K. was called by

) Pâdshâhnâroa I. 258.

2 Pâdshâhnâma 320. Khâfî K. I.
429, who says that it was Dîânat who
refused to give up the fort of Ahmad-
nagar vrhen Khân Jahân Lodi goİd the
country to the Nişçâmu-l-Mulk for si

laos of hûru. According to the Pâd-
shâhnâma I. 76 it was Sipahdâr K.
who refused to surrender the fort, and
apparently this was before Dîânat had,
cojne to the Deccan.

THE MAASIR-TJI/-UMARA.

487

his father's title and in the beginning of Muhammad Farrukh
Siyar's reign went to the Deccan in company with the Nizâmu-1-
mülk 'Aşaf Jfth, who was Nizâm of the Deccan. Afterwards
Husain 'Alî K. Amîru-1-Umarâ had him appointed faujdâr of Rai-
cor. After that he addressed himself — in company with Mubâriz
K. who was his wife's sister's husband — to do battle against Aşaf
Jâh. After Mubâriz was killed, he was made a prisoner and for a
long time was an assooiate of Aşaf Jâh. He obtained the rank of
5,000 and in 1139, 1726-27, he died. He had a poetical vein
and had a good talent. Nuşrat l was his takhallaş. This couplet
is his : —

Vefse.

The eyelashes are not closed , the beloved is without a veil.
How can qne sleep in the mansion of the Sun ?

Of* his sons the eldest was Muhammad Dilâwar, Muzaffar-
ud-daula Bahâdur intizâm Jang. He was in the time of Nizâmu 1-
mulk Aşaf Jâh , faujdâr of Sera . After some years , when that talüq
came into the possession of the Mahrattas, he went to Nizâm u-d-
daula Aşaf Jâh and became Bakhşhî of the provinces of the Dec-
can, and was friendly to the writer of these lines. The seoond
was Dil Dilâwar K. who was faujdâr of Biswâpatan, a dependency
of Sera. He afterwards came before Nizâmu-1-mulk. Aşaf Jâh,
and was made head of the artillery of the Deccan. He died in
1166,1753. Both had children.

DILAWAR KHÂN KAKAR.
His name was Ibrâhîm. At first he passed his days as a conı-
panion of M. Yûsuf K. Rezavî. By good fortune he distinguished
himself in Jahângir's presence in the affair 8 of Akhîrâj .and Abhî-

l Sprenger's Cat., p. 525. The dî-
wân is in A.S.B. library No. 136, No.
1432, p. 116.

1 The preposition az is omitted in
text, but occura in a B.M. MS.

3 See the account in the Tüzük J.,
p. 12, and the travesty of it in Price's
Tahângîr, pp. 37, 38. The disturbance
tffiırred on 27 Sha'bân 1014, 25 De-

cember 1605. Akhîrâj was s. BhagwSn
Dâs, and Abhîraj, or Abhî Ram, was
his son. The disturbance was caused
by Akhîrâj 's three sons proposing to
join the R Snâ. Jahangir ordered their
arrest, and while endeavouring to
carry out this order, Ibrâhîm received
nine wounds.

488

THK MAASIR-UI^UMARA.

râj. Thİ8 occurred in the publio courtyard ' of the palace, and ib-
rahim received several wounds. Tbis service was the cause of his
advancement, and he was given a suitable rank. in the beginning
of Jahângir's reign he was sent off to act as governor of Lahore.
He had reached the tovra of Pânîpat when he heard of the rebellion
of Sultan Khusrau. He crossed his family över the Jumna, and
went off to Lahore on the wings of speed and reached the fort
before Khusrau. He strengthened the bastions, ete, and when
Khusrau came to the city, he found the gates elosed. Khusrau
set about the siege, and the colleetion of tropps, and the fire of
contention raged within and without. As the imperial army was
in pursuit of him, and he saw that the taking of the city was
difficult, he raised the siege. Dilâwar did good service and his
devotion was rewarded by royal favours. in the 8th year he vr&s
appointed tö accompany Prince Shah Jahan in the campaign
against the Rânâ. in the 13th year, 1027, 1618, he was made gov-
ernor of Kashmir on the removal of Ahmad Beg K. Kabulî and be-
haved gallantly in conquering the terri ory of Kishtwâr which is
distant sixty leos from the city of Kashmir (Srînagar) to the south.
The short account * of this affair is as follows. in the 1 4th
year of Jahangir Dilâwar K. resolved to conquer the, country by
meaııs of 10,000 horse and foot. As there were difficult defiles
and passes, which were impassable for horses, he left the horseş in
Kashmîr (Srînagar) except a few which were kept as a precaution-
ary measure. The soldiers mounted the hills on foot and fought
stage after stage till they came to the river, w here there was an
engagement. The ruler of the country lost heart when 'Alî Cak, 8
who claimed to be heir to Kashmîr and had taken proteetion with
him, and was making a disturbance, was killed, and took to flight
He crossed the river and halted in Bhadarkot * which was on the
other side. Though the brave men tried to eross by the bridge the

i Kathra, which I suppose is the
Hindustani word katra. Here it
must mean courtyard, for Jahangir
states that the affray took place in
the şahn of the public daulaf khâna.
Price'B account raakeu the thcee Raj-

puts to be crushed by elephants, but
perhaps thİB refers to treatment after
death.

* Tüzük J. 294 and Iqb51nâma 141.
5 Should be Abiya or Iba ?

* Bahandarkot in T. J.

THE MAASIR-ÜL-TTMAKA.

489

resıstanco was such that they could not do so. When some days
had elapaed, the Rajah oraftily sent a message to make peaoe.
Dilâvvar K. did not listen to him and exerted himself to erosa the
river. Atlast, one day, Jamâl K., hiseldestson,cross9dtheswollen
river with a number of others by svvimming, and engaged the
enemy. The latter broke down the bridge and fled, and Dilâwar
repaired it and crossed his troops, and established his camp in
Bhadarkot. From the river in question to the Cinâb — which is a
great support of theirs — there is the distance of two bowshots,
and on the bank (of the Cinâb) is a high bili which is difficult to
get över. in order to eross the river on foot they take three ropes
and between two ropes they plâce planks of the width of a cubit,
and fasten one end of the rope to the top of the hill and the other
on the other side of the river. They also put two other ropes one
yard higher (as handrails). The foot-passengers put their feet on
the planks and take the upper ropes in their hands and so eross,
descending from the top to the bottom. This kind of bridge is
called by the hill-people zîba. 1 They had placed musketeers and
arehers at every place where they th ought an attempt would be
made to make a rope-bridge. Dilâwar K. made rafts and tried to
eross men by them. As the current was very strong, the rafts went
to the bottom and sixty z men were drowned. For four months and
ten days every attempt that was made to eross ended in failure.

it happened that one night Dilâwar's son Jalâl, under the
guidance of a landholder, crossed with safety at a place where the
enemy did not think that he could'cross, and fell upon the Rajah
and sounded the trutnpet of victory. Many were killed, and the
rest saved their lives by flight. One of the soldiers came up to
the Rajah and was about to kili him when he called out that he
was the Rajah, and was made prisoner. Düftwar crossed and
came to the capital of the country, which was three tos distant.
He took the Rajah with him and produced hini before Jahângîr
in the 15th year near Bârahmûla which is the gate of Kashmîr.
He received various favours and was made an offiöer of 4,000 with

1 Zampa in T. J. and Iqb51nama. The jKoia of the. I G. VIII. 66 (eld
edition).

2 Tûzuk, 68 men.

490

THB MAASra-trL-ÎJMAEA.

3 500 horse. He also received a preseni ot a lac of rupees bein*
the revemıe of the conquered territory for one year '

The custom in Kishtwâr is that the Rajah does not take ren*
tor land From every house he takes each year six sasti,* whioh
was a coın of the Ka3h mîr rulers. l* sasti8 make a e and . fa
acco unts fifte ^ ie ^ rupea8> ^ ^^/^

taken f J irf ° n ^ ^^ t0 that ° f Ka9hmİr > and R °- * «re
taken from the buyer on each M *r> ( ^^ , which İ8 equa]

o two „r, Jahângiri. The chief income of the Rajah is derived
from fines whxch are imposed for small offences, and come to
a large sum. His total revenue is about a lac of rupees. The
tankhtvah (asşignments) are 1,000 zât with 1,000 horse. As the
Rajah was not devoid of dignity, an order was given that his sons-
un the time of the war had been placed with the neighbouring
landholde, s _should be sent for, in order that the Rajah mignt be
delıvered from perpetual imprisonment, and might spend his days
ınpeace. He obeyed and was treated with favour.

After a while Dilâwar died a natural death. His eldest son

mu r 8 ' ^ ** ^ ° f Shah Jahan - a PP° inte d to accom-
pany Mahâbat K. Durihg the siege of Daulatabad, high words
passed m the divân on account of some matter, and Mahâbat K
saıd thatwhoevershowed slackness in the king's business would
be shppered. J am âl K. drew his sword and aimed at his head.
Mirza Jaafar Najm Şânî, who was seated behind him, jumped up
and caught Jamâl in his arrns.. His (Jamâl's) son, who was of ten

tnuT , finİ8hed ^ MîrZâ Wİth a da «« er - ^ K bân Zaman
(Mahâbat s son) acted with alertness and knocked down Jamâl,
and w,th another stroke he finishfed the son. They say that Ma-
nabat K.was seated, and that in that position he said 8 »Both
sons dıd well ! » The seeond son of Dilâwar was Jalâl K., of whom
an aceount has been given.

1 Sanhast in T. J., 297. it is tho
silyer sâsnû of J. II. 364, and note 2

* The I.O. MSS. of Tüzük have ele-
man, and both they and Saiyîd
Ahmad's text have the " Indian »ir "
and not the Jahângirî »ir as here and
in the IqbSlnâma, p. 146.

3 Jamâl's death took place in the
6th year. Pâdshâhnâma I, Part II,
313. Mahâbat was referring to the
oonduet of Jamâl'e son, and of hi»
own son Khân Zara ân. The story of
the fight is not told in the PâdshSh-
nâma.

THK MAASIB-UL-UMABA.

491

DİLER K. 'ABDU-R-RAUF miyâna.
Great grandson of Bahlûl K. Miy&na, who attained to royal
favour m the time of Jahângîr and reoeived the rank of 2,500 * with
1,000 horse. in the seeond year of Shah Jahan's reign, when
Khân Jahân Lodî became saspicious and fled, he too joined the
Nizâmu-1-mulk of the Deccan and obtained service with him. Por
some time he- opposed the imperial troop3 and behaved per-
versely. Aftemards he joined 'Âdil K. of Bijapur and became
his servant. in the 7th year he displayed audacities (shokhihâ) in
the siege of Daulatabad. After his death 'Abdu-r-Rahîm his son
obtained the leadership, and when he died, his son 'Abdu-1-Karîm
obtained the leadership and the title of Bahlûl K. As the ruler
of Bijapur was a child, and the power vas in the hands of others,
'Abdu-1-Karim engaged in collecting men of his own tribe and ob-
tained muchsway. in the 9th year* of Aurangzeb's reign, when
Mirza Rajah Jaî Singh was appöinted to devastate the Bijapur
territory, 'Abdu-1-Karîm was one of the leaders of the opposing
army, and had frequent battles, in the 17th year Khân. Jahân
Bahâdur Koka was the govern/jr of the Decoan, and Khwâş K.
Habshî was the minister of Sikandar 'Adil K. and acted in concert
with him and came to the bank of the Bhîmra. From the other side
Bahâdur Kokaltâsh came, and there was an interview between the
two, and the daughter of Khwâs K. was married to Naşiri K. , the
son of Kokaltâsh. After that both of them returned to their dig-
nities. Bahlûl K. oherished treacherous feelings towards Khwâş
K. and wished to seize him on the road. He came to know of this,
and set off at night to Bijapur. Afterwards, when Bahlûl arrived
near the city, he came out to welcome him, as he did not abandon
the part of magnanimity. Bahlûl took advantage of his opportu-
nity and put him under arrest. 8 After that he was prosperous.
Hostility came between the Deccânis and the Afghans and they
came to blows. Some of the Deccânis joined the imperial troops
and many went to the ruler of Haidarabad. When he heard of the

l The Pâdshâhnâma I. 182 speaks
of Bahlül's reoeiving the rank of 4,000
nith 3,000 horse. See also id. 289.

î Khâfi K. II. 191.

3 Fryer speaks of Bahlül's putting
Khwâş K. to death He also says
that Sikandar 's legitimacy was
doubted.

492

THB MA ASIR- UX- UMARA.

imprisonment of Jthwâş K., Bahâdur Kokaltâsh, in accordance
with Aurangzeh's orders, collected a large army and came to the
places bordering on Bijapur. Between him and Bahlül K. Abdu-
1-Karîm a contest and fighting took place. Tbere were many eri-
gagements. in the 20th year when the Kokaltâsh was summoned
to court, the management of the Deccan was nıade över to' Diler
K. The tvvo (Bahlül and Diler) agreed with one anothor, as
being of the same tribe, and marched against Haidarabad. Seven
battles took place betvveen them and the Deccanis who had come
on the part of the ruler of Haidarabad. Meanwhile Bahlül K. fell
ili and died, and his son 'Abdu-r-Rauf beeame the leader. At last
in the 29th year Aurangzeb proceeded to the siege of Bijapur
Sikanda^ 'AdilK., vvilling or unwilling, made över the city and
submitted. 'Abdu-r-Rauf also kissed the threshold and received
the rank of 6,000 with 6,000 horse and had the title of Diler K.
He 2 för a long time discharged the work of the king's service un-
der Khân Fîrüz Jang, and in the 48th year had the rank of 7,000
with 7,000 horse. After the death of Aurangzeb he ostensibly
aought to join Muhammad Kâm Bakhşh and went and settled in
the estates of his own faujdârî of Sânwar and Bankâpür— which is
a Sarkar in Bijapur. After his death his brother 'Abdu-1-Ghafâr
K. obtained the faujdârî and fief of the said Sarkar, and after him
his son 'Abdu-1-Majld K., who, during the government of the mar-
tyred Naşir Jang received the title of Satwat Jang (power of war)
succeeded to the estates by inheritance. When the Mahrattas be-
eame supreme in the Deccan several parganas of the property came
into their hands in lieu of chauth (exaction of £th). A little remained.
At the time of writing, his son, 'Abdu-1-Hakîm, lives by these. The
second son of 'Abdu-r-Rahim Mîâna was*Abdu-n-nabi K., who held
Cuddapa, ete. in Haidarabad as his fief and faujdârî. 4fter his
death his son 'Abdu-n-nabî Kor (the blind?) got the property
After him his brother 'Abu-1-Muhsin K., alias Müca Mîân— who
afterwardsgot the hereditary title-obtained the appointment and
was for a long time manager of affairs. 'Abdu-1-Majid K., the son

1 Kh5fiK.II. 322. He surrendered in the beginning of the 30th year.
* Maaşir 'Alamgîrî 481.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

493

of 'Abdu-n-nabî Kor, put him urider restraint, and himself took
charge. He fought with the Mahrattas and was killed. His son
'Abdu-1-Halîm took his father's position, but the Mahrattas pre-
vailed and took possession of half of the property under the claim
of chauth. At the time of writing, which is 1193 (1779), Haidar
'Alî K. overran his t'alûg and made him prisoner. He took pos-
session of the ehtire estates, and whatever else he possessed.

Ikhlâş K. 'Abu-1-Muhammad s. 'Abdu-1-Qâdir s. Bahlül K.,
the elder, was cousin of Bahlül K. 'Abdu-1-Karîm. He in the 7th
year ' of Aurangzeb joined the imperial army and received the
rank of 5,000 and the title of Ikhlâş K. in the llth year when
Dâüd K. Qoreshî pursued Siva, he with a few men joined in the
battle and was in the vanguard. He.was wounded and fell to the
ground. it appears from the Maasir 'Alamgîrî that he was alive*
up tö the 2 İst year.

(SAIYID) DİLER KHÂN BÂRHA.

One of the öfficers of the time of Jahângir. He held the
faujdârî of Baroda When in the 18th year there arose the cloud
of dissension between father and son, and Shah Jahan appointed
'Abdullah K. to the government of Gujarat, and his eunuch 8 entered
the city of Ahmadabad, Saif K. alias Safî K. — who had" partial
charge of the city— showed courage and took the city from the
eunuch's possession, and rnduced Diler K. to take- the side of
loyalty. After the king's death, when Shah Jahan marched from
Junair and erossed the Narbada, he came before ali the auxiliary
öfficers of the province, and diA homage. İn attendance on the
royal stirrup he came to the capital,in the first year of the reign
had the rank of 4,000 with 2,500 horse, and the gift of a robe of

l Khâfî K. II, 191-192, where he is
called Abu-1-Majid. See p. 191, two
lines from foot. But see also p. 196
where Abu-1 Muhammad ia spoken of
as in the imperial army. According
to the Maasir A. Abu-1-Muhammad
got the title of Ikhlâş K. and the rank
of 5,000 with 4,000 horse in the 12th
year, p. 81.

2 Abu-1-Muhammad Bijapuri is
mentioned in the Maasir A. 171 as
being made faujdSr of Oudh in the
22nd year He is mentioned again in
the 3öth year id. 351.

8 Wafâdâr by name, TüzuU J., 362.
Safî K. was married to a sister of
MamtSz Mahal.

494

THE MAASIB-TJIr-tTMABA.

honöur, a decorated dagger, a flag and a drum, and an elephant.
He was allowed to go to his t'alüqs. in the third year, when the
king came to the Deccan, he came from Gujarat to court, and re-
ceived an increase of 500 horse. Together with Khvvâja Abu-1-
hasan of Turbat he was sent off to take the country of Sangamnîr.'
in the 4th year he was appointed from there to serve in the con-
tingent of 'Azim K., who was in the neighbourhood of Parenda.
Aftemards he was given leave to go to his old taluqs, and in the
6th year, corresponding to 1042, 1632-33, he died. Saiyid Hasan,
his son, came to court, and had an audience, and received a rank
suitable to his position and was treated with favour. Up to the
30th year his rank was 1,600 horse. Another son, Saiyid Khalîl,
had the rank of 600 with 200 horse. it was Diler K. who sent .the
white * elephant which was placed in the royal stables in the 2nd
year of fche reign. Khwâja Nizâm, a merchant, who was a trust-
worthy trader and known for the largeness of his traffickings, had
received from his agents a smaU elephant aged about 15 or .16
years. On account of leanness and immaturijby it had no decided
«olour. When he went off in some direotion for the purpose of
trade, he left this elephant on the Khân's fief , as there was friend-
ship between them. After twelve years, when it had come toma-
turity, ita colour became white with, a tinge of red. The Khan
sent it for the king, who approved of it and gave it the name of
Gajpatî (elephant-lord), This is Tâlib Kalim's quatrain about it.

Verse.
May his white elephant sustain no injury.
Whoever beholds it is enraptured with it.
When the world's lord goes out upon it, you'd say
" 'Tis the sun emerging from a white dawn."

1 Pâdshâhnâma I. 300. Elliot VII.
10. Sangamnîp-is the sime aa San-
gameshwar.

2 This account, inoluding the quat-
rain, is taken from the Pâdshâhnâma
I. 267. For Tâlib Kalım see Beale
s.v. Abu Tâlib Kalîm, and Rieü II,
686 a. He was a native of HamadSn

and was Shah Jahan's poet-laureate.
The allusion in the first line of the
quatrain is to the evil eye. The place
that Khwâja Nigâm went to, after
leaving the elephant vvith Diler, wag
Pegü, whither Jahângir had sent him
to purchase rubies.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMABA .

495

After Diler K.'a death his son Saiyid Hasan came to court
and received a suitable mansab. in the 28th year he was made
faujdâr and fiefholder of the Sarkar of Godrrh ' in Ahmadabad
(Gujarat). in the 30th year his rank was 1,500 with 1,500 horse.
After the expiration of the 3 İst year he accompanied Prince Murâd
Bakhşh, who, at a suggestion from Aurangzeb, had started from
Ahmadabad. When Murâd Bakhşh was imprisoned, Saiyid Hasan
received the title of Khân and was sent off to Gujarat. Another
son, Saiyid Khalil, held a mansab of 500 with 200 horse.

DİLER KHAN DAÜDZAI.*

His name was Jalâl K., and he was younger brother of Bahâ-
dur K. Rohilla. When in the 21st year Shah Jahan became dis-
appointed with Bahâdur K., in spite of his good services and
achievements in the Balkh and Badakhshan campaign, because of
his negligence and delay in the pursuit of Nazr Muhammad K.,
and of his indiff erence and slackiiess 8 in rendering assistance to
S'aîd K. in the seven days' fight with the Uzbegs, he confiscated
Sarkârs Qanauj and Kâlpi, — which were in his fief , — and were fer-
tile throughout the whole year. Shah Jahan confiscated them in
satisfaction of the government demands against him — which
amounted to nearly thirty lacs of rupees — and gave the faujdâri of
themto Jalâl K. His rank was 1,000 with 1,000 horse and he
had the title of Diler K. and the present of an elephant. He gra-
dually rose in consideration and in the 30th year he was appointed
to the Deccan along with M'uazzam K. Mîr Jumla in order that he
might, in attendance on Prince Aurangzeb, devastate the territory
of 'Adil Shah.

Öne day during the seige of the fort of Kalyan the prince
drew up his forces and marched out to engağe the enemy. The
sons of Bahlûl K. Miâna who were in the hostile vanguard engaged
the imperial vanguard. Diler K. who was at the head of that
force joined in the fight, and though he received sword-blows yet

1 J. II. 257, the Godhrah of Bayley's Gujarat.

î The text and several MSS. have Dâd or Daozai,

3 See Pâdshahnâma II. R92, and Khâfî K. I. 686, ete

496

THE MAASIB-TJL-UMARA.

as he had armour and a cuira? ■ ,' he suffered no harm. After that
when the armies were sent for (by Shah Jahan at Dârâ's instiga-
tion) he also appeared at court, and in the 3 İst year received the
favour of drums. He went with Sulaimân Shikoh to oppose Prince
Muhammad Shujâ' who had foolishly become disobedient to his
f ather and had advanced from Bengal and had laid hands on many
of the imperial properties. When the two forces came near one
another in the vicinity of Benares, Shujâ', who was always subject
to sensual pleasures, and was exceedingly careless, and knew
nothing about planning and reflection, was terrified and fled.
Without attempting to fight he behaved in a childish manner and
got on board a boat and fled towards Patna. Sulaimân Shikoh
pursued him, and Diler K. in honour of this victory received an
increase of 1,000 with 1,000 horse, and had the rank of 3,000 with
3,000 horse. Afterwards, when Sulaimân Shikoh at the sumraons
of his grandfather and father proceeded to return from Patna, as
rapidly as possible, he in the village of Karra received the news of
the defeat of Dara Shikoh and his flight towards Lahore. This
disconcerted him, and Mîrzâ Rajah Jai Singh — who had been made
his guardian and manager of the army — separated from him.
Sulaimân Shikoh in his distress summoned Diler K. and asked his
advice. He made his eompanionship conditional on proceeding to
Shahjâhânpür — which Bahâdur (his elder brother)had settled, arid
was the native country of the Afghans —and engaged that there
Afghans and other soldiers would be collected and that then any-
thing that was advisable would be done. Sulaimân Shikoh agreed.
When Rajah Jai Singh heard of this and perceived that Diler K.
from ravvness and inexperience had not distinguished between his
loss and gain and had made a vvrong throvv, he, out of friendship
and the love he had for him , gave him good advice and withheld
him from a wrong intention which could only have the result of
injuring his home and elan. He made him join him in the design
of going to Aurjangzeb. When next day Sulaimân Shikoh, in

THE MAASIR-TTL-TTMABA.

497

1 Opci. Mr. Ellis has pointed out to
me that this is a Mongolian word and
apparently should be obein. it is
given in P. de Courteille's Dict. as op-

cin. The original meaning is tbe
complete skin of an animal. The
word is used by BSbur, e.g. Hydara-
badMS. f. 113b.

accordance with tue arrangement, prepared to return to Allaha-
bad, Diler K. 1 made an excuse and remained at the stage with
Rajah Jai Singh. On this account the royal servants ceased to
accompany Sulaimân Shikoh. Diler K., three or four dâys before
the Mîrzâ Rajah waited* upon Aurangzeb between Selîmpûr and
Mathura, received an increase of 1,000 with 1,000 horse, so that
his rank became 5,000 with 5,000 horse. Hence it appears that
after the defeat of Shujâ', when his rank was 3,000, he had received
another 1,000.

in short, Diler K , together with Shaikh Mîr, was sent off from
Multan to pursue Dârâ Shikoh. in the battle of Ajmere 8 when
Dârâ Shikoh made a vvall from side to side of the defile, and made
a strong bulwark in front of him, and placed on it here and there
guns and muskets, ete, the troops of Aurangzeb could not make
an impression on the entrenehments until success showed itself
from a hidden quarter. Dârâ Shikoh sent some men to repulse
the men of Rajah Râjrüp towards the Kokila* hill.

This body of men (Dârâ's) boldly advanced beyond the
entrenehment and engaged the enemy. Diler K. mounted his
horse and on the right wing took the artillery and his troops and
made an advance. After him Shaikh Mîr mounted his horse on
the lef t wing and joined him. The two leaders together attaoked
the entrenehments of Shâh Newâz K. , and there was a hot engage-
ment, These two brave men entered the entrenehment and drew
the sword of vengeance, Shaikh Mîr was killed and Diler K.
made great efforts and was wounded in the arm by a bullet.
Meamvhile other troops came up and Dârâ Shikoh lost ootırage and
fled. After that Diler K. was appointed to assist Muazzam K. Mîr
Jumla who made splendid efforts in driving out Shujâ' from
Bengal. in that contest — which was a testing-ground of bravery —
Diler performed such feats as obliterated the menıory of Rustum
and Isfandyâr.

When in Sh'abân (April 1659) of the 2nd year Muazzam K.

1 Compare Manucci I. 284, and
'AlâmgîrnSma, 170, ete.
* 'AlâmgîrnSma 130-31.
' There is a full account of the

three daya' fîghting near Ajmere in the
'AlâmgîrnSma, 318, ete.

* Kokilapaharî, cuokoo hill T See
Â'lamgîrnâma, 320,

498

THE MAASIR-TJL-TJMARA.

brought his army to the bank of the river f rom Mahmüdâbâd with
the intention of crossing the Mahanadî which is two kos from
there, and it was found that there was a better crossing below at
Bağla ' Ghât — the enemy, who had made batteries on the other
side, proceeded to discharge cannon, eto. Diler K., in the first
place, entered the river along with other leaders on elephants and
they were fired upon by the eneiny in that position. Some of the
brave men were killed and many were wounded , and a number
turned back. As there was deep water on each side of the ford,
stakes had been put down on each side to mark the ford. At this
time, owing to the crossing of the army, the water became troubled,
and the sandy bottom shif ted so that some were carried into the deep
water. The stakes too did not remain in their place. On this ac-
count many of the infantry and cavalry were drowned. Fath K.,
the son of Diler K., was one of these. When the Khânhad crossed,
he drove off the enemy and got possession of ali their guns. Af ter
Shujâ' was driven away, Diler was in M'uazzamK.'s vanguard in his
conquest of Assam and did great deeds in chastising the worthless
Assamese. in every place he vvas an associate of victory. When
the royal forces crossed the Brahmaputra, vvhich is one of the
famous rivers of that country, they came to the fort of Shamla-
garha.* That is a strong and sky-high fort. To besiege it was
beyond the powers of the masters of lofty designs. Those who

* ' 'Âlamgîrnâma, 544, 649 and Khâfî
K. II. 95. The Mahanadî'of the text
is the Mahananda of the I.G. XVI.
433. it is a tributary of the Padma or
Ganges. Baglaghat is frequently men-
tioned İd the 'Âlamgîrnâma whioh
gives a most detailed aocount of Mir
Jumla's campaign agaiost Shujâ'. At
p. 514 it states that BaglaghSt is five
kos from Malda (i. e. old Malda), it
was on the Mahananda. Mahmüdâ-
bâd is mentioned in the 'Alamgîr-
nSma, pp. 547 and 548, and is stated
there to be three kos from Baglaghat.
it therefore cannot be the Mahmüdâ-
bâd vvhich was the head-quarters of
the Mahmüdâbâd Sarkar and was on
the Madhümatî and the eastern fron-

tier of Jessore. R.A.S.J. for 1896, p.
1^8. Looking at the original, viz.
the 'Âlamgîrnâma, p. 548, it does not
appear 'that the Mahananda was two
kos from Mahmüdâbâd, but that
Baglaghat was two kos below Mah-
müdâbâd.

* This is the fort called Bhîmgar
in Khâfî K. II. 444. it is Simlagarh
in the 'AlamgîrnamS, p. 704. The des-
crrption in text of the fort is taken
eitherfrom the same work, p. 705, ete,
or from the Târîkh Aahâm, i.e. Fath-
iyah 'Ibratîyah by Shihâbu-d-dîn
Tâlish. Simlagarh is the proper name
of the fort, A.S.B.J. for 1872, pp. 71,
72 of vol. 41. it was taken on Febru-
ary 26, İ662.

THE MAASIB-ÜL-ÜMARA.

490

inhabited it were safe from the stone-throwing of the calamities
of fortune and the catapults of the heavens ! On both sides of
the fort there were broad and high walls. On the south side these
extended for four kos and ended at a hill which raised its head to
the sky. On the north side the wall extended for three kos as far
as the raging river already mentioned (the Brahmaputra). Bpth
walls were provided on the inside with bastions and battlements,
and without there was a deep moat. Every place had been forti-
fied with guns, bâdlij, 1 and muskets, ete. in that area were nearly
300,000 vvarlike Assamese ready to resist. As the beleaguering
of the whole fort was impossible, Diler K., in accordance with the
opinion of the Commander-in-chief, established a battery opposite
the largest bastion, and fighting went on inside and outside.
Every cannon-ball that reached the bastion and ,wall, on acoount
of the strength of the fort, only made a little dustof it rise up,
and no sign appaared of the wall's being broken or of the battle-
ments falling. The country too was rugged* and terrible, for in
former times great lndian armies which had set out to conquer
this country had been overthrown and slain by the treachery of
fchis tribe, and not one of them had escaped from the whiripool.
The Commander-in-chief nevertheless direc1(ed an attack against

1 A kind of cannon. See Irvine A.
of M. 129 and Bahâr-i-'ajam s.v. where
a stanza of Mullâ TughrŞ (Rieu 742a)
is quoted. See also Ghiaşu-1-loghât s.v.
and Pâdshahnâma I. 606 whşre it is
said to be. the synonym for a gajnâl
or elephant-gun. it is there spelt
badâlica. The Ghiasu-1-loghBt says it
İB a Turkish word. The word also
oecurs in the 'Âlamgîrnâma, p. 705.
According to Meninski the word is
coramonly writtenas patlangjıaj jiw
and means a pop-gun or reed-trumpet.
" Tubulus ex sambucino ligno, quo
pueri atrepitum cient." See also Bar-
bier de Meynard's Turkish-French
Diot. , who says it comes from pâtla-
mSq, " to explode." The statement
abovıt the neariy three lacs of Assam-
ese comes from the same source,

but the t$xt wrongly has asânii in-
stead of ashâmi.

* Text gaJb u khatirnâk, " rugged
and fearsome," but the original, in
the 'Âlamgîrnâma 707, has qalb khah
irnâk " terrifying to the heart." it
also specifîes the fact that lndian
armies had been tvıice lost there. The
treachery consisted in the night at-
tacks of the Assamese. The account
of the treacherous Assamese camp
followers is taken from the 'Âlamgîr-
nâma 708. Husain Shah and Sulai-
mân Kararânl had previously at-
tempted to conquer Assam and there
was also an unsuccessful attempt by
'Âbdu-s salim in Shâh Jahan's reign.
See also Mr. Gait's paper A.S.B.J. for
1893, p. 280, and his history of Assam,
Galcutta, 1906, pp. 41 and 88.

600

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

one of the \valls, and Diler K., with some valiant men, was ap
pointed to the task.

By chance one of that tribe who had lived for a long time in
the imperial territory and at this time was numbered among the
units (ahad) of the camp, in his craftiness became full of malice. He
under the guise of loyalty represented that he knew the nature of
the ground and its real condition. If they would accept his guid-
ance, he would bring the royal troops to a place whence an attack
could easily be made. At the same time he sent a message to the
besieged that they should collect in a certain place, which was the
most difficult of ali. Diler K. proceeded at night according to the
guidance of this rascal. At dawn he reached a place where was
a moat full of water, and which was difficult and where there was
a large collection of the enemy. At önce the discharge of many
thousand guns darkened the air, and there was a shower of
powder-pots (huçföahâ-bârüt) from the battlements so that the earth
trembled. Diler K., in his great courage, never thought of turn-
ing back, but drove his elephanfc into the water of the moat, and
when his followers beheld such bravery on the part of their chief
they also pressed on. A hot engagement took place, a great many
of the armies of islam were \rounded, and a number lost their
lives. Five bullets reached Diler, but on account of his armour
he was not wounded. Many bullets were stopped in his elephant
and his howdah.' The brave Khân and some others reached the
foot of the fort and got to the top of the wall, and fought with
the enemy. Afterwards his men got in by the gate and in other
places and unfurled the flag of victory, The infidels were over-
oome and fled out. Af ter the death of Mir Jumla the Khân came
to court. in the 17th year* he was sent off with Rajah Jai Singh to
extirpate Sîvâ Bhonsla who had established himself in the Deccan
and was making a disturbance by brigandage. When the Rajah
in the 8th year set himself to take the forts of Sîvâ and went off
from Poonah to take the forts of Pürandhar and Rürmâl (Rüdar-

i Havza. The 'Âlamgîrnâma 711
lıas khauza, " wading," evidently a
ınisprint.

s Khâfi K., II. 178. Elliot VII.
271.

The maasir-ul-dmara.

501

mâl), Diler K., who was in the vanguard, passed through the defile
of Sânwar» and was about to encamp near those places, when
suddenly a hostile army made its appearance and there was a
fight. The enemy could not stand the shock of the horses and
fled to a hill on the top of which the two forts were. Diler K.
fought on and came to the hill, and killed many and set fire to the
town which was in the waist of the hill and was called Mâci,* and
then proceeded to besiege the forts.

When the garrisons of the two forts discharged cannon and
muskets, the Khân did not withdraw but brâvely came near the
fort of Pürandhar and hastily erected a battery. When some
time had passed in besieging the two forts, one bastion of the fort
of Rürmâl (Rüdarmâl) was thrown down 3 by the repeated blows
of cannon-balls, and Diler K. urged on his men and got to the top
of this bastion. . The besieged asked for quarter, and Sîvâ who
perceived that the energy of the assailants would soon result in
the taking of Pürandhar, vvhere many of his relatives and officers
were shut up, made acquaintance with the Rajah and had
an interview with him, and presented the forts as tribute. As
Diler K. was stili at the foot of the fort, the Rajah sent Sîvâ to
him, and he af ter the inteıview presented him with two * horses
witlf f gold trappings, and decorated accoutrements, and two sets
of nine pieces (tüqüz) of silks. Af ter this work had been completed
Diler K. acted in the vanguard of the Rajah in devastating the
territory of Bijapur and so punished the ' Âdil Shah. When he
finished that work he and many other leaders were sumnıoned 6 to
court on account of the affair of Shah 'Abbâs the 2nd who was
meditating the despatch of an army to the borders of India. The
Khân went off rapidly and had crossed the Narbada when by the
decree of fate the ruler of Persia died, and the flames of distur-
bance were extinguished. Diler K., on receipt of an order, pro-

1 Should be Sâsûr or Sasivad.
'Âlamgîrnâma 889.

* 'Âlamgîrnâma 890.
3 'Âlamgîrnâma 892.

* See 'Âlamgîrnâma 904. The text
has 200 but the real number of horses

was only t\vo, du sir having been
wrongly read aa du >şad. See also
Khâfi K. II. 182. The two horses, or
at least ono of thoın, \vereArabs. Ali
the MSS. hovvever seem to have 200.
6 Do. 974, 975.

bd2

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

ceeded with a number of officers to Canda and Deogarha. MânjI
Mullâr, 1 the landovvner of Canda, came before him in humble f ashion
and promised* a kror of rupees as a fine, in cash and goods, and
presented to Diler K. as a thank-offering five lacs of rupees. He
also agreed that he would pay every year two lacs of rupees as
tribute and that he would dismantle the fort of Mânikdrug which
was one of the strong forts on his borders.

When in the course of two months 77 lacs of rupees had been
realized as tribute, and the arrival of eight lacs more in the course
of two months more, and tvventy lacs of arrears had been pro-
mised vvithin three years, the zamindar, who was ili and infirm
and whose estate was in a had condition, vvas allowed to depart
\vith Ram Singh, his younger son andrepresentative. As Kaukab b
Singh, the zamindar of Deogarh, who was debited with fifteen
lacs of rupees for past years, also became submissive, three lacs
of rupees were imposed upon him as fine and one lac was
fixed as his annual tribute. At this time an order came to
Diler K., stating that it was desired that the Bijapur territory
should önce more be devastated, and that he should repair to
Aurangabad and place himself under the orders of Prince Muham-
mad M'uazzam so that whenever the signal was given he might be
ready for the work. His deeds in the Deccan aıe on the lips of
high and low. in the battle which Khân Jahân Kokaltâsh fought
with the Bijapur troops on the other side of the Bhîmra, Diler K.
was in the vanguard and did great deeds, and was applauded by
friend and foe.

They say that there was such a market of contention on that
battlefield that for some kos the trunks of elephants and the heads
of men served for polo-sticks and balls !

Verse.*

From the trunks of elephants and the heads of warriors
The whole plain was strewn with sticks and balls.

l Alamgîrnâma 1025, last üne.

"* Do. 1025. The five lacs were
perhaps a pres en t to Diler in gratitude
for his mediation.

8 Kok Singh in 'Alamgîrnâma 1027,
and in Maaşir A. 60.

* These linos and two more are
quoted in Khâfî K. II. 236. See ac-

THE MAASIR-TJL-UMARA.

503

Afterwards when the day became disastrous for the royal
troops they retired in good order, but the march which in advanc-
ing on the Bijapur troops had occupied four or five days ön the
back of elephants and horses, occupied three weeks in the retreat.
As the fort of Sâlher which belonged to Baglâna had fallen into
the hands of the enemy Diler proceeded ' to take it, but in spite of
his efforts he did not succeed, and the bad climate of thatdistrict
caused many deaths. He was obliged, by orders of H.M., to re-
turn without effecting his purpose. İn the 18th year he presented
himself at court, and in succession to 'Âbid K., he was made gov-
ernor of Multan. in the 19th year that province was given in
fief to Muhammad A zim Shâh. The Khân came to court and was
sent off to the Deccan campaign. When in the 20th year the
Khân-Khânân Bahâdur, the governor of the Deccan, was censured,
the charge * of the country was made över to Diler in order that
he might carry on the dutics till the arrival of the governor. in
the 21st year a severe engagement took place with the Haidara-
bad troops. A servant 3 who was sitting behind on the elephant
was killed by a rocket and the fire of the rocket fell into the
Khân's collar and had to be extinguished by the water in a goat-
skin. Many on both sides were killed on that day. in the 23rd
year he by his excellent efforts took the fort of Mangalsirpa* (?)
from the possession of Sîvâ Bhonsla. in the 26th year 6 when
Aurangzeb came to Aurangabad, Diler was appointed, along with
others, to the Bijapur campaign, but remained at court till the
arrival of Muhammad Â'zim Shâh. At this time he fell very ili
and in the beginning of the 27th year 1094, 1683, he died.*

count of fight, EUiot VII. 293. Khâfî
K. puts the battle into the 16th year
1083. Apparently the verse refers to
the ezplosion, which according to
Khâfî K. destroyed many of the
royal magazinea. The battle was
really a great defeat for the Imperial-
ists. Ialâm K. , Rûmî, whom Pryer
calls the Bassa of Mesopotamia, w as
killed, and according to Fryer his
head and that of his son were stuck
up on the walls of Bijapur.

l Khâfî K., 248, 249.
« Do., 11.247.

5 Maaşir 'Alamgîrî 165. The en-
gagement was with the Golconda
troops.

* Mangalbîda in Maaşir A.

6 Do., 228.

6 Khâfî K. II. 279 and Maaşir A.
237. Khâfî K. puts the occurrence
into the 25th year, and the Maaşir
A: puts it into the end of the 27tlı
year, 1094.

504

THE MAASIR-UL-TJMARA.

Although it is comınonly reported that Aurangzeb perceived
in him some indications of presumption and arrogance, and
ordered him to be poisoned, yet it appears on investigation that
thie statement is not true.

Some reliable ' authorities say that his brother's son put an
end to him by changing the pills (of opium) that he was accus-
tomed to. But Aurangzeb had a higher opinion of Diler's courage,
ete. than he had of the military qualities of any other person-
They say that when he was with Shah 'Alam in the Deccan, the
latter wished him to join him and to raise the flag of rebellion.
Diler K. refused. The dissatisfaction on both sides ended in dis-
pleasure and Diler K. went off rapidly to court. The prince
hastened af ter him. When Diler had represented that the prince
had vain thoughts, and that he had lef t him and come on a pilgrim-
age to H.M., just then the prince's representation arrived, to
the effect that this - tur bulent Afghan wanted to rebel, and that he
had göne af ter him to punish him. Aurangzeb was much troubled
on receiving these two statsments, and went several times to the
privy {mataıvazzâ). As Himmat K. had been brought up with
Aurangzeb from early years and was very intimate with him
(dosh u kinâr bâdshâhi büd) and used to speak very freely to him,
he said to the king, " AH this is not true, why is your Majesty
so agitated ? " The king got angry and said, " I'm not troubled
about Shâh 'Alam; the difficulty is lest they have colluded toge-
ther. If there be an army with Diler K. at the head of it, I do
not see any one who can oppose it but myself , so if ever I have to
deal with him, the battle will be a double-headed * one" ?

in short, the Khân was a man of great physical strength, and
they teli wonderful stories of his strength and appetites. He had

1 Khâfî K. says, II. 280, that it was
reported that 'Azam Shah came sa-
cretly at night to visit Diler, and that
JESahâdur Shah reported this to
Aurangzeb, and that Diler thereupon
took poison. The Maaşir says, Diler
nevor was defeated, but surely the
battle with the Bijapurîs mentioned

in the biography was a great defeat.
He, however, was not in supreme eom-
mand then. Ar recorded in test
supra, Fath K., who apparently is
different from Fath M'amür, was
drowned in the Assam campaign.

* Dit nr dar ad, a phrase meaning
doubt, and treaohery. Bahar 'Ajanı.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMABA.

505

great sway l över his tribe and was always victorious. By the
favour of time and the might of his star, from the beginning to
the end of his life, he was at the top of fortune. He never
received any buffet from fate, nor suffered any disgraee or con-
tempt. His sons were Kamâlu-d-dîn and Fath M'amûr. The
latter was killed in the battle of the batteries at Bijapur.

DİNDAR KHÂN OF BOKHARA.

His name was Saiyid Bahwa,* and he was conneeted with
Murtaza K. of Bokhara. Af ter Mahâbat K. had become guilty of
presumption and had fled from the Presence, Dindar was appoint-
ed to the pursuing army, which halted at Ajmere. At this time
Jahângîr died, and Shah Jahan's retinue came to Ajmere. Dindar
had the bliss of doing homage, and in the first year had a mangab
of 2000 with 1200 horse and the title of Dindar K. and the gift of
a robe of honour, a deoorated dagger, a flag and a horse, and was
made faujdar of the Mîyân Dûâb. in the 8th year, when the
king returned from Lahore to the capital and islâm K. was sent
to chastise the rebels of the Miyan Düâb, Dindar was direeted to
aceompany him. Afterwards, in the same year, he was sent off
with Prince Aurangzeb who had been appointed to chastise Jujhâr
Singh Bandîlâ. After some time he died in 1045, 1635-36.

(RAİ) DURGÂ 8 SÎSODIA.

He was a Candrâwat, and his native country was pargana
R&mpür,* a dependeney of Chitor, in the 26th year of Akbar's
reign he was sent with Sultan Murâd against M. Muhammad
Hakim, in the 28th year, when M. Khân was appointed to put
down the Gujarat rebels, he went with him and did good service.
in the 30th year he was appointed to the Deccan along with Khân

1 Maaşir A. 237.

* Test Bahûda, but this is a mis-
take as ahown by Maaşir III. 451. and
by the Tüzük J. 281 and 282. Din-
dar was governor of Delhi in the 14th
year of Jahângîr.

3 B. 417.

* J. II. 273 where it is called Is-
lâmpûr, otherwise Rampur. it is on
the Chambal and is also called Bhân-
pûra (oity of the Sun). See Tod's
Annals of Mewar. Rai Durgâ is men-
tioned in Price's Jahangir, page 34,
and in the Tüzük J. 03.

506

THE MAASIR-TTL-T7MABA.

'Â' zim Koka. in the 36th year, when Sultan Murâd was appointed
to the government of Malwa, he had an honoured place in his
retinue. Afterwards, he went with the prince to the Deccan and
did good service, in the 45th year Akbar sent him with a force
to search for Mozaffar Husain M. Khwâja Waisî had arrested the
Mîrzâ and brought him to Sultânpür. Rai Durgâ came there and
took him to court. in the same year he was appointed along
with S. Abu-1-fazl to Nâsik. At the same time he heard of a
dİ8turbance in his home and took Ieave and went off there. in
the beginning of the 46th year he rejoined. After a month and a
half he, without obtaining leave, went off home. Up to the 40th
year of Akbar 's reign he held the rank of 1500, and he died in
1016, 1608, in the second year of Jahângîr's reign.

it is mentioned' in the Jahângîrnâma, written by the king
himself, that he was one of the confidential servants of Rânâ
Pratâp. He served Akbar for more than forty years and obtained
the rank of 4000. He lived to the age of eighty-two. His son
Canda had, in the beginning of Jahangir's reign, the rank of 700.
Gradually he attained to high rank and had the title of Râo. Râo
Daudâ, his grandchild, was appointed, in the third year of Shah
Jahan!s reign, to accompany Azim K. in the affair of Khân Jahân
Lodî, and in the same year he had an increase of 500 with 500 horse,
and so had the rank of 2000 with 1500 troopers and the gift of a
flag. But when the brunt of battle fell upon the rearguard, he
gave way. After that, he was appointed with Yemenu-d-daula to
chastise 'Âdil K., and afterwards he was included in the contin-
gent of Mahabat K. Khân-Khânân who had been appointed to the
government of the Deccan. in the 6th year, during the siege of
Daulatabad, when Mürârî of Bijapur came to the assistance öf the
garrison, and there was fighting on every side, and several of his
relatives were killed, he attempted, in spite of the general' s prohi-
bition, to bring away the dead bodies. The enemy saw their

J Tûzuk J. 63. , But the statement
there is that he had been a confiden-
tial servant of Rânâ Udai Singh
(PratSp's father) and that he died in

his ninth decade, i.e. betneen eighty
and ninety. The 19th in Tüzük must
be a mistake for 9th.

THB MAASIR-UL-TTMARA.

507

opportunity and surrounded him. As he could not escape, he
dismounted and fell bravely along with some others. The king, in
appreciation of his services, sent his son — who was at home— arobe
of honour and conferred on him the rank of 1500 with 1000 horse
and the title of Râo. He took part for some years in the Deccan
campaigns along with Khân Zaman Bahâdur. When he died of
illness and left no son, his place was taken by his father's uncle's
son Rûp Singh, the son of Rüp Mukund, son of Râo Canda who
had come to court in the 17th year in the hopes of favour. He
received the rank of 900 zât and horse and the title of Râo, and
the parçana of Râmpür which was called Islâmpür and wa& in the
sarkar of Chitor, was assigned to him in fief. in the 19th year he
was sent off along with Sultan Murâd Bakhşh to the Balkh
campaign. in the battle which took place in the 20th year with
Nazr Muhammad K., the ruler of Balkh, under the command of
Bahadür K. Rohilla and Aşâlat K., he was in the vanguard.
After struggle and striving, when Nazr Muhammad K. was
defeated and fled, Rûp Singh -vras raised to the rank of 1500 with
1000 horse.

Inasmuch as the prinoe was distressed by the coldness of
theclimate, and the large numbers of Uzbegs and warlike Almânân
who fled in battle and then immediately returned and fought,
he begged of his father that he might come to court, and that
another servant might be appointed to that country. Some of
the Rajpüts returned without orders from Balkh and Badakhşhan
and came to Peshawar, and among them was Râo Rüp Singh.
When this was reported to Shah Jahan, he was displeased and
sent an order to the officials at Atak not to let them cross the
river. Afterwârds, when Sultan Aurangzeb was sent off to that
quarter, Rûp Singh returned along with him and in battles with
the Uzbegs fought in the van and distinguished himself . After-
wards he returned to India with the prince, who had been ordered
to come back. in the 22nd year, he accompanied the prince to
Qandahar, and according to the old practice he was placed in the
van, and distinguished himself in the battle which Rustum K.
and Qulij K. fought with the Persians. His rank was raised to
2000 with 1200 horse. in the 24th year he died. As he had no

508 THE MAASIRrTJIi-tTMAEA.

aon, Amr Singh and other grandchildren of Râo Canda oame to
court with Râo Rüp Singh's contingent, and Amr Singh, who was
a fitting representative, received from the king the rank of 1000
with 900 horse, the title of Râo, and the gift of a saddle with sılver
mountings, while his brother received a suitable rank, and Râm-
pûr— the ancestral home— was made his and his brother's fief . in
the 25th year he received an inerease of 100 horse and went off
with Sultan Aurangzeb who had been appointed to Qandahar for

the second time.

in the 26th year he was attached to Dârâ Shikoh who had
been appointed to this same expedition. in the 27th year, at the
request of this prince, his rank was made 1500 with 1000 horse.
in the 28th year he was appointed to the Deccan. in the 31st
year he was summoned to court and was appointed to Mâlwa
along with Maharaja Jaswant Singh, in order that he might ob-
struct the advance of the Deccan army. When Aurangzeb's army
arrived and the forces were drawn up, Amr Singh was in the van-
guard At the time of fighting, his heart gave way and he fled
to his native country. After that he acknowledged Aurangzeb
and was appointed along with Prince Muhammad Sultan to pursue
Shujâ'. Out of folly he did not stand firm, and on hearmg con-
tradictory news from court, turned back on the march without
receiving leave from the prince. After that he was appointed to
the Deccan and in company wifch Mirza Rajah Jai Singh was
energetic in service, in the llth year he was killed at the foot of
Sâlher fort, when the enemy fell upon the royal troops, and his
son, Muhakam Singh, was made prisoner. After some time he
paid a ransom and was released. He came to Bahâdur K. Koka,
who in that year was governor of the Deccan,' and received inerease
of rank and the title of Râo. He served for a long time. İn the
33rd vear, Gopâl Singh, the son of Muhakam Singh, came from his
home' of Râmpür and energetically entered upon his hereditary
service. He had sent his son Ratan Singh to his home to make
arrangements (about supplies), but the latter behaved with self-wıll
and did not send money for his father's expenditure. Gopâl Singh
complained to the king, but it was of no avail. in the 42nd
year Ratan Singh by means of Mukhtâr K., the governor of Mâlwa,

THE MAASIE-UL-UMABA.

509

embraced Muhammadanism and received the title of Müslim K. 1
and was made ruler of his native country. Gopâl Singh separated
from the prince Bîdâr Bakht and took refuge in the Rânâ's
country. His fortune did not advance in his native country. in
the 46th year Gopâl Singh Candrâwat came to court and was
made governor of the fort of Kaulâs.* in the 48th year he was
removed and joined the Mahrattas. But Müslim K., in the begin-
ning of the reign of Jahândâr Shah, together with Amânat K.,
Khwâja Muhammad — who had been made governor of Mâlwa and
had arrived at Sârangpur — prevented him from entering on his
property and opposed him in battle. As his companions were dis-
pleased with his acts and words they abandoned him, and he was
killed by a bullet.

EKATAZ 3 KHAN 'ABDULLAH BEG.

S. Manşür Hâjî of Balkh who was an able and experienced
man, and one of the officers of Nazr Muhammad, the ruler of
Balkh and Badakhşhân. The Khân (Nazr M.) sent him in the
12th year (of Shah Jahan's reign, 1050—1640) with some presents
on an embassy to Shah Jahan. Manşür received from the latter a
present of Rs. 50,000* and other gifts and obtained permission to
return. His sons (Muhsin and 'Abdullah) accompanied him, and
received suitable gifts and returned home. When by the exertions
of Prince Murâd Bakhsh, Badakhşhân and Balkh came into the
king's possession, and Nazr Muhammad became a vagabond, the
Hâji had charge of the government and port of Termiz. From
soundness of judgment he sent his sons Muhammad Muhsin B
and Abdullah Beg to wait upon the Prince, and expressed his
devotion to the court. At the same time a comforting letter and
a robe of honour arrived from the Prince, being conveyed by one

1 See Tod's Rajasthan, Annals of
Mevvar, Vol. I, C. XIV, pp. 421 and
424 of Calcutta reprint. See also id.
note to p. 280.

5 The Kowlass of the maps. it is
N.N.W. Haiderabad.

3 Or YakatSz. One who fights
singly, a monomaehus.

* it is 25,000 in PSdshahnâma M.
153. Shah Jahan received the em-
bassy in Kabul. The sons also got
Rs. 5.000.

6 Manşür in text, but see PSdshah-
nâma II. 545.

510

THE MAASIR-UIi-UMARA.

of the confidential servants, and S'aadat K., the grandson of Zain
K. Kokaltâşh, was sent to take charge of Termiz. Manşür made >
över the fort to the Khân (S'aâdat) and joined the Prince. By
proxy* the rank of 2,000, 1,000 horse was conferred on him and he
was made Şadr of Balkh. His sons too received suitable rank.
At the same time his eldest son Muhammad Muhsin paid his res-
pects. (Afterwards) in the 21st year he received the rank of 1,000,
400 horse, and the title of Khân and was appointed to Bengal.
There he died in the 23rd year from long-continued drinking.
Abdullah Beg eame from Balkh in the 21st year and received a
robe of honour and a present of Rs. 5,000. in the 24th year his
rank was raised to 1 ,500 with 500 horse. in the 27th year he was
made Mir Tüzük and had the title of Mukhliş K. and had the
rank of 2,000, 800 horse, in the end of Shah Jahan's reign he
was appointed to Mâlwa along with Maharajah Jeswant. As the
Rajah had been told by Dârâ Shikoh not to permit the governoıs
(Auranğzeb and Murâd) of the Deccan and of Gujarat to
advance, if they were marching to court, the Rajah blocked the
way seven kos from Ujjain, when Auranğzeb had crossed the
Nerbada and was advancing to the capital. A greatbattle took
place. Mukhliş K., with a number of Türâni soldiers, was m the
vanguard. When the Rajput leaders were slain, the Rajah
accepted the disgrace of flight and retired with his wounded men,
and many of the imperiai officers saved their lives by flight.
Mukhhlis with another body of men separated himself from the
others and by the guidance of good fortune joined Auranğzeb.

As before this, and at the time of starting the victorıous
standards, the itle of Mukhliş K. had been conferred on Qazî
NizâmâîKararüdî s <?), 'Abdullah received the title of Ekatâz K.
and the rank of 3,000, 1,500 horse, and a present of Rs 20,000.
After the battle of Kahjwâha— when Shujâ' was defeated, and-

l Pâdshâhnâma II. 545.

i Ghaibâna. Meaning that the reci-
pient was not present whetı the in-
crease was conferred. Pâdshâhnâma
II. 555. At thia time Muhsin received
the rank of 500 with 200 horse.

3 Karirûdî in Pâdshâhnâma II. 540.
Is Karârûd the Kara Sû or Black river
of Armenia which is one of the
sources of the Euphrates ? If so, it
should be spelt Qarâ.

THE MAAS1R-UL-UMARA.

511

went off to Bengal — Ekatâz accompanied. Prince Sultan Muham-
mad in pursuit of him. When Prince Sultan K. in a shortsighted
manner joined Shujâ', M'uazzam K., vvho was the commander of
the expedition, after the end of the rains, encamped at Belghatta, 1
24 kos from Akbarnagar (Rajmahal) behind a deep stream, and
built two bridges at a distance from one another of half a kos.
On the further side of the bridges he erected batteries and pro-
vided them with cannon. Shujâ' * in the month of Rabîu-1-âkhir
of the 2nd year, Deeember 1658, came to oppose, and there was a
hot engagement of cannon and muskets. When he saw that the
bridge opposite M'uazzam K.'s camp was plentifully supplied vvith
artillery he set off with Sultan Muhammad in the van to the
other bridge. 8 Ekatâz K. and his companions vvith the intention
of repulsirig him came to the battery * on chis side of the river.
M'uazzam K., on hearing this, sent Zulfiqâr K. with a body of
Aghuzân 6 and Rüzbahânîs to their assistance. On the side of
Shujâ', Maqşûd Beg called Qidrândâz (fateful marksman) and
Sarmast Afghan were killed, and on the other side Ekatâz K." and
his younger brother were killed. A number more were slain and
many were wounded.

1 'Alamgîrnâma 519, eto.

* Do. 520, top line, " beginning of
month. ' '

8 it was higher up the tributary of
the Ganges (Bhagirathî) and on
MSagzam K.'s right, 'Alamgîrnâma
520.

* id. where the word is bamürcâl,
" to the battery " and not merely
mûrcâl as in text.

8 Text tyl>et 'A'zân, but a variant
gives nüjiı and this agrees with the
Alamgîrnâma 521, top line. I believe
the proper apelling is Aghuzân or
O si uzan after the eponymous Tura-
nian hero and ancestor Oghuz. The
Rüzbahânîs are presumably followers
of the saint Rüzbahân the elder, of
Bgypt, Khazîna AşfîyS II. 12, and
whodied in584A.H., 1188. There is
another saint of the name, known as

Bûzbahân the younger, or Rüzbahân
Shîrâzî, who died in 60 j a.h., 1209-10.
See Khazîna AşBya, II. 253, but if the
AghuzSn were Turanians, it is not
likely that Persians would be sent with
them, espec, 11 v as Ekatâz was a
Turanian. See Irvine, J.A.S.B. for
1896, p. 197, note 1, and the Safîna
Auliyâ 176 and Ethe I.O. Cat., p. 307.
The Shirâzî Rüzbahânî is described in
Nafhatatü-I-TJns, Newâl Kishore lith. ,
p. 162.

6 According to the 'Âlamgirnâma
821, two full brothers of Ekatâz were
küled along with him. The Maaşir
'Alamgirî mentions two other EkatSzes,
father and son, several times. The
elder of these two went on amissionto
Bokhara and Balkh and returned after
four years, p. 149. He died in 1091,
1680, pp. 194—95.

512

THE MAASIR-TJL-TJMARA.

FAİZ üllah khân.

S. Zâhid K. Koka. At his father's death he was ten years
old. Shah Jahan out of regard to his position and from apprecia-
tiön gave him the rank of 1000 with 400 horse. Though osten-
sibly he was entrusted to his paternal grandmother HûrîKhânim, 1
yet in reality it was the Nawab Begam Şâhib who looked after
him. in the 24th year he had the title of Khân, and he gradu-
allv had increase of rank and held the office of 2000 with 1000
horse. in the 28th year he married a daughter of the Amîru-1-
Umarâ ('Alî Mardan K.). The king in his kindness ordered the
Jumla-ul-Mulk S'aad Ullah K. to bind on his head a chaplet of
pearls. in the 31st year he became Master of the Horse in suc-
cession to Sirbuland K. After the defeat of Dârâ Shikoh he
joined Aurangzeb and had an increase of 1000 with 500 horse.
At the same time, in succession to Nawâzish K., he was made
Qarâwal Beg (Chief Huntsman), and received an increase of 500
with 500 horse. in the 7th year his rank was 4000 with 2000
horse, and in the 9th year he resigned and went into retirement.
Afterwards, he again desired to enter service and was made Qüşh-
begî (Chief Falconer). in the 13th year he was made faujdâr of
Sambal Moradabad, and for a long time served in that capacity.
He came to court every year, and received much favour and then
went to his fief after taking the permission of the king. Aurang-
zeb was especially fond of him, apart from the fact that he was
a khânazâd (belonging to the household). He, too, was much
attached to Aurangzeb and waited upon the Begam Şâhib. At
last he got elephantiasis, and was carried about by an elephant.
Whenever he came to court, he was unable* to enter the Darbâr.
He paid his respects from the equipage. in the 24th year, 1092,
1681 he died at Moradabad. He s was a good and independent
man, and did not concern himself about worldly affairs, nor did he

1 The Huri JSn of Pâdshâhnâma, II. 434. She was the nurae of Jahânârâ
Begam, alias Begam Şâhib.

s Probably because there was a prohibition of Jahângîr's against diseased
persons being admitted to the Presence.

S Taken from Maaşir A. 210. Faiz Ullah was ten wben his father died in
1055, or 1645, so that he was about 46 when he died.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

513

pay court to anybody. He only kept company with birds and
strange beasts and reptiles, of which specimens were brought to
him from countries and ports. They say there were few animals,
wild or tame, known or unknown, which were not in his collection.
Even fleas, mosquitoes, moths, and lice were kept by him in
wooden and copper vessels and cherished by him. in spite of these
peculiarities, he was esteemed by persons of merit. None of his
sons was distinguished.

FAIZÎ FIYAZT (İ3HAIKH ABU-L-FAIZ)

Elder son of S. Mubârik of Nâgor who was distinguished
among the erudite of the time for austerity and piety. One of
his ancestors came out of Yemen (Arabia) from among the recluses
and courageously traversed the world. in the 9th century a.h.
(1495-1592) he settled in the town of Rel 1 in Sewistân (Sindh).
in the beginning of the lOth century Mubârik's father came to
Hindustan and settled in the city of Nâgor. As he had no living
child, when the ghaikh came into being in 911, 1505-6, hecalledhim
Mubârik. When Mubârik came to years of disoretion, he proceeded
to Gujarat and became a disciple of the preacher Abu-1-fazl of
Kâzarün and of Maulânâ' Imâd of Lâr, and acquired much know-
ledge from the learned men and the great ghâikhs of that country.
in 950, 1543-44, he came to Agra and lived there for fifty years,
and devoted himself to learning and spent his days in poverty and
contentment. He was distinguished for his reliance upon God.
in the beginning of his career he was so zealous * against forbidden
things that he would not pass by a street where music was going
on. But at last he became so fond of it that he himself practised
music and ecstatics. Many contradictory dispositions have been
ascribed to him. in the time of Selim Shâh he associated himself
with ghaikh 'Âlâî the Mahdavî, and was charged with Mahdi-ism.
What censures did he not receive from the learned ! in the begin-
ning of Akbar's reign — when the Caghatai officers were most in-

1 See B.'s biography of A.F. The

text has il (jLjf . it vraa S. Mûsâ

who came there. Mubârik's father

was S. Khizr. See J. III. 418. Appa-

rently the family removed to Agra on
account of Sher Shâh's warfare with
Mâldeo. J. III. 421 note.
2 B. XIX. and 49a

514

THE MAASIR-Ufc-TJMARA.

fluential — he showed himself as connected with the Naqshbandîs.
Afterwards he joined the Hamadânî Shaikhs. When afterwards
the Persians thronged the court, he adopted their views. Aecord-
ingly he was reported to be a Sh'iâ. He wrote a commentary (on
the Koran) called the Manba'u Nafâîs-ul-'Uyûn (the source of the
föuntains of excellence), and resembling the Tafsîr Kabîr ' (the
Great Commentary), in four volumes. He also wrote the Jawâmr-
ul-Kilam (the collection of significations). The document about
Ak bar' s IjtihâÂ — which was attested by the learned of the time —
was drafted by him, and he wrote belovv it : " This is a matter of
which I had been in hopes for several years." They say that at
last he by the exertions of his chüdren obtained a manşab (office),
though Abu-1-fazl has written that in the end of his life he suffered
from weakness of sight. He died*in Lahore in 1001, 1593. The
chronogram was Shaikh Kâmil! " The perfect Shaikh " (1001).

S. Faizi was born in 954, 1547. By his acuteness of intellect
he acquired a compecent knowledge of ali the sciences. He was
especially skilled in philosophy (hikmat) and Arabic , and he had
mastered medicine and treated the sick gratuitously. At first he
was hampered by straitened circumstances. One day he went
with his father to S. 'Abdu-n-nabî Akbar's Şadr, and represented
their condition and asked for a hundred bîghas of land, for their
support. The Shaikh on account of his bigotry found fault -vtith
nim and his father for being Shf as and contemptuously turned
them out of the assembly. Upon this Faizi had the courage to
seek to introduce himself to the reigning sovereign. Several times
those who had the right of audience had mentioned to the king
his learning and eloquence. in the 12th year, when Akbar pro-
oeeded to take Chitor, he signified 3 a desire for the production of
the Shaikh. As his contemporaries, especially the teachers, had

l The Tafsîru-1-Kabîr is stated in
Hughes's Diot. of islâm, p. 522b, to be
an authority among the Shî'ahs, and
to have been composed in thirty
volumes by Saiyid Muhammadu-r-
RSzî in 606 a.h. He also says it is of
authority among the Sunnîs. D'Her-
belot says the most esteemed com-
mentary is that by ThBlebî.

« Hediedin the end of 1001, and
on August 5, 1593. He was 88 years
old, having been born in 1505. I do
not find that Mubârik ever held any
office. Nor do I find A.F.'s makin g
any allusion to his loss of sight. it
is Badayûnî who mentions the fact.
Bloehmann XIX

8- A.N. II. 304.

THE MAASIR-TJL-UMARA.

515

an ili will against his family, they represented that this cali of
fav'our was one of censure, and impressed on the governor of Agra
that perchance his father would hide him. He sent some Moghuls
to suddenly surround the house. it chanced that Faizî was at
that time not at home. in consequence there was alarm. When
he came, he accepted the summons and set about leaving. As the
gates of income were closed, there was a difficulty, but at last the
pupils made matters easy. After an interview, he was made the
recipient of favours and was exalted by intimacy and companion-
ship. Vengeance was taken upon 'Abdu-n-nabî who was deprived
of his office and rank and exiled to the Hijâz. At last he was
ruined in property and life

As the Shaikh was an excellent poet, he in the 30th year re-
ceived the title of Maliku-sh-sh'uarâ , and in the 33rd year he wished
to make the arena of the Quintet (Nizâmî's) the field of his abili-
ties. in competition with the Makhzan Asrâr he wrote the Mar-
kiz Adwâr (Centre of Circles) in 3,000 couplets, and, in competi-
tion with Khusrau and Shirin, Sulaimân and Bilqîs, and in the
place of the Laila and Majnün, the Nal Daman, which is one of
the old Indian stories. Each of these consisted of 4,000 couplets.
in the metre of the Haft Paikâr he wrote the Haft Kişhvvar, and
in the metre of the Sikandarnâma the Akbarnâma. Each had
5,000 couplets. in a short time he commenced five poems but
could not bring himself to finish them. He would say it was time
to erase life's record, not to beautify the lofty portico of fame.

in the 39th year Akbar urged him to complete his poems, and
an order was given that he should finish the Nal Daman, in the
same year he finished it and presented it. But as for a long time
he was fond of solitude and had taken the road of silence, in spite
of the king's efforts he did not finish the Quintet. in the begin-
ning of his illness — asthma — he had said :

Verse.

See what cruel sorcery Heaven hath wrought !
The bird of my heart twittered l from its cage,

' Shabâhangl kard, " Behaved like a nightİngale " î Perhaps we should
»ender " sounded the dawn."

516 THE MAASIR-UIv-UMARA.

That bosom which could contain an universe
Ib straitened to emit half a breath.

And in the time of iliness he often said this :

Ver 8e.

Should the whole world come into one's grasp
'Twere not good that an ant's leg should grow lame.
On lOth Şafr 1004, 5th October 1595, and the 40th year of the
reign, he died Fayâz 'Ajam (wondrous bounty) is the chrono-
gram. For years he used the pen-name of Faizî. Afterwards he
called himself Fayyâzî. He himself said :

Verse. 1

Before this, when I coined words

Faizî was written on my signet,

Now that I am an expert in Love

I'm Fayyâzî from the ocean of Bounty (Fayyâz).

The Shaikh composed* 101 books. One strong witness to his
talents is the commentary called the Sawâtâ-ul-Ilhâm, " Rays of
Inşpiration," which is without dotted letters. Mir Haidar, the
riddle-maker, found the date of completion (1002) in the contents
of the Sürah Ikhlâş, 8 and received Rs. 10,000 as a reward for
this (ohronogram). Faizi also wrote the Mawâridu-l-kilam,
" Stages of Word8," without using any dotted letters. The learned

THE MAASIR-UL-TJMARA.

517

1 B. 549 and Badayünî III. 307,
who gives the lines as part of a palin-
ode whioh Faizî compoaed in praise of
the Prophet in 1003. Abu-1-Fazl
states they occur in the Nal Daman,
and this- is correct. See the ooncla-
sion to that poem.

* This statement is apparently
taken from the Mirâtu-l-'Alam, but
if the latter's authority w as Bada-
yünî, it seems to me that Badayünî's
woıde aıe oapable of another interpre-
tation. See Badayünî III. 306 and
editör' s note. See also Darbar Akbarî,
pp. 388 and 377 (top lioe). Appar-
ently what Badayünî says is that in

Faizi's library there were 101 copies
of the Nal Daman. Abu-1-Fazl has an
account of his brother's works in the
thirıl volume of his letters, and what
he says is that his brother had written
40,000 lines (bait) in prose and
verse.

3 The Sürah Ikhlâş is a famous
chapter of the Koran and is No. 112.
it begins, " Say God is one God."
There are only three verses and the
abjad value of the words in them is
1002, 1593-94. The Darbar Akbari
remarks, p. 376, that the bismillah has
to be omitted. But then this is not
partr of the three verses.

men of the age objected that up to the present day no one of the
eminent writers had — however great was their devotion {walu'
" Love or Devotion ") — written a commentary (on the Koran) with-
out dotted letters. The Shaikh said that when the holy creed
(Kalinıa-i-tayiba 1 ) — which was the foundation of the Faith — was
without dots, what other proof did they want ?

They say that among the property left by the Shaikh were
4,300* choice books. They were confiscated by the government.
The Shaikh by his learning and excellencies became prominent at
court. He was appointed to teach the king's sons. He was also
sent on an embassy to the rulers of the Deccan. He never had
more than a 400 manşab. S. Abu-1-fazl, though he was the
younger brother, rose to become an Amir. While Faizî was aüve,
Abu-1-fazl attained the rank of 2,500. in the end he arrived at
the highest rank. Many adduce the following verse as evidence
that Faizî led Akbar to become a non-worshipper : —

Verse.

Observe how appropriate gifts are distributed by Fate to

each —
The mirror to Alexander, the sun 8 to Akbar ;
The former showed his own face in the mirror,
The latter displays God (Haqq) in the sun.

Though there is no doubt that the great luminary and glory
of the world is one of the greatest marks of God's power, and
that the arrangement of the evil world depends on it, yet the
mode of glorification — which is not the way of the followers of
islâm — and the words of Abul-1-fazl imply such a view (as is
alleged against him).

His brjlliant verses and odes are universally known. He wrote
a couplet about wine.

1 The creed Lâ İlaha ete.

2 4,600 according to Badayünî III.
305.

8 By manipulating the letters in a

certain way. Faizi showed by abjad
that the letters of Ajtab, the sun, and
Akbar yielded the same number, viz.
223. See A.N. translation I. 65.

518

THE MAASIR-UL-TTMABA.

Verse. 1
Why, O sword of Love, cut the handa : if you'r just.
Better cut the tongues of the reprovers of Zulaikha.

FAKHIR KİJAN.

S. Bâqir K. Najm Şânî. in the third year of Shah Jahan, at
the time the latter was in the Deccan, he presented a decorated
pardakı* (a belt ?) and some jewels as the tribute of his father
who was governor of Orissa. He received a suitable rank. After
his father's death he got an increase and had the rank of 2,000
with 1,000 horse. For some time he was, on account of a fault,
without an office or fief. in the 2 ist year he was confirmed in
his old rank, and got the title of Khân and the office of Mir
Tüzük in succession to Nawâzish K. On account of some im-
proper acts he was for a time excluded from doing homage. in
the 27th year, at the request or Dârâ ŞJıhikoh, he was restored to
his rank. in the 29th year he received an increase of 500. in
the battle of Samogara he commanded 3 Dârâ Shikoh's lef t wing,
and afterwards fled to Lahore. When the standards of Aurang-
zeb adorned Agra he paid his respects. He was deprived of his
mansdb but lived * in the capital on a pension. He was alive up to

1 Compare the verse in B. 558, test
I. 240, top of Rage and the note.
There is an elaborate notice of Faizi
in the Darbâr Akbari, p. 359, ete.
Apparently the verse was intended as
an an9wer to Faizi's critics. Abu-1-
Fazl's preface to Faizi's works is in
vol. III. of his letters. There is a
biography of Faizi in Blochmann's
Ain translation, p. 490. See also
A.S.B.J. for 1869, p. 137 note.

On referring to the passage again I
am not sure that what the author of
the Maaşir says is that Faizi wrote a
poem about wine (6ar mai), and think
the allusion may be to the versestrans-
lated by B. at p. 559. These are in
praise nf epiritual or mental wine, and
perhaps the couplet about Zulaikha is
quoted by the author to indicate that

Faizi is not speaking of material wine,
and therefore should not be censured.
But the passage is, to me, obscure.

2 Pâdshâhnâma I. 315. Pardala
does not oecur in our dictionaries.
From Kâmgâr Husaini's Maaşir Jahân-
gîri B.M. MS. Ör. 171, p. 163a, Rieu's
Cat. , 257a, it is clear " that pardala is
something conneeted with a sword, for
there we have the ezpression pardala-
i-shamsher. See also id., pp. 98 and
108a. I believe that pardala is a belt
and variant of the Hindustani word
partal, a belt or strap. İn Khâfî K.
I. 337, the sword is spelt partala, the
ezpression being pnrtala-i-almâs , " a
diamond belt." it was a present
from Shah Jahan to his father.

S 'Alamgirnama 96.

♦ id. 236.

THE MAASİE-UL-UMARA.

519

the 23rd year of the reign and then died. His son, Iftikhâr by
name, held up to the 30th year of Shah Jahan the rank of 700
with 1 20 horse. When Aurangzeb succeeded , he in the öth year
got the title of Mafâkhir K. in the 9th year his rank was 1,000
with 450 horse. He was the son-in-law of Asad K.

FARHAT KHÂN. 1

His name was Mihtar Sakâî and he was one of the special

attendants of Hümâyûn. When in the battle with M. Kâmrân,

the treacherous officers joined with the latter, Beg Bâb&i of Kulâb

came from behind and struck Hümâyûn with a sword. He

stumbled, and Farhat K. came up and put him to flight. When

Hümâyûn marehed from Lahore to Sirhind to encounter Sikandar

Sür, Farhat was made Şhiqdâr of Lahore. When Shah Abu-1-

M'aâlî was appointed to the province, he, without any orders,

removed Farhat, and appointed his own men. Afterwards when

Prince Akbar was sent there, Farhat joined him and was received

with favour. During the reign of Akbar he was made fiefholder bf

the township of Kürâ.* When H. M. was returning from the

eastern districts, he halted at Farhat's house and was entertained

at a banquet. in the battle with Muhammad Husain M. near

Ahmadabad he did good service. When M. Muhammad was made

prisoner and asked for water, Farhat became indignant and struck

him on the head with his hands, saying " According to what law

should a rebel like you get water ? " The king blamed him and

gave the Mirza drink out of his own flask. in the 19th year he was

sent to take Rohtâs. This is a strong fort and has cultivation and

springs on the top of the hill sufficient to supply the garrison.

When some days had elapsed an order was issued to Mozaffar K.,

who at that time had been appointed subordinate to Farhat in

order that his pride might be broken, to chastise the Afghans

who were making a disturbance in Bihar, and he (Mozaffar) was

made an object of favour. Farhat commanded the left wing in

ı B. 441.

* This is Corah of the old Regu-
lations. See J. 167 where it is spelt

Korarah. it is in the Allahabad dis-
trict, and is the Kara of the I. G.
XIV. 416.

520

THE MAASIR-UL-ÜMARA.

Mozaffar's battles with the Afghans. When' Gajpatî Rajah made
a disturbance in Arrah, which was Farhat's fief, Farhat did not
judge it proper to encounter him and took refuge in the fort (of
Arrah). When his son Farhang K. heard of his being besieged, he
went ofî to help him. Active swordsmen hamstrung his horse.
He dismounted and fell, fighting bravely. Farhat's fatherly affec-
tion was moved on hearing of this ; he came out of the fort and
was killed like a loyalist. This occurred in the 21st year, 984,
1576-77.

(IHTİŞHÂM K. IKHLÂŞ K. SHAİKH) FARlD FATHPÜRl.

Second s. of Qutbu-d-dîn Khân Shaikh Khübân.* By the end
of Jahangir's reign he had attained the rank of 1,400 with 400
horse. in the first year of Shah Jahan he had an increase of 500
with 200 horse, in the 4th year he had an increase of 200 horse,
and in the 5th year he had the rank of 2,000 with 1 ,200 horse. in
the 8th year he had the rank of 2,500 with 500 horse and was
attached to Aurangzeb's army whieh was appointed to chastise
Jujhâr Singh Bandîla. in the 9th year at the time that the king
was in the Deccan, he was sent off with Shaista K. to take the
forts of Junair and Sangamnir. After the taking of Sangamnîr
he remained there as thânadâr. in the llth year he went off with
AşâlatK. to subdue the rebels of pargana Candvvâr. 3 in the 15th
year he distinguished himself at the taking of Mau and afterwards
went with Prince Dârâ Shikoh to Kabul. At the time of leaving
he was presented with a flag. in the 18th year he was appointed
to the charge of the province of the capital and had the rank of
3,000 with 1,500 horse. in the 19th* year he went with Prince
Murâd Bakhşh to conquer Balkh and Badakhşhân. When the
Prince returned from there, and Bahâdur K. Rohilla had set out

l A. N. III. 169. The biography
does not notioe that Farhat was one
of the two men vrho threw Adham K.
över the terrace. A. N. II. 175.

4 Jahangir's foster brother killed by
Nür Jahan 's first husband. (Beale),
Maasir III. 66.

8 P5d*âhnâma II. 21, and Khâfî
K. I. 652, have Jadwâr and it is so-
also in the Ain J. II. 290. it is in
Sarkar Sambhal.

* Khâfî K. I. 619.

THE MAASIR-TTL-TMARA.

521

from Balkh to ptınish the Almânân, Ihtişhâm was left in charge
of the city.

in the 22nd ' year when it was reported that he on account of
excessive jealousy had delayed to join Rajah Bethal Dâs who had
been appointed to Kabul, he was deprived of his rank and jagir
and placed among the pensioners (lashkar-i-d'uâ). in the 3lst year
he received favours and obtained the rank of 3,000 with 2,000 horse
and was appointed to serve under Prince Sulaimân Shikoh who
had been ordered to encounter Muhammad Shujâ.' He was
appointed to the governorship of Patna and received the title of
Ikhlâş K. in the first year of Aur^tngzeb he was appointed among
the auxiliaries of Khân Daurân who had been appointed to take
Allahabad. As the title of Ikhlâş K. had been bestowed on
Ahmad Khweşhgî, he got the title of Ihtişhâm K. After the
battle with and flight of Shujâ', Ihtişhâm was with (Prince)
Muhammad Sultan and displayed bravery in the Bengal campaign.
in the end of the 6th year he came to the presence, and did hom-
age. in the 7th year he was appointed to the Deccan along with
Mîrzâ Rajah Jai Singh. After the taking of Poonah he took up
his abode there as thânadâr. in the 8th year corresponding to
1075, 1664-65, he died. Shaikh Nizâm his son, after the first battle
with Dârâ Shikoh, was raised by Aurangzeb to the rank of 1,000
with 400 horse.

(SHAİKH) FARID MURTAZA KHÂN BOKHÂRI.

it is said in the Iqbâlnâma * that the Shaikh was a Musavî
Saiyid. This is somewhat strange, for the Bokhara Saiyids are des-
cended from Jalâl BokhârI (Makhdûm Jahâniân') — may his grave
be holy ; and he was seventh in descent from imâm Hamân 'Alî
Naqî AlhâdI — may Peace be upon him. They say 8 that his fourth
ancestor Saiyid 'Abdu-1-Ghaffâr of Delhi left his descendants the
injunction to give up subsistence lands (madad m'aâşh) and to
adopt the military profession. in fact, the Shaikh early entered
Akbar's service, and by his excellent loyalty and service became a

1 in Khâfî K. I. 683-84, there is an
allusion to his punishment. He was
raade a day pensioııer (rozînadâr).

2 KSmgsr Husainî also says so.
8 Price's Jahangir, p. 23.

522

THE MAASTR-UL-UMARA.

favourite and grew intimate and trusted. His ability, address
and courage made him famous. in the 28th year, when the Khân
'Âzam returned from Bengal on acoount of the uncongenial
climate and came to Bihar, and fhe military disposifcions were made
by Wazîr K., Qutlü Lohânî had prevailed över Orissa and was
practising insubordination and oppression ; and had added to
his possessions some Bengal estates. İt was arranged that
Shaikh Farîd should interview him in a certain place, and settle
conditions of peace. The deceiver didnot appear at the appointed
interview. The Şhaikh, 1 from his good intentions and simplicity,
listended to some glozing tongues and proceeded towards his
quarter8. Qutlü came forward with fawning and meditated that as
soon as the men had göne to their repose he would seize the
Shaikh and conceal him and make use of him as a hostage for his
own designs. The Shaikh perceived this and at the beginning of
the night sought to return.

There were no horses lef t in the jilauühâna (stables) and the
road had been blocked in some places. A hot fight ensued, and
the Shaikh got upon his own elephant. By a vvönderful fate the
elephant became unruly and went off on the wrong road, The
Shaikh came to a stream and was seeking for a ford, when
suddenly a number of men arrived and shot arrows and wounded
him. The Shaikh flung himself down and went off, while they
fchought he was stili in the howda. Meanwhile a servant came and
put him on his horse and brought him to the camp.* The pro-
posed peace failed and Qutlü had the disgrace of fraud, and in
successive fîghts had to traverse the desert of unsuccess.

ı A.N. III. 406.

* The story is told here as in A.N.
406, but Nigâmu-dîn, Elliot V. 429,
and Badayüni, Lowe 333, teli it differ-
ently. According to them Qutlû did
not behave badly. it was Bahâdur
who did so. See also Stewart's
Bengal 1 77. The story is also told in
Nüru-1 Haq's Zabdu-t tawarikh which
is specially devoted to the glorification
of S. Farid. But the account there.

p. 215b and 216a of B.M. MS. Add.
10, 580, makes no mention of BahS-
dur. it says that Farîd took 300
horse with him, that many of the
horses were removed and that 5,000
or 6,000 Afghans lay in ambush. Sai-
yids Shânü and Abdullah Latîf were
killed. The affair took place in the
Burdwan district. Qutlû was defeated
afterwards and went off to Jhirkand.

THE MAASIR-TTI/-UMARA.

523

in the 30th year the Shaikh attained the rank of 700, and by
the 40th year he had arrived at the rank of 1 ,500. He became
Mîr Bakhşhî. Having become a bakhşhî he acted like a Vizier and
for some years he on account of the incompetence of the diwan
drew to himself the charge of the diUsân-i-tan which is part of the
diwan's office, and distributed jagirs to those who sought for
assignments (tankhwâh). Af ter l the death of Akbar, two good
aervices were performed by the Shaikh which raised him above his
peers, or rather above ali the officers and pillars of the empire.

The first was that when Jahangir at the time he was Prince
behaved independently in Allahabad and conferred titles and
manşabs and distributed fiefs, Akbar increased the dignity of
Jahangir 's son Khusrau so that men thought he was the heir-
apparent. Af ter the Prince (Jahangir) came tö the Presence,, he
was not devoid of turbulence (shorish dimâgh), The Emperor de-
layed and dissembled. As the Prince's (Selîm's) men had göne off
to Gtujarat — which had recently been* assigned to him as his fief
(tiyüî) — the Emperor intimated tp him in his illness that he should
confine himself to his house, outside of the fort, lest the party of
the opposition should make a disturbance. Mirza Azîz Koka and
Rajah Mân Singh were, on account of their relationship with
Sultan Khusrau, plotting to make him ruler, and placed the gates
of the fort in charge of their own men. The Khizrî gate they
made över to Shaikh Farîd in co-partnership with their own men.
Farîd — who had the coiıtrol of the army — was annoyed and came
out of the fort and saluted the Prince, and congratulated him as
Emperor. The Amîrs heard of this and crowded in from every
side. Akbar was stili breathing when Rajah Mân Singh was won
över by beihg confirmed in the government of Bengal. Jahangir

1 The Maaşİr does not refer to Far-
id's victories in Kaahmîr, for whioh
see the Akbarnâma and Zubdu-t-
tanrarîlih, MS. 235, ete.

'* it is stated in A.S.B.J. Numis-
mafcio Supplement for 1904, p. 68, that
Selim never was governor of Gujarat.
Ferhaps this is technically correct,
but the passage in text shows that he
had oonneetions with the pro vince.

The Mirat Ahmadi, lith. ed., p. 193,
also states that Selim received in the
last year of Akbar a grant of a lac of
rupeos out of ttıe colleetions of ehe
port of Cambay. He may therefore
have had sufficient influenoe in Ouja
rat to iasue Selimi cotns at Ahmada-
bad in the last year of his father's
reign.

524

THE MAASIR-UL-TTMARA.

came into the fort and ascended the throne and the Shaikh received
the title of Şâhibu-s-saif-u-al qalm (raaster of sword and pen) and
received the rank of 5,000 and the high office of Mir Bakshi.

The secorid was when flatterers and foolish talkers put
thoughts of empire into Sultan Khusrau's head. in the fîrst year
of his father's reign, 101*^1606, he on 8 Zi-I-hajia, 6th April, fled
by night and went plundering from Agra to Lahore. The Shaikh
pursued him with a number of ofticers, and Jahangir himself
followed close at his heels. The Âmiru-1-Umarâ Sharif K. and
Mahâbat K — who had enmity with the Shaikh — represented that
the Shaikh was intentionally delaying. He did not intend to seize
Khusrau. Aecordingly Mahâbat K. canıe from the king, and spoke
idle words. The Shaikh did not move from his place and gave an
answer eorresponding to his loyalty. Sultan Khusrau heard of
the arrival of the Shaikh at the Sultanpur river and withdrew
from the siege of Lahore. With 12,000 troopers whom in these
few days he had gathered together he turned to encounter ' Farîd.
The ghaikh with an inferior force went to meet him and crossed
the Beas and engaged. A severe battle took place. The Saiyids
of Bârha and Bokhara distinguished themselves and devoted their
lives. Sultan Khusrau after many had been killed fled to the
desert and the Shaikh went on a plain beyond the battlefield and
enoamped.

On the same day two or three hours after night Jahangir
came up on the wings of swiftness and embraced the Shaikh. He
passed the night in his tent, andhe, at the request of the Shaikh,
made that spot, which belonged to pargana Bhaironwâl, a pargana,
and gave it the name of Fathâbâd and presented it to the ghaikh.
He also gave the Shaikh the title of Murtaza K. and gave him the
government of Gujarat. in the 2nd year the ghaikh sent from
Gujarat a ruby of Badakhşhân — of which the stone and the ring
and the setting were ali out from one piece of ruby and which
weighed one mişqâl,* (15 surkhs) and was of very fine water and

1 GladvrtD calls the battlefield Go-
trind wal.

* SeeTûzuk J., p. 63. A migqSl is
said to be one-»ixth oF an ounoe. A

rurkh is the same as a rati, viz. the
seed ol the Abrus precatotius. For
the complaints of the Gujarat people
against Farîd, sea Tüzük J., 73.

THE MAASIE-UL-TTMARA.

525

colour — as a present. it was valued at Rs. 25,000. As the people
of Gujarat were tormented by his brother's ways and manners,
they complained, and he was summoned to the prese ltfe and in
the 5th year was made governor of the Panjab. in the year 1021,
1610, he was appointed to the affair of Kângra which belongs to
that Province. in the town of Pathân in 1025, 1616, and the 1 lth
year of Jahangir, he died. His tomb is in Delhi in the cemetery
of his ancestors. in accordance with his will a building was
erected. The chronogram is Dâd, khürd burd (1025, 1616): " He
gave; 1 he took little." Ali he left came to one thousand ashrafîs.
The ghaikh was adorned with outward and inward excellen-
cies. Bravery and bounty (shujâ'at ba sakhâwat\ were united in
him. His universal liberality opened the door of abundance in
the face of mankind. No one who approached him saw the f ace
of disappointment in the mirror of his thoughts. On his way to
the darbar he distributed garments (qabâ), blankets, sheets, and
shoes to the poor passers-by. He distributed small gold and silver
coins with his own hand. One day a dervish received alms from
him seven times. The 8th time he whispered to him, '' Hide what
you have tak en seven times so that other dervishes do not take it
from you." Monastic persons (ahi khângâh) , pious persons, needy
persons and widows received fixed allowances daily or yearly, both
in his presence and privately, without sanads or paruoânas. There
were many subsistence-tenures in his fiefs. The children of those
who had been in his service had ali fixed monthly allowances and
they sported, as if they were his own children, in hii3 arms. He
appointed masters to teaoh them in Gujarat he had the names
of the Saiyids — male and female— written down, and gave from his
own establishment wedding-clothes for their children. He even
put money in deposit for those who were in the womb. Aecord-
ingly, whoever after that came into existence, got wedding ex-
penses from that money. But he gave nothing to panegyrists or
singers. He founded many hostels and serais. in Ahmadabad
he established a quarter called Bokhara. He built the mosque
and cemetery (Rauza) of Shâh Wajhîu-d-dîn, and in Delhi he left

t B. 415.

g 2 g THE MAASlR-TTIrUMARA.

Farldâbâd 1 with buildings and a tank. in Lahore too he estab-
lished a quarter, and a great bath in the market-place there !s hu..
The Shaikh three times a year gave grand dre 3 8e3 to the kıng s
servants with whom he had to do, and to some he gave nine
things (tuqüz). To his own servants he gave yearly a khılât, to
the footmen a blanket, and to the sweepers (halâUcMr) a pan: of
shoes This was his custom ali his life, as long as he hved he dıd
not grudge it. To some of his companions who also had ]a gl rs he
gavealacof rupee» a year. He kept 3,000 selected and weU-
horsed troopers as his contingent. From the time of Akbar to the
reign of Jahangir he never entered a dwellin g -house (of his own).
He was always in the advance-camp • (peshkhâm). There were
three watches and every day 1,000 (?) persons (troopers ?) werc
fed Five hundred were entertained and to another 500 port.ons
were sent. He paid his soldiers with his own hands. He dıd not
grumble at the erowd of men and the noise and confusıon.

They say that an Afghan named Sher Khân was one of his
best servants. He took leave from Gujarat and went to his home
and stayed there five or six years. When the Şha.kh was appoml,
Z to the Kângra campaign, he eame to the town of Kalânur and
paid his respect, The Shaikh told his bakhshi D.arka Das t
give him the man's account in order that he m# «end the
money to his family The bakhşhî wrote out his account and
g ave it to the Shaikh for the insertion of the date. The Shaikh
got, angry and said, « He is an old servant. If for some reason he
has ceme late, hovv has our work sufiered , » He made out h»
account from the date that his salary had been entered on the
establishment and paid him Rs. 7,000 !

Good God' Though there is the same ınterchange of nıgnt
and day, the same movements of the planets and revolutions of

1 The Zabdu-t-tawârikh speaks of
Faridabâd as being four far-akha from
Delhi. MS. 249b. Farîdâbâd is S.
Delhi. See Proceedings A S.B. for
1873. P- 197, The inseription there
given 8hows that Farîd waa a. Saiyid
Ahmad of Bokhara. See Bloctmann,
620, »nd I. G. XII. 51.

4 On referring to the MSS. the read-
ing peshkhâna is doubtful.

5 Text fard kharj-i-ao. But B.M.
MS. Add. 65- has fard chihrah, " the
statement of his appearance," i.e. his
deseriptive roll, and this is probably
the true reading. See Irvine A. of M.,
47.

THK MAASTR-UL-UMARA.

527

the spheres, yet at this portion of Time this land is without such
men. Perhaps they have göne to some other country !

The Shaikh had no son. He had one daughter, and »he died
childless. Muhammad S'aîd and Mîr Khân were his adopted sons
and they spent their days in pomp and pride, and lived extrava
gantly. in their presumption they paid no regard to the imperial
dignity. Not to speak of their conduet to Amîrs, they would
even pass before the j har oka (emperor's window) of the palaee
on the Jumna with many torehes and lamps. They were of ten
forbidden, bat it had no effect; At last Jahangir signified some-
thing to Mahâbat K. He told Râjî Saiyid Mubârik of Mânik-
pür— who was his confidential servant — to. get rid of them quietly.
One night Mir K was returning from the Darbar when Saiyid
killed him, and was himself wounded by him. The Shaikh (Farîd)
brought a charge of murder against Mahâbat K. He in the
presence of the emperor brought forward positive proof (baiyîna)
by trustworthy (?) witnesses that Muhammad S'aîd (the other
adopted) had killed Mir Khân, and that he should exact retalia-
tion from him. The Shaikh from the nature of the assembly
understood what was the real object 1 of the allegation and said
nothing. but withdrew from the prosecution.

(MİRZA) FARIDÜN» KHAN BARLAS.

S. M, Muhammad Quli K. Barlâs. On h» father's death he
Vas graciously treated by Akbar and received 4 suitable rank. İn
the 35th year öf the reign he accompanied the Kh&n-Khanân
'Abdu-r-Rahîm on the Tatta campaign and distinguished himself.
When the country of Tatta (Sind) was conquered he in the 38th
year accompanied Jânî Beg to court. in the 40th year his rank
was 500. When Jahangir came to the throne he, in the second
year, received a fief in the province of AUahabad and had the
rank of 1 ,000 zdtt u saıvâr (personality and horse) . in the 3rd year
his rank was 1,500 with 1,300 horse. and aftervrards it was inereased

1 Asi mudd'aâ. The real meanîng
Of the allegation that Muhammad S'Sıd
wa» the murderer. Parhapa a»l here

means root and refers to Jahan-
gir.

i B. 342 aad 478.

528

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

to 2,000 ' horse. in the 8th year he was attached to Sultan Khar-
ram (Shah Jahan) and employed in the campaign against Rânâ
Amr Singh. Aftervvards he died. a The appreciative sovereign
gave his son Mihr 'Alî the rank of 1,000 with 1,000 horse.

FATH JANG KHÂN MÎYÂNA.

His name was Husain K. and İle w as one of the leading offi-
cers of the 'Âdil S. dynasty. Though he waa not nearly related
to Balılûl K. Mîyâna, yet he by birth and ability was one of the
distinguished men of Bîjâpûr. As the household servants of the
'Âdil Shah dynasty did not eonsider their king, but were inde-
pendent and squabbled vvith one another, the affairs of the king-
dom fell into decay and hostile desires increased. Aurangzeb had
long ago determined upon uprooting the Qutb Shah and 'Âdi 1
Shah dynasties, and when he was obliged to visit the Deccan as
king, his old designs were confirmed. Fath Jang from foreseeing
the end of thirıgs, and by his good fortune came to the royal thresh-
old and in the 26th year did homage in the cita.del of Auranga-
bad. By the king' s order, Âtişh K. Rûzbahânî received him at
the door of the Ghuslkhâna, and Aşhraf K. Mir Bakhşhî advanced
as far as the terrace. He received the rank of 5,000 with 5,000
horse, a flag and a drum, and the title of Fath Jang K. and a
present of Rs. 40,000 and so beeame the envy of his contempo-
raries. His brother and other relatives received suitable robes of
honoıır and offices.

At the same time a wonderful occurrence 3 took place. Prince
Muhammad 'Â'zim Şhâh — who had taken leave to go to Bîjâpür — .
was summoned to the presence from the bank of the river Nîrâ.*
One day when he came near the city on horsebaek, suddenly Fath
Jang's elephant got violent and rushed at the head of the party
(/awj) and came near the Shah. He (the Prince) discharged an

1 in the 5th year his rank was 2,000
with 1,500 horse. Tüzük J. 83. Tn
the 7th year he was raised to 2,500
with 2,000 horse. Tüzük 112.

2 He died in the 9th year at TJdai-
pür. Tüzük 131.

3 Maaşir A. 230.

♦ River in the Poonah distriet.
Lat. 18.4 N. Lon., 74.13 E. it now
feeds a Canal.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

529

arrow at him, but he came nearer, and the Prince's horse beeame
unmanageable. The Prince dismounted and faoed the elephant
and struck it on the trunk with his svvord. Meanwhile the men of
the escort who had been dispersed, killed the elephant by fatal
wounds. When the Prince vvas appointed to the Bîjâpûr expedi-
tıon, Fath Jang beeame one of those attached to him. in the
battle of the batteries there he distinguished himself and beeame
decorated with wounds. Aftervvards he vvas made governor of the
fort of Râherî, and served there for a long time. He had several
engagements with the banditti (the Mahrattas), and in one he was
made prısoner. Sambhâ treated him with respect and brought him
to Râherî. There he died. He was a quiet man, devoted to his
dutıes. Among his sons-most of whom died during his lifetime-
Qudrat üllah was faujdâr of Tâlikoth. in the 50th year Tâlikoth
(Tahkot I.G. XXIII, 214) together with the government of Bîjâpûr
was made över to Husain Qulîj K, Bahâdur. The said Khân
(Qudrat Ullah) was made faujdâr of Mahkar, in the Berar Bâlâ-
ghât. in his time the enemy (the Mahrattas) fell upon the town
and plundered it. Among his brothers, Yasîn K. vvas thânadâr of
Kararı ( a l 80 known as Mândgâon, in Berar) and held faujdûris in
that quarter. in the time of Bahâdur Shah, Purdil K Afghan
superseded him. Quarrels arose between them about the collec-
taons and ended in battle, and Yasin K. was killed.

FATH JANG K. ROHILLA.
His father was Zechariah K., the brother of Usmân K. Rohilla,
who for a long time was one of the Deccan auxiliaries Though
his rank was small, he was much trusted and respeeted. in the
13thyearof Shah Jahan he vvas made faujdâr of Khândes, and
distinguished himself in that office by the introduetion of approved
regulations, and by looking after the Rohillas. in the 30th year
he (Usmân) died a natural death. His rank was 1,000 with 800
horse. Zechariah K. also vvas distinguished for courage. Fath K.
surpassed his father and uncle, and by his energy and courage he,
in the time of Shah Jahan, obtained his uncle's rank. in the 26th

l Jarrett II. 233.

530

THE MAASIR-UL-TTMARA.

year he was made faujdâr of Tündâpür in Khândes- whıch is the
mouth of the Bâlâghât— and after that was made faujdâr of
Çopra 1 in the same provınce. His rank became 1,000 with 800
horse. They say that he had very pleasant manners and that in
spite of the smallness of his rank he was an eminent Amir, and
that his establishment was on a greater soale than his position.
He was a man of an öpen brow and one who had a liberal hand.
Though he was not without eloquence and knowledge, his gentle-
ness and humility were such that if he happened to fail in with a
low person {pâcî, qu. pâjl) he would go to his house and show such
amiability as surprised people. He was unrivalled for the way he
looked after his elan, and as a commanding officer (dar tumandan).
He bore the burden of assisting his brother and nephews— who
were ali distinguished for courage— and he served well Prince
Aurangzeb when he was governor of the Deccan. in the campaign
when the fort of BadrO* Kalyan was tiken by the imperial officers,
the Prince sent him and Mir Malik Husain Koka against Nilanga
whieh they quickly took. When the Prince proceeded to Upper
India to take the sovereignty, Fath K. with his brothers and sons-
in-law accompanied him, and after leaving Burhânpür he got the
title of Khan. After the battle with Maharajah Jeswant he
received the title of Fath K. Jang K. and the gift of a flag and
drum and the rank of 2,500 with 2,500 horse. in the battles with
the claimants to the sovereignty he and his brothers distinguished
themselves. After the battle of Khajwa he was appointed to ac-
company M uazzam K., the Khân-Khânân, in his pursuit of §hüj&'
and did good service in that general's vanguard. in the end of
the year of the Accession, the Khân-Kh&nân proceeded from
Akbarnagar (Râjmahal) to Sûtî 8 — which is fourteen kos further on

l J. II. 226. The Chopda of I. G.
X. 327.

5 Perhaps this sbould be " the forts
of Bîdar and KalySn," and the inci-
dent may refer to the 31st year of
Shah Jahan. See Elliot VII. 124, ete.

s The text has Sûlî, and JahSngîr-
nagâr instead of Akbarnagar. But a
reference to the 'Âlamgîrnâma 406

shows that the place is Sûtî or Sooty
in the N. of the Murshidabad djstrict
and that it is Akbarnagar, and not
Jahângîrnagar, which was 14 kos
away. Sooty is on the Bhagirathî,
which is mentioned in the Maaşir III.
542, in conneetion with Sûtî. See also
Stewart, Hist. of Bengal, 271, who
speaks of Mîr Jumla erossing at Sooty.

THK MAASIR-ÜL-UMARA.

531

than Akbarnagar — and he ' sent some brave men in boats to the
other side of the river where the enemies' batteries were. VVhen
sorae had landed, a battle took place, and some war-boats of the
enemy fought a naval battle. Many returned unsuocessful. His
brother Hayât known as Zabardast K. — who was with a number
of his companions in a boat — wounded and killed many, and he
got a gunshot-wound * and two wounds with arrows and then es-
caped from the enemies' boats. Shahbâz and §harif , brothers of the
Khân, and Rustüm and BasOl, his nephews, and a number of his
conneetions and follovvers were in another boat. They had not ali
landed when the enemy attacked them. Shahbâz was killed by an
elephan t , and Rustüm and Rasül and others were killed. The others
were wounded and made prisoners. Afterwards, when the Khân-
Khânan appointed Mukhliş K. to the faujdârî of Akbarnagar, he
lef t him there along with Zabardast K. and Fath K. After the busi-
ness of Shujâ' was finished, Fath K. came from Bengal to the pre-
sence. As his heart was inclined to service in the Deccan, he be-
came an auxiliary in that country. in the Bijâpür campaign he in
company withMîrzâRajah Jai Singh had command of the leftwing.
When he approached Bijâpür Sherza K. Mahdavi and Sidî
Ma'saûd came into the imperial territory and stirred up commo-
tion. By chance, at that time, Iskandar, who was called Şalâbat
K. and was the brother of Fath Jang, had come to within four
kos of Parenda with the intent of joining the Rajah. Sherza K.
with 6000 troopers fell upon him. He guarded his honour and did
not think it fitting to turn back from them and with 40 troopers
of his own followers they acquired fame by sacrificing their
lives. Every one of his brothers was distinguished for his cour-
age. He held pargana Jâmeza 8 in Khândes in fief. He took the

See also 'Âlamgîrnâma 504 where it is
stated that Sutî is about 14 kos from
Akbarnagar on the way to Jahângîr-
nagar and that Mîr Jumla encamped
there and ereeted batteries on the
river-bank, ete.

> 'Âlamgîrnâma 505, ete. it was ia
May 1 659. Mîr Jumla's men erossed
över the river to take a fort. but were

surprised and defeated. From p. 501
of 'Âlamgîrnâma it appears that
ShujB's battery w as on a chur or island
in the river.

5 'Âlamgîrnâma 508.

3 The variant Jâmnîya agrees better
with J. II. 225 which ha» Jâmner.
I. G. XIV. 50.

532

THE MAASIR-UL-UMAKA.

maqaddamî (headship) of most of the districts and made the vil-
'age Paiparî his residence. it is eight kos from Fardâpür and on
the way to Burhânpür. He laboured to develop it, and his sons
established themselves there. Up to the end of Aurangzeb's reign
his son Tâj K. was alive and preserved his authority. After him
preeminence ceased. it is about ten years that the village has
göne out of the possession of the family as a jagir owing to their
want of prudence. But they hold possession as zamindars. His
son-in-law Ilâhdâd K. took up his residence in the town of Mang-
laur Shâh Badra-d-dîn. He erected a very lofty gateway to his
house. His descendants live there.

FATH KHAN.

Son of the famous Malik 'Ambar, the Abyssinian. During
his father's lifetime he was distinguished for courage and gener-
osity. After his death he became the administrator for the Nizâm-
shâhl family and left no power to Murtaza Nizâm Shah the 2nd.
The latter was instigated by turbulent men, and arrested Fath K
and sent him to Junair. They say that by the help of a vvoman
who was a braeelefc-maker (chürlgar) he with a file got rid of his
fetters and escaped. He joined his army and went off to Ahmad-
nagar. The Nizâm Shah appointed an army, and in fche battle
that ensııed Fath K. was wounded and made prisoner. He was
imprisoned in Daulatabad. Nizam Shah after some time ascer-
tained that Mtaqarib K. , a Turkish slave, who was chief swords-
man (Mîr Shamşher) and had been made general in the room of
Fath K., and Hamîd K. Abyssinian, the Vakîl us-sultanat, were not
conducting affairs properly, and so he made Fath K. vakil and
commander-in-chief as before. They say that Fath K. on this
occasion was released by the instrumentality of his sister who was
the mother of the Nizâm Shah , and that he from this time adopt-
ed the dress of a soldier (?) After the death of Hamîd K., he
obtained the control of affairs.

in fine, he got a hint from past occurrences, and set about
cultivating the 'Ambarî Abyssinians, and made them his friends.
As he perceived that his release from prison had been the result
of necessity, and that he would be imprisoned again whenever

THE MAAS1R-UL-UMARA.

533

that perfidious one had recovered heart, he anticipated matters
and in 1041, 1632, imprisoned the Nizâm Shah, giving out that he
\vas insane, in the same manner that his father (Malik 'Ambar)
had kept him in confinement. 1 Also on the first day he put to
death twenty-five of the old, leading officers. He reported to
Shah Jahan that he had imprisoned the Nizâm Shah who
from short-sightedness and wickedness was opposing the (imperial)
servants The order in reply was that if this statement was true
he should cleanse the vvorld of the Nizâm's presence. Fath K.
had him put away 5 and gave out that he died from natural causes.
He appointed in his rootn Husaiıı, a boy of ten years of age.
When he again reported what had occurred, Shah Jahan demand-
ed the elephants and jewels, ete. of the Nizâm Shah. Fath K.,
in spite of his obedience and submissiveness, delayed to send
them. Accordingly Wazîr K was sent off in the fifth year from
Burhânpür to take Daulatabad. Fath K. hurriedly sent his eldest
son 'Abdur-r-Rasül with the jewellery and elephants, which were
valued 8 at eight laos of rupees. J'aafar K received him and
brought him to do homage. in this way Fath K. escaped the
king's anger. As Fath K. carried on the administration withoût
any partner, 'Adil Shah of Bîj.âpûr \vished to get rid of him and
to take possession of Daulatabad. He sent a large army under
Farhâd K. Fath K. wrote to Mahâbat K., the governor of the
Deccan, that his father's wi!l stated that the office of sweeping
the courtyard of the Timuride Princes was better than the Bîjâ-
pür domimon, and begged him to come before the arrival of the
'Âdil Shah forces. This circumstance has been detailed in the
account of Mahâbat K. When the latter arrived from Burhân-
pür, Fath K., whose words and acts did not agree, was led away
by the flatteries of the Bîjâpür Ieaders and w as besieged (by
Mahâbat).

When provisions ran out, he soon had recouvse to supplica-
tions and surrendered the fort on conditions. He went off with

1 C{. EHiot VII. 29, and Pâdshâh-
namâ I. 395.

2 KhSfî K. I. 461, »nd Pâdshâh-
n5ma I. 402.

3 Khâfî K. 1. 467. There were 30
elephants, 9 horses and jewe]s. See
PSdshâhnâma I. 411.

534

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

Mahâbat K. along with the boy Nizâm Shah and the dependants
of that family which had ruled the cöuntry for 145 years. Mahâ-
bat without any apparent cause broke the treaty and imprisoned
Fath K. in Zafarnagar, and confiscated his goods. in acoordance
with of ders, islâm K., who had been removed from the govern-
ment of Gujarat, oame to Burhânpür and brought the ruined
family to the presence. The Nizâmu-1-Mulk was imprisoned in
Gwalior, but Fath K. was treated with favour. The conferring
upon him of high office was under consideration when, perhaps in
consequence of a wound to his head which had affected his brain,
improper expressions were used by him, and he fell out of favour.
But his property was restored to him. and he got two laes of
rupees a year as an allovvance. He lived in retirement in Lahore
for a long time with ease and comfort'till at last he died a natural
death. They say he held much con verse with people of Arabia,
and used to give them money. His brother Cingîz entered into
service before him in the second year and attained the rank of
2,500 with 1,000 horae and had the title of Manşûr K. Many of
his relatives received suitable offices.

As Malik 'Ambar was not a royal servant, his biography does
not come into this work, but as he was one of the leading men of
the age, some account of him cannot be avoided. He was a Bîjâ-
pur slave. He and other bold Abyssinians became servants of the
Nizâm Shah and he became distinguished for courage and ability.
When Queen Chând Sultan was put to death in 1009, July 1600,
by the svvords of some irreflecting Deccanis, and the fort of
Ahmadnagar came into the possession of the Emperor Akbar, and
Bahâdur Nizâm Shah was made prisoner and confined in the fort
of Gwalior, total weakness fell upon the Nizâm Shahdynasty,
which had been declining since the time of Burhan Shah. None
of the effective officers remained in authority, and Malik Ambar
and Râjü Mîyân Deccanî raised the standard of power. The first
had control from the boundary of Telang to within four kos of
Ahmadnagar, while the second had power from the north of Dau- j
latabad to the boundaries of Gujarat and in the south to within
six kos of Ahmadnagar. Murtaza Nizâm Shah the 2nd, who was
the son of Shah 'Ali, held the fort of Ausa (Owsa of I. G.) and

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

535

some villages for his expenses. As each of these two leaders
wished to conquer the other's land, they were constantly contend-
ing vvith one another. in the year 1010, 1601-1602, there was a
severe battle 1 in the neighhourhood of Nânder between Malik
'Ambar and M. Trij, the son of 'Abdu-r-Rahim, the Khân-Khânân,
and Malik 'AmUar was carried off from the field wounded. The
-Khân-Khânân, who knew his designs, rejoiced and made peace,
and Malik 'Ambar too considered this a gain and had an inter-
view, and made a treaty with the Khân-Khânân. As he had been
often defeated by Râjü, he now, with the help of the Khân-Khâ-
nân, defeated him and brought Murtaza Nizâm Shah into his
power and kept him under surveiüance in Junair. After that
he led an army agamst Râjü and made him prisoner and took
possession of his country. As in Upper India the oontentions of
Prince Sultan Selim, the death of Akbar and the rebellion of
Sultan Khusrau quickly followed one another, Malik 'Ambar
was able at his ease to increâse his power, and he collected
numeröus soldiers, and took possession of most of the Imperial
estates. The Khân-Khânân on account of the necessity of the
times had to submit to this. When the power of Jahangir was
Consolidated, armies were repeatedly appointed. Malik 'Ambar
was sometimes defeated, and sometimes victorious, but did not
cease to oppose. Afterwards, when Shah Jahan, the heir-apparent,
was sent to the Deccan and ali the rulers of the Deccan sub-
mitted to him, Malik 'Ambar made över most of what he had
acquired to the imperial vakils and stood firm in the path of obe-
dience. He continually oarried on disputes with the 'Âdil Shahis
and the Qutb Shâhis and was repeatedly victorious. He received
money as tribute (n'albandi). in 1035, 1626, he died a natural
death at the age of eighty He was buried in the Rauza of
Daulatabad between the shrines of Shah Muntajibu-d-dîn Zar-
bakhşh and §hâh Râjüî Qatâl. There is a lofty dome and a wall.
in spite of ali the revolutions a tract is set apart to the present

1 This was Irij's fire t victory över
Malik 'Ambar, and occurred in 47th
year of Akbar's reign. Seo AkbarnSma
IH. 815, and Maasir U. II. 645. His

second victory was near Khirkî in tho
10th year of Jahangir. See Tüıuk,
translation, p. 312, and Elliot VI. 343.

536

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

day as In'âm land which supplies lamps and oil. in military
acts and in statesmanship and right judgment he was uniqtıe. He
had thoroughly mastered the method ' of qazâql fighting which in
the Deccan is called barglgiri, and kept the evil-doers and vaga-
bonds of the country in order. He laboured much in protecting
the peasantry and in the advancement of agriculture. in spite of
ali the commotion and turmoii, for the Moghuls and the Deccanis
\vere always fighting, he developed the village of Khirkî, five kos
from Daulatabad, which is now known as Khujastabanyad-
Aurangabad, and made tanks, gardens and lofty buildings there.
They say that in the distribution of charity and other good works ,
and in the administration of justice and the relief of the oppres-
sed, he was very strong. He patronized poets A certain poet
has said in praise of him —

Verse.

There waa Bilâl ,* the servant of the Apostle of God ;
After 1000 years there came Malik 'Ambar.

FATH ULLAH KHWÂJAGl.

Son of the Hâjî Habîb-Ullah Kâshi (of Kâshân) who, on
account of his business-capacity and sagacity, was sent 3 to the port
of Goa in the 20th year of Akbaı to bring the rarities of that
place. He returned to court with the curiosities in the 22nd
year. Abu-1-Fazl says* in the Akbarnâraa that one of the most
remarkable things he brought was an organ. The said Hâjî died
in the 39th year. Khwâjagî Fath Ullah was one of the 3ervants
of Akbar, and was an intimate of his. in the year that the king
made a rapid expedition to the shrine at Ajmere, he was sent 6 off -
to bring Qutbu-d-dîn K. Atga, and an order was given that he
should bring him by the Mâlwa route in order that by sending
skilful men, he might, by exciting hopes and fears, induce the
ruler of Khândes to send Mozafîar Husain M. He came there

ı Copied from Iqbâln5ma 271. See
Elliot VI. 428.

2 Bilâl, like Halik 'Ambar, was an
Abyssinian.

3 A N. III. 146.

' * A.N. 228. Hâjî Habib died on

1 KhurdSd 1002, May 1594. His son
is referred to by Blochmann, 499.
6 Do. 250.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

537

and acted according to orders, and dexterously went himself along
with the envoys to Burhânpür. After that he went off to the
Hijâz without orders. He afterwards repented of this and came
back along with the Begams who had göne on a pilgrimage and
returned. in the 27th year he was pardoned ' at their interces-
sion and did homage.

in the 29th year he was appointed* to watch the Bengal
officers who on account of bad health 8 were neglecting the king's
business. in the 30th year when the Khân A'zim Koka had been
appointed to the Deccan he was made bakhşhî of the army and
accompanied him. in the 37th year he was sent off with S. Farîd
Bakhşhî to put down Yâdgâr, the cousin of M. Yûsuf K., who had
tuned up the strain of sedition in Kashmîr. in the 45th year,
when the royal standards were at Burhânpür, he was sent with
Mozafîar Husain M. to take the fort of Lalang. When Mozaf-
far, on account of the insanity in his disposition, absconded,
he with the troope reached the förtress, and the garrison from
want of provisions surrendered the keys. He made an agreement
with some of the Khândes soldiers who were desirous of proving
their obedience and brought them to court. At last he in the
same year obtained leave to go to Nâsik. When he came near
the fort of Gâlna, S'aadat K., the talûqdâr, who had long enter-
tained the wish to enter servioe, came and waited upon him, and
surrendered the fort. in the 48th year he, at the requeU of
Prince Sultan Selfm, who was living gloriously in Allahabad, ob-
tained* the rank of 1,000 and was attached to the Prince. After
the accession of Jahangir he was made 6 Bakhşhî.

FATH ÜLLAH KHAN BAHADÜR 'İLAMGIRSHÂHÎ.
His name was Muhammad Şâdiq and he was one of the Sai-
yids of Khost which is a district in Badakhshân. He was an old,
experienced soldier and at the head of distinguished swordsmen.'

ı A. N. III. 386. He came back
with Gulbadan Begam's party and
suSered on the journey with her.

1 Do. 440.

3 Şahat but the variant tafrabat
" companionahip " ia more likely.

* A.N. III» 824. [ p . 13.

• Rogers' translation of Tüzük,

538

THE MAAS1R-UL-TJMARA.

THE MAASIR-UL-TJMARA.

539

in the beginning he was in eompany with Khân Fîrüz Jang and
was raised to a mansab under the crown. He became famous for
his courage and single-fighting. in the 27th year when Khân
Fîrüz Jang, as a reward for his repeated onsets and his hard con-
tests with the Mahrattas, received the name of Ghâziu-d-dîn Khân
Bahâdur instead of that of Şhihâbu-d-dîn , Fath üllah, who had
distinguished himself in those battles, received the title of Şâdiq
K. He spent a long time as a follöwer of Khân Fîrüz Jang and
did good service. He received the title of Fath UUah K. After-
wards he lef t Fîrüz Jang and became the recipient of royal
favours. He was always employed in patrolling the country and
in chastising the Mahrattas. in the 43rd year af ter the king had
resided for four years in Islâmpürl he moved out to take Sambhâ's
forts. The Khân şhowed alacrity in taking forts by raising
batteries and driving mines. in the siege of Satara, which is
situated on the ridge of a mountain, whose head ' rises to the
Pleiades (Şaryâ) whiie its root descends beyond the Earth (Şarâ),
he made under the captaincy of Rüh UUah K. another battery*
opposite the fort-gate. in his energy and boldness he came near
the door of the fort and wished by the blow of ân iron fist to
destroy it. The awe caused by him, and the fear of other batteries,
which had come near, made the fort surrender. He was also a
predominant partner in taking the fort of Parlî 3 which was in
extent and height the equal of Satara. When Satara had been
fcaken, Fath UUah was appointed to act in the vanguard in taking
Parİî. Aurangzeb himself accemplished the journey in three days
and pitohed his tents in front of the fort-gate. Fath UUah paid
no regard to the strength of the fort, but exerted himself to raise
batteries and to place guns on the creşt of the hill, and did the
work of years in a few days. He placed a battery under a long
and broad rock which sloped down opposite the wicket-gate

' r

ı Maaşir A. 413. The alluaion to

8 Elliot VII. 367. " Sis miles

the 1 leiades may refer to the popular

south-vest of Sat tara." The des-

but apparently erroneous etymoiogy

cription of the capture is taken from

which makee SStSra mean seven stara.

the Maaşir A., p. 424, ete; For Parlî

See I. G. XXII. 129.

see I.G. XX. 5.

2 A.N. III. 415.

(darica) of the fort, but it was very difficult to get över this rock.
If this rock could be gained possession of, the eapture of the fort
would be very easy. The Khân with a body of men came out
upon the rock and in that field which estended up to the darica ot
the fort he attacked the garrison with the sword. They could not
resist and ran to the darıca. The Moghuls rbllowed close behind.
As the Khân had not determined upon entering the fort, he
wished that he shouid come out upon the rock, and establish his
men there, and bring up a gun and demolisn the wall. Thehrfidels
strengthened the darica and raised a typhoon of musket-fire and
threw bombs from the top of waU. They also set fire to a quan-
tity of gunpowder which, in antioipation of such a day, they had
laid down in the exit from the fort. Faqîr UUah K., the grandson
of Fath UUah, and some 67 others ' were kUled. As there was no
shelter on the rock the troops could not remain there. They
came down and took up their old position. But the tutnult of
the fight had put fire into the souls of the infidels, and the smoke
of their conceit evaporated. They cried for quarter, and in the
course of H months in the 44tb year the fort was taken. The
chrpnogram* was Hazâ Naşr üllah, " This is God's victory." As
the fort was one of the works of ibrahim ' Âdil Shah who had
founded it in 1035, 1626 and he made use 8 of the term Nauras
to everything which was new, it was now called Nauras Târft.
The Khân received an increase of rank and obtained leave to go
to Aurangabad to recruit his foUowers. He came to the presence
at the time of the siege of Parnâla and it was ordered that on one
side Tarbîyat K. Mîr Âtish shouid raise a battery and Fath UUah
on the other under the leadership of Prinoe Bîdâr Bakht, and
with the aid of Mun'im K. shouid make a second approach (siba).
He in the course of one month cut through the stony ground as if

1 '• 60 or 70 ", Maaşir A., 427.

2 This yields 1112, 1700. The text
says nothing about the heayy rains
which made the siege difficult and led
to a famine.

3 The Maaşir A. instances the book
called Nauras which wag a treatise oa
mueic by ibrahim 'Âdil Shah to which

Zuhari wrote a preface (see Rieu Cat.
741), and the city Nauraa-i-Ibrâhîm
founded by ibrahim. See also Oarçin
de Tassy Litt. Hind. vol. II. 4 and
III. 349, Apparently there were nine
Bas according to IbrShîm, so perhaps
Nau stood both for " ne w" and for

540

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

541

it were easier than earth, and made a road to the wall so that road-
makers were astonished. The besieged became frightened and
asked for quarter. He received the title of Bahâdur and his re-
putation increased.

When the royal army nıoved from Parnâla towards Kahtâ-
wan l — where there was a harvest and abundant (apparently this
is the meaning of the name) provisions — to establish a camp, he
was sent to take Dardângarha which is two kos from that village.
The garrison out of fear of him left the fort empty and thought
themselves lucky to have saved their lives. The fort received the
name of Şâdiqgarha* (Maasir A., 443) from being associated with
him. From Kahtâwarı a force was sent to take Nândgair and
Chandan and Mandan, under the learîership of the bakhshiu-1 mülk
Bahramand K. in a short time the garrisons of ali three had no
resource except to surrender or flee. The first was ealled Gtlrü,
the second Mif tâh , and the third Maîtüh. in the 45th year the
royal standarda moved from Şâdiqgarha towards the fort of
Khelna — which was the head of ali the hillforts and surrounded
by difficult jungles. in a few days the army arrived there. On
account of the stony ground, and the steepness of the paths, and
the num erous hollows 3 and ravines, it was difficult for the army to
proceed, especially as there was a spaee of four kos, the difficulties
of which had frightened people ; but by the exertions of Fath
Ullah and the labours of hatchet-men and stone-cutters, ali the
asperities were made easy. The Khân was presented with a spe-
cial quiver, and under the command of the Amîru-1-Umarâ Jum-
lau-1-mulk (Asad K.) and the companionship of Hamldu-d-dln
K., Mun'im K. and Rajah Jai Singh, he was appointed to the
siege. On the same day he took the ridge from the enemy and
established a battery* there. Next day another ridge came into
possession and guns were placed on it. Great efforts were made
to extend the batteries and saps. With labours like those of Far-

1 Apparently this is the Khatao of
I.G. XV. 265. For Dardan Garha the
Maasir A. has Ward5r Ghara.

2 He had also the name Muhara
mad Şâdiq, M. A., 443.

'i Char, which is a mistake for jatr-
See Maasir A., 449, line 3.

* Text baljâr, perhaps a mistake for
müljâr. See III. 363, line 6. But
bal or buljar seems to be also in use.

had, passages ' were made in the hill until they reached the waist
of the bastion.

Adits were driven in various directions. Gold was scattered
ali day, and Fath Ullah himself worked along with the labourers
As from the fort, stones * of 100 and 200 maunds weight were thrown
down continually, suddenly a stone came on the broad roof
(takhta) and broke it. The Khân was "knocked över by the blow,
which fell upon his head — and went rolling down to a deep cavity.
He held on to a litter 4 (kajâwa) which had fallen down. Cries
were raised by the men, and the dust of despair covered the face
of everyone. They brought him up senseless, and af ter a long time
he recovered His head and chest were so damaged that he was
confined to bed for a month. He then returned to his work, and
was considering how he might change * his plan and make an at-
tack from the side of another bastion when the taking of the fort
was accomplished by the exertions of Prince Bîdâr Bakht. The
Khân Bahâdur received the present of a jlgha (a turban-orna-
ment), and the addition of " 'Âlamshâhi " to his titles.

Though the deeds and good services in the taking of forts and
the extirpation of foes which the Khân Bahâdur performed were
such as others did not show, yet Aurangzeb on account of policy

l Text dhâbha. See Maasir A. 455,
where the expression used is dhaba
bastan. Dhâba is apparently the Hin-
dustani word given in Forbes as mean-
ing a terraoed roof.

* Matvıöla, " a drunk man," appa-
rently slang for one of these rolling
stones.

3 Maasir A., 455, and Khâfî K. II
497. The description in the latter is
more Hıiııute. Khâfî K. had already
stated II. p. 49b, âlliot VII. 371, that
camol-saddles (kajâıvaha) and baskets
were fllled with earth and rubbish and
eveu with the heads ete. of men and
quadrupeds, and their eontents used
in raising the earthworks or peıhaps
the covered approaehes. Fath Ullah
was in his eagerness working along
with the labourers vvhen an enormous

stone fell on the top of the work. it
struck the kajâuıa whıoh Fath Ullah
had got hold of, and both he and it
were hurled down. He was saved by
the kajâvıa, to which he clung, being
caught by a tree. He had been struck
both on the head and the leg

* ghalat andâz , " to revolve, as a
millstone." The passage is taken
from the Maasir A., 456, but the word
dlgar, " another ' ' , af ter burj has been
omitted. According to the Maasir A.,
455, the ornament he got was a aar-
pech, and it was given to him on his
return to work af ter his îllness. The
Maasir A. 456 saya the credit of taking
Khelna was really due to Bîdâr Bakht.
it gives the date of the conquest as
10 Zîl-Kajja 1113, 27 April 170^

542

The maasir-uj>umara.

and foresight did not reward him in a suitable manner. The king
knew him to be a leader full of courage and daring. One day he
represented that if 5,000 troopers were given to him, he would un-
dertake to extirpate the Mahrattas from the Deccan. The king
said that first he would require to have inreadiness another leader
like him with 5,000 horse. For these reasons the Khân did not
wish to remain at court. He begged several times to be appoihted
to Kabul which was his native oountry. in the 47th year he
received the rank of 3,000 with 1,000 horse and went off to Kabul,
in the 49th year the th&nadârî of Lohgarha in that province was
given to him, in succession to Allah Yar K., with an inorease of
200 horse. Af ter the death of Aurangzeb — when Bahâdur Shah
moved from Peshawar with the other ausiliary officera of the pro-
vince — an order veas sent, summoning the Khân, who had göne fco
his home. Near Lahore it was reported that Fath Ullah K. had
withdrawn himself in spite of the order. The Prinee remarked
that Jân Nisâr K. — who in courage was not inferior to Fath Ullah —
would arrive with a large force in Agra y should the Khân not come.
I^e died in the beginning of Bahâdur Shah's reign. He was a
thorough soldier. He was plainspoken and rough of tongue.
One ' day on account of his having done something which dis
pleased Aurangzeb, the latter sent him a measage of reproof by an
eunuch. He said in reply that a man of perfect understanding
when he came to eighty years of age. lost his reason and sense.
" I am a mere soldier and am a hundred leagues off from God, and
am become the dregs of creation. I am needlessly İingering on
this stage." When the eunuch represented to him the impro-
priety of his language, he replied in humble and apologetic lan-
guage.

THE MAASIR-TJL-UMARA.

543

I KhSfî K. II. 498, where the word-
ing is diSerent. Tbe sting of the ı«-
mark was that it applied to Aurang-
zeb who waa even older than Fath
Ullah. Instead of " a hundred leagues
(faraakh) from God, 1 ' KhSfî K. has
"a handred stages from Keaaon."
Apparently Fath Ullah cömpared him-

self to a worn-out soldier who had
lagged behind the others on the march
and was useleasly staying on the aban-
doned stage (marhal a). Perhaps Khud-
siq5hi means Khudtawâr, a headstrong
or obstinate person. Cf. " Superflt'
ous lags the veteran on the stage —
where stage may mean station.

(AMİR) FATH ULLAH SHIRÂZI.

He was the unique of the age in theoretical and practical
sciences Though he gathered abundance of knowledge in the
schools of Khwâja Jamâlu-d-dîn Mahmüd, Maulânâ 1 Kamâlu-d-
dln Shirwânî, Maulânâ* Kard, and Mir Ghiyâsu-d-dîn Manşür
Shîrâzî, yet the rank of his knovriedge rose higber than theirs.
'AllâmI Abu-1-fazl 5 says, " If the old books of science were lost,
he could have laid a new foundation, and would have had no need
for those that had göne ' '

Verse 1

He was at önce at the top of knowledge by the vigour of his

intellect
And a glory to intellect by the splendour of his knowledge

Âdil Shah of Bîjâpür by a thousand efforts brought him
from Shîrâz to the Deccan and made him his prime minister (vakîl-
i-matlaq) After 'Âdil Shah's days were ended, 6 Fath Uİlah came
in the 28th year, 991, 1583, by the summons of Akbar to Fathpür.
The Khân-Khânân and Hakim Abul-1-fath received him and intro-
duced him. He was treated with royal favours and in a short
time was made an intimate companion. He was appointed to the
office of Şadr, and received the daughter of Mozaffar K. Tarbatî
in marriage. it is stated that he attained to the rank of 3,000,
and that at the New Year's feast of the 30th year he was made
Amînu-1-mulk. 6 An order was issued that Rajah Todar Mal should
conduct financial and political matters in accordance with the
Mîr's opinions and should complete the old transactions which
had not been scrutinized since the time of Mozaffar K. The Mîr-
drew up sundry regulations tending towards the improvement of
the finances and the amelioration of the peasantry, and these

i Text »rongly has Jamalu.

of Chând Bîbî, Avas killed by a boy

1 The Akbarnâma III. 401, from

in 988, 1580. The statement in text

which this account is taken, has Maul-

that Fath Ullah came to court in the

ânâ Ahmad Kard.

28th year is wrong. He came in the

8 id., id.

25th yaar as stated in the A.N III.

* This couplet comes from Faizi 's

401.

elegy, A.N. III. 563.

« A.N. III. 457.

' 'Adil Shah, who was the husband

544

THE MAASIR-TJL-ITMARA.

were accepted. in thesame year he received the title of 'Azdu-d-
daula (arm of the State) and was sent off to adrise Rajah 'Alî K. , the
rulev of Khândes. He returned unsuccessful and joined the Khân
A'zim who had been appointsd to attack the Decoan and to chas-
tise the rulers thereof. As he behaved badly to Shihâbu-d-din
and the other auxiliary officers, affairs did not progress satisfac-
torily, and the Mîr af ter receiving much vexation went ofî in the
3lst year to the Khân-Khânân in Gujarat.

They say the Mîr had got leave in order to arrange the affairs

of the Deccan. As A'zim K. Koka and Shihâbu-d-dîn were not

on good fcerms, Rajah 'Alî K., on observing the hypocrisy of the

officers, united the Decoan army under himself and prepared for

battle. Though the Mîr tried to bring him round, he was not suc-

cessful. He was helpless and went to the Khân-Khânân in Gujarat

in order to get his assistance. That too did not sueceed. From

there he came to court. in 997, at the time of the return of the

king from Kashmîr, he remained behind in the city on acoount of

illness. Hakim 'Alî failed in his treatment of him. Badayünî

says that as he was himself a physician, he did not follow Hakim

Mişri and tried to cure his fever by harisa, 1 and died. He died in

the monastery of Mîr Saiyid 'Ali Hamadânî. By the king's

orders his body was removed from there and buried on the top of

the Koh-i-Sulaimân, which is a delightful spot. The chronogram

is Firishta büd (he was an angel). Akbar was much grieved at his

death and* said, " The Mîr was at önce our Vakil, philosopher,

physician, and astronomer. VVho can comprehend the extent of

our sorrow ? H he had fallen into the hands of the Franks and

they had wanted the whole of my treasures in exckange for him I

should have made an exoellent profit by such trafficking, and have

thought that splendid jewel to be very cheaply purchased."

Verse.*
The world-Shâhinshâh's eyes were filled with moisture at

his death.
Sikandar shed tears of sorrow when Plato left the world.

1 B. 33n and 60.
* A.N. III. 558.

3 Thîs couplet is part of the poem
on Amir Fathullah's death by Faizi.

THE MAASIB-UL-UMABA.

545

Şhaikh Faizi wrote a splendid ode as an elegy upon him, of
which these are some verses.

Verse.

Men of soul die not, nor shall die.

Death is but a name when applied to this caste,

Body is but a vesture över the spirit-frame.

When it grows old, the old-destroying heaven removes it.

'Tis a weight on life ' and a mist o'er joy,

A clothing of the strong vvith old garments ;

But* he (death) is generous in this f amine year of liberality

in that he giveth the poor garments not grown old.
it is mentioned in the Tabaqât (Akbarî) that in addition to
Amir Fath Ullah's having no equal in Persia or India, or rather m
the habitable world in ali the sciences. he was skilful in contrı-
vanoea and mysteries. He made a mili 3 which worked of itself and
ground flour, and a mirror whiclı shovved strange figures near at
hand and far off; and a vvheel which cleaned* tvvelve gun-barrels

See Badayünî II. 370, 71, but Baday-
ünî does not quote the other lines
givea in the Maaşir. Thoy are how-
over to be found in the A.N. III,
564.

1 A.N. III, 564 has hubâb " i/ove ' '
in place of hayât " Life."

2 The two last lines are obscure.
They may re/er to daatlı, or to God.
The veraes form part of Faizi's elegy
on Fath Ullah and Hakim Abu -1-Fath.
See A.X. I. e. where 200 lines of the
elegy are given, and also Badayûni,
Lowe, 382. Badayünî also noticee
Fath Ullah in III. 154 . ■

s See Tabaqât A. Uth. p. 389,
and the translation in B. 275, note 1.
"He ooustruoted a millstone which
was pjaeed on a cart. it turned itself
and ground corn " The Darbârî A.
681 says the mili waa movod by wind,
but probably this is a wrong guess.
The mili was worked by the motion
of the wheels, and so A. F. vvrites,

Blochmann 275, " When this carriage
is used for travelling, or for carrying
loads, it may be employed for grind-
ing corn." A. F. ascribes the inven-
tion, and also that of the maohine for
gun-cleaning, to Akbar; see B. 27 5
and 115,

* Text pur (or par) mişhud. There
is the variant 6ar. but the Tabaqat
reading is sir. But probably ali these
readings are wrong, and we ahoulci
read burghû or bürghü, a Turkî vvord
meaning a corkscrew ete. it is evı-
dent from Plate XV in the Ain that
the machine w as a wheel worked by a
bullook which caused tvpelve, or it
may be sixteen, brushes to cleanse
the gun-barrels. The passage about
the mirror is obscure. Possibly the
meaning is that Fath Ullah con-
structed a magıcal mirror which en-
aoıed him to foretell the king's ap-
proach, otc. See Badayünî III. 15*-
Thephrase?orişqâl J^l J* used there

546

THE MAASIR-UL-TJMARA.

at önce. Badayünî writes that the Mir was so worldly that in
spite of his high rank he did not withhold himself from teaching
children. He would go to the houses of the officers and teach
their children elementary knowledge, and did not preserve his dig-
nity. in the royal retinue he would put a gun on his shoulder,
and a bag at his waist and run like a footman, and in athletic
sports he was a Rustum. it is also notorious that the Mir in spite
of his science and attainments used to say with ref erence to the
king that if he had not entered the service of that adorner of plu-
rality and chooser of unity, he should not have taken the road to
a knowledge of God. The Mir established the Divine Era in the
year 992, 1584. For a long time the king had wished to introduce
a new year and month into India, for the Hijra era had become
impracticable on account of its age, and its commencement was
a day of rejoicing to enemies and of sorrow to friends. But on
account of the crowd of conventionally learned men's considering
that eras are assoeiated with religion, the change did not take
effect. The Mîr and others like him who had embraced the Divine
Religion made this era their foundation, and orders were issued to
the provinces in order to introduce it. it was based upon the
new Gürgânî tables, and Akbar's accession ' was made the com-
mencement. The year and month were solar and intercalary days
were done away with.

FAZAlL KHÂN MIR HÂDI.
Eldest son of Wazîr K. Mîr Hâjî the diwân of Prince Muham-
mad A' zam Shah. He was possessed of lofty talents and excel-
lent character and had acquired accomplishments and excellencies
from Şhaikh 'Abdu-I-'Azîz of Agra, He held a high place in the
estimation of the prince. in the beginning of the 27th year

and at II, 315 and which Mr. Lowe
translates by "disoovering treasures "
seems to mean the science of mecha-
nics lit. "the drawing of weights."
See Steingass s.v. jarr wbere jarr-i-
saqîl is defined as the science of
mechanics. in Wo)laston's English-
Persîan Dict.'ilm-i-jarr-r-şaqîl is given

as the translation of " the science of
mechanics."

1 This is not correct. The era
began with the New Year, 1 Fanfar-
dın, which fo)lowed the accession,
there being about a month between
the two.

THE MAASIB-TJL-ÜMARA.

547

when Prince Muhammad 'Azam went for the first time to the
Bîjâpûr campaign, the king became for some reason displeased
with the Mîr, and Âtish K. Rüzbihânî was sent ' to the Prince's
câmp to bring him to the presence. He was first put in charge of
Ruh Ullah K. (the 2nd) and aftervvards put in charge of Şalâbat
K. On 25 Ramzân of that year, 7 September 1683, he was in
accordance vvith orders confined in the fort of Daulatabad.
Af ter that, he went to Agra by order, and there spent his time in
retirement and in instructing pupils. At last his good fortune
returned and he was restored to favour. He was summoned to
the presence and kissed the threshold. The robe of Mîr Munshî-
ship was given to him and he was made Superintendent of the
Library. in the 44th year he was put in charge of the household
(Bîyûtât) in the room of Khudâbanda K. and afterwards was in
addition made deputy-Khânsâmân. On 6 Zî-l-q'ada of the 47th
year, 1114, 13 March 1703, he died.

By his ability and extensive learning he was the unique of
the age. With ref erence to himself he used to say,* " Here is the
man, what is the work (required)," and the king used tosay about
him that he carried on the duties of deputy Khânsâmân in such a
way as to make the ,house bright. When he was in charge of the
secretariat, he one day represented (to the king) that in the Hindi
language and Hindi mode of writing there was no letter H, and
that although the letter A was included among those letters which
had been entirely abandoned in the Hindi language, yet in place
of it and of 'ain and hamza they had a letter which they employed
at the beginning, middle, and end of words. But of the twelve
vowels which they make use of, and make the foundation of their
compounds there is one which they cali kâna and which they
employ at the end of words. This in form and in pronunciation
is the letter Alif. At the beginning of islâm (in India), transla-
tors and Persian writers, from ignorance, made this alif into an
H. For instance, they wrote, for Bangalâ and Mâlwâ, Bangalh

ı Maagir A. 237.
Mîr Khân.

2 Maasir A. 471.

He is there called Muhammad Hâdî and the son of

548

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

(and Mâlwh). The king, who was all-knowing, and was acquaint-
ed with Hindi, approved and prdered the officials of the depart-
ment to write auch words with alif. 1 .

Mîr Murtaza K., the Kbân's daughter's son, was a disçreet
youth and had a military turn. He vvas a memorial of the family.
For some time he was in company with Mubâriz K., the governor
of Haidarabad, and was faujdâr of Midak in that pro vince.
Afterwards, he served Nawab Âşaf Jâh, and had charge of the
colleetions of îlkandal and led a force against the zamindar of
ShamsI — which is commonly known as Kâlâ Pahâr. He behaved
with activity and approached the fort alone. A bullet pierced his
breast and he died.* They say that as he had embezzled much
money of the government, he committed 3 suicide.

FAZIL KHAN.

He is Aqâ AfZal of fspahan and came from Persia to India.
He beeame eonnected with Shaikh Farîd Murtaza K. The
Shaikh advanced him on account of his knowledge and good
judgment, and gave him a fixed allowance of a lac of rupees a
year. Indeed the Shaikh, who was an oeean of genius and liber-
ality, and a fountain of appreciation , gave many persons annual
allowances of a lac of rupees or of Rs. 80,000. For instance, he
gave Rs. 80,000 to Amir Beg, the brother of Fâzil K. When the
government of the Panjab was made över by Jahangir to the

1 'I am indebted to Dr. Grierson for
an explanation of the word kâna.
He informs me that " it means the
perpendicular atroke of a Devanâgarî
oonsonant and aıso, specially, the
form which long S takes when non-
initial. The word is in common use
in reference to handwriting." it is
ourious that the word does not oeöur
in ordinary dictionaries though it
does in Molesworth's Mahratta Dict.
The passage in text is taken from
Khafi K. II. 399. Aurangzeb's
orders do not seera to have heen
carried out for we generally find Ben-
-çal and Mâlwa written with a final h.

2 İka u khabâza gardîd. Variant
Ve dü khıyâra B.M. MS Add. 6566
has janâza ' ' a corpse . ' ' See the note
at the end of the biog aphy of 'Abdu-
l-Qawî where the same phrase ooours.
The word8 as given there I. 229 are
ba kadü khiyara gardid ' • made him
like a striped pumpkm (î), reduced
him to pulp ? " The expression Teally
is taken from the inseription put by
Prinee Daniel on his favourite fowl-
ing pieoe, and means that he beeame
a corpse.

s Literally, gave himself to be
kjlled.

THE aiAASIB-UL-UMABA.

549

Shaikh, the latter made Âqâ Afzal his deputy. The latter ably
carried on the duties. After the Shaikh 's death, the province
was assigned to I'timâdu-d-daula, and he too left, as before, the
deputyship to Fâzil whose reputation inereased more and more.
Af ter that he was made diwân of Sultan Parvîz, and he received
from court a suitable manşab and the title of Fâzil K. When
Sultan Parvîz, under the guardianship of Mahâbat K. was ap-
pointed to pursue the heir-apparent (Shah Jahan), Fâzil vvas made
the bakhshî and recorder of his army. in the 20th year he
received the rank of 1500 with 500 horse, and the gift of a horse
and an elephant, and \vas made divvân of the Deccan. Out of
opportunism he beeame mixed up with Khân Jahân Lodl, the
governor of that province, and shared in his political and finan-
cial sehemes. When Jahangir died, Shah Jahan, who at that
time was in Junair in the Deccan, sent Jân Nisâr K. with a
firman confirming him in the government of the Deccan to Khân
Jahân, and mentioned that he was coming by that route. Fâzil '
K., vvhose brother was in the service of Sultan Shahriyâr (as
diwân), perverted* Khân Jahân's judgment, and said, "The
omcers at the court have placed Dâwar Bakhşh on the throne,
and Shahriyâr is beating the drum of sovereignty in Lahore, and
is giving much gold to the soldiers. Most of the great officers
suspect that if Shah Jahan succeed to the throne he will exact
vengeance. You are head of a elan and have a large number of
adherents, and the efeam of the royal army. You can become
the servant of whoever ascends the throne of India. Shah Jahan
has now regarded your claims as a servant of so many year s'
standing as non-existent and yesterday appointed Mahâbat, in
spite of his mountains (koh-koh) of crimes, to your post and has
given him the title of Commander-in-chief in supersession of you.'"
These words made an impression on Khân Jahân in spite of
his wisdom, andhe sent 3 away Jân Nisâr K. without even giving

i Iqbâln5ma 299.

4 Bat dazdida " stole the judgment ' '
or robbed KhSn Jahan of his judg-
ment.

3 Iqbâlnâma 300 where the author
speaks of ha,ving heard the story from
Jân Nisâr.

550

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

him a vvritten answer. Shah Jahan abandoned the Burhânpür
route and proceeded to Agra viâ Gujarat.

When Shah Jahan was established on the throne and the
more urgent matters had been disposed of, an order was issued
summoning Khân Jahan and Fâzil to cöurt. Fâzil separated from
Khân Jahan at the Handia ' ghât of the Narbada and eame on
ahead of him. At that time the imperial forces had been appoint-
ed to act against Jujhâr Singh Bandîla, and Shah Jahan proceed-
ed rapidly as far as Gwalior. When the Khân arrived at Narvvar
he was, according to orders, imprisoned, and his goods confiscat-
ed. For some time he remained in strict confinement. At the
time when Khân Jahan was admitted to an interview, Fâzil's
release was fixed at a ransom of six lacs of rupees. Many officers
assisted him according to their ability, and Khân Jahân gave him
a lac of rupees. For a time he remained under censure and was
deprived of his offîce and his dignity. Aftervvards he was given
the fief of Baroda, in the 9th year vvhen Shah Jahan vvas re-
turning from Daulatabad to the capital, he summoned Fâzil, and
he set off rapidly from Gujarat and did homage at Burhânpür.
He was again made the subject of favour, and received the title
of I'timâd K. and the diwânî of the Deccan. in the 15th year
he was made diwân of Bengal and of the establishment of Prince
Shujâ', the governor of that province. He died there in the 21st
year. He held the rank of 1500 with 600 horse. His son M.
Dârâb was a man of sense, and was always employed in the
king's service.

FÂZIL K. alias MULLÂ 'ALÂU-L-MULK TÜNÎ
(i.e. OF TÜN).

in physical science and in mathematics he was one of the
first of the age, especially in the science of astronomy. in addi-
tion to abundant learning and other excellencies his deportment
was a model for the wise. in the 7th year of Shah Jahan he
came from Persia to India and attached himself to Nawab Âsaf

i in the Hoshangabad district on the left or soufch side of the Narbada.
f.G.V. 309, old edition.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

55]

Jâh (Nür Jahân's brother) who was a congeries of knowledge. He
spent his days in his company, and when that exceilent Amîr died,
he in the 15th year entered the royal service and received the
rank of 500 with 50 horse.

When one of the companions of 'Alî Mardan, who vvas skilled
in excavation-work, brought water from near the source of the
Râvî, a distance of 48J kos, to Lahore, at the cost of a lac of
rupees, but the water did not sumciently irrigate the gardens of
that city, another lac was made över to the engineers, They
spent Rs. 50,000 on repairs, but stili the work was not ıight.
Mullâ ' Alâu-1-Mulk, vvho understood l about hydrostatics as he did
about other mathematical sciences, kept five kos of the eanal
intact and excavated thirty more, and so brought abundant water
into Lahore. in the 16th year he vvas made diıvân-i-tan and in
the 19th he was first made süperin tenden t of the examination of
petitions, and aftervvards the high post of Khânsâmân vvas added
to this. As before the conquest of Balkh and Badakhşhân he
extracted from astronomy the knovvledge of the conquest and
reported to H.M., he, after the conquest, received the rank of 2000
vvith 400 horse. in the 23rd year he got the title of Fâzil K, ,
and in the 28th year received the rank of 3000.

When on 7 Ramzan 1068, 30 April 1658, and in the 32ndyear
of the reign, Dârâ Shikoh fled from the battle vvith Aurangzeb,
and the victorious prince made two marches from the battlefield
and encamped at the Nür Manzal Garden vvhich is near Agra,
Shah Jahan sent Fâzil K. as an envoy to Aurangzeb and gave
him both verbal and vvritten instructions. The gist of them vvas
that " by Divine decree vvhat vvas hidden had been made manifest.
Submission to the Divine decrees is an element of self-knovv-
ledge and of knovvledge of God. As he had recovered from a
severe illness and in fact had had a second life conferred on him,
the ardours of afîection had risen high and he desired that he
might soon be comforted by an intervievv." Fâzil K. who in his

1 Ba ab tarâzü şhinâaa bûd. This
explains the phrase jangtarâzü in the
account of Jahangir Qulî, p. 514 of

vol. I. Tarâzü seems in both cases to
be a pleonasm. The ezpression jangta
r&zü occurs in vol. III, p. 191.

552

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

purity of thought and good intentions was a friend of both
parties, spoke soothing words and carried back to the king the
intelligence that the prince was eager to wait upon his father.
But after he had göne, several officers advised the prince other-
wıse, and when Fâzil again conveyed cheerful messages to Aurang-
zeb he found that things had assumed a different complexion,
and though he made repreaentations, they were of no effeot. As
Aurangzeb fully believed in the wisdom and loyalty of Fâzil he
appointed him to look after Shah Jahan and also put him in
charge of the buildings. in the 2nd year of his reign he gave him
the rank of 4000 vvith 2000'horse and entrusted to him the writ-
ing the orders which had concern with the diwân-i-kull and the
chief vizier. He also sent him with some messages to Shalı
Jahan. in the 4th year he came to court and produced some
jewels and ornamented vessels-belonging to Shah Jahan.

in the 5th year he was raised to the rank of 5000, and in the
6th year at the time when the king visited Kashmîr, Ragha Nâth
the superintendent of the affairs of the diwânî died. The Khân '
besides possessing ali the sciences, rational and traditional, had
good judgment and tact and was worthy of the high office of
vizier. On 11 Zî q'ada 1073, 7 June 1663, he was appointed there-
to As the heavens are envious of the success of able men, that
Khân f ull of perfections had a disease of the stomach after enter-
ing on his duties. in the short time the illness became severe.
As his age had passed the sixtieth station by several stages and
had reached the boundaries of the seventieth his old constitution
had not strength to resist the disease. Treatment and medicines
were of no avâil. On 27th of the same month, 24th June, which
\vas the 17th day of his viziership, he died, and his body, in ac-
cordance with his will, was conveyed to Lahore and buried in a
garden which he had made foı the purpose. They say that some
days bef ore he became vizier he said ' ' I am arriving at the vizier-
ship, but age wont allow me (to continue)."

l The text begins a new paragraph
here , thereby affeoting the sense. The
word vizier used in the aentence does
not ooour in ali the MSS. it was to

Ragha Nâth, who is called Rajah in
the MSS., that Fâzil suoceeded. See
Khâfî K. II. 175.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

553

Verse.
The eherished hope arrived, but of what avail,
There is no hope that past years will retum.

They say that most of the judgments (astrological) which
Fâzil K. drew from astrology about Shah Jahan and Aurangzeb
came true. They say that he had also predicted the injury which
happened to Aurangzeb's l foot in Khwâşpür at the close of the
40th year. He did not attach weight to the opinions of anyone
in councils and did not consider* anyone to be deserving of notice
in comparison with his own abilities. They say that one day Shah
Jahan went to inspect the caüal which was called Bihisht (Para-
dise) which had been newly dug, and had reached Shah Jahanabad
(Delhi). S'aad Ullah K. was with him and in the course of con-
versation several times used the word nahar (canal) and pro-
nounced it, in the ordinary way, with a middle fatha. Fâzil K.
by way of oorrecting him said, " Say nahr, with a sükûn (rest) in
the middle." S'aad Ullah in reply quoted the verse, " Verily 8 God
will prove you by the river (ba nahar). Fâzil K. unjustly and
arrogantly said, " I suppose this is a quotation from an Arabian
poem." The king observed, " Apparently then, the Qoran is
inferior poetry." Fâzil K. remained silent.

*As he had no sons, after his death his brother's son Burhânu-
d-dîn,* who had just come to his uncle from Persia, was promoted
to a suitable rank. A separate account of him will be given.

FÂZIL KHÂN BURHÂNÜ-D-DlN.
Brother's son of Fâzil K. Mullâ 'Alau-1-mulk of Tün. When
his uncle was near death, he came fresh from Persia. When the

1 Khâfî K. II. 476, but it should be
the 43rd year. The mistake, how-
ever, is Khâfî K.'s. See II. 176.
There vvas also an inundationin the
40th year, Elliott VII. 361, but the one
in which Aurangzeb met with an
injury to his foot, and got, as KhSfi
K. says, the hereditary lameness of
Timur (Sâhib Qiran), occurred in the
43rd year. See Elliot VII. 369. The
70

stream was the Mân. The accideDt
occurred 37 years after Fâzü's death,
and in 1698 (1110).

? ba naşir nami âvxard. See this
phrase used in KhSfî K. I. 338 I. 12.

* Sûra II. v. 257. The point was
that Fâzil was not aware that the
quotation was from the Qoran.

* Maaşir A. 47

554

THE MAA8IB.-UL-UMARA.

uncle died, as he was sonless, Aurangzeb — who was appreciative
of loyalty and a connoisseur of the jewel of devotion — made
Burhânu-d-dîn a subject of favour and by giving him a robe of
honour divested him of the garments of sadness. He gave him
the rank of 800 with 150 horse. Burhânu-d-dîn had many spiri-
tual excellencies and was very reverent and free from vice. He
was also able and practical, and trustworthy. The king soon
increased his rank and gave him the title of Qâbil K. in the
18th year when Muhammad Sharîf, munshi of the superintendent
of the posting office and the Secretariat (dâru-1-inshâ), thebrother
of Abu-1 fath Qâbil K., the old munshi W âlâ, shâhl, was raised to
the title of Qâbil K. on account of his connection (with the
former Qâbil K.), Burhânu-d-din received the title of I'timâd K.
in the 22nd year, when the king decided to go to Ajmere, he was
made diwân of Delhi, and af ter that he became diwân-itan. in
the 32nd year he was made Khân-sâmân (majör domo) of the
royal establishment in succession to Kâmgâr K., and had an
increase of 500 with 100 horse so that his rank was 2,000 with
400 horse and he had the gift of a jasper aigrette (kalgî) in the
same year he had the title of Fâzil K. Afterwards, he had an
addition of 500 with 100 horse, and in the 41st year he resigned
the office of Khân-sâmân and in succession to Abü Naşr K*. , the
son of Shaista K. Amir-1-Umarâ , he was made governor of
Kashmîr. in the 44th year it was ordered that he should as
deputy of Muhammad Muazzam have charge öf Lahore. He did
not agree and petitioned to be allowed to come to court. He was
sent for, but when he reached Burhânpür he died in the year 1112,
1700-01.

His son 'Abdu-r-Rahîm after his father's death came to court,
and in the 47th year was put in charge of the household, and had
the title of Khân and an inerease of rank. The king observed
that Fâzil K. Mullâu-1-mulk and Fâzil K. Burhânu-d-din had
many claims on him, and that he would cherish this Khânâzâd
(household-born one). in fact that young man possessed apti-
tudes, and if life had been granted him he would have risen high,
but after a few days he bade adieu to youth and life. As no one
remained of the line except Zîyâu-d-dîn, the brother's son and

THE MAASIE-UL-UMARA.

555

son-in-law of Fâzil K. Burhânu-d-din, he was sent for from the
diwânî of Chînâpatan l and waa promoted and had the title of
Khân and was put in charge of the household. in truth, the
good services of ancestors are. with appreciative masters, not less
than an elixir for their descendants ! The Khân also served for
some time in the household in the reign of Bahâdur Shah. After-
wards he became diwân of Bengal.

When in the time of Muhammad Farrukh Siyar, Mîr Husain
'Alî K., the Amîru-1-Umarâ, was made governor of the Deccan and
had the power of dismissing and appointing officers, he on arriv-
ing at the Deccan appointed his own men and did not give posses-
sion to any who came from the court. This increased the king's
displeaeure. Complaint was made about this to Abdullah K., the
Qutbu-lmulk. He apologized and objected (denied the fact* ?).
At last it was arranged that the appointments of Diwân and
Bakhşhî— which were highest of ali— should be made from the
court. Accordingly, Zîyâu-d-dîn K. was made diwân of the Dec-
can in succession to Dîânat K., the grandson of Amânat K.,
deceased, and the bakhshiship, on the death of 'Abdu-r-Rahmân K.,
the son of 'Abdu-r-Rahîm K. s. islâm K. Maşhhadî, was given to
Fazl ÜUah K:, the brother of the deceased. Both came together
to Aurangabad. The Amiru-1-Umarâ in order to remove the bad
name and the common report that he did not allow the nominees
of the court to act, permitted Zîyâu-d-dîn— who had relations
with Quthu-l-mulk and on account of whom the latter had written
strongly— to enter 6 upon his duties. He did not show favour to
the other who was not free from turbulence. Afterwards, the
said Khân* came to Delhi in company with the Amîru-1-Umarâ.
When Farrukh Siyar fell from power, it appeared that he (Zîyau-
d-din) carried on correspondence with the emperor. He lost his
influence and at the same time died.

l This is probably the Chînâpatan
in Mysore, 34 miles from Bangalore.

1 inkâr namüd. Perhaps denied
that he had any hand in the matter.

s KhSfî K. II. 790 says he had no
real power.

* ?îyâu-d-din. See Khâfî K. 797.

556

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

FÂZIL KHÂN SHAIKH MAKHDÜM ŞADR.
He was originally of Tatta. At first 1 he was seeretary to
Muhammad A'zim Shah. in the 23rd year of Aurangzeb-when
Qâbil K. Mîr Munshî, the brother of Abü-1-fath Qâbil K. Wala
Shâhi was for some reason a subject of censure-he was given the
service of the dâr^l-inshâ (the secretariat, lit. house of letters) and
the rank of 500 with 30 horse and the gift of a gold-embroıdered
turban (chira), and a kamarband, and a jâma kam&âb (a gold-
embroidered vest). On the death of Sharîf K. in the 26th year
he was made Şadr-i-kuli (chancellor). in the 28th year he got the
title of Fâzil K. and was given a jasper inkstand. in the 29th
year he was, in succession to Khidmat Khân, made superintendent
of petitions in addition to his other employment. in the 32nd
year oorresponding to 1099, 1688, he died of the plague which
was prevalent in the çoyal camp.

(MIR) FAZL ULLAH BOKHÂRl.

A Sayyid of Bokhara. After he came to India he by good

fortune obtained a suitable office, and became a favourite of

Jahangir and was made an Amir. He became a leading officer

and was much regarded by the king. He developed a taste for

art, and the wind of alchemy entered his head. Whenever he

heard of an alchemîst in India or found an inquirer iato that, he

courted him and spent much money. They say that the 'aml

qamari* came into his hands and that he made silver when he

wanted it He coined it in his house, and spent it on the pay of

soldiers and for household expenses. On account of his labour

and energy he had nearly acquired the 'aml şhamsî (the art of

making gold) but death dld not permit this. He rolled up the

goods of existence, but he performed some wonderful things

For instance he exhibited mercury in such a manner that one

ı Maaşir A. 191. The office which
he obtained ia there merely styled
KJyidmatri-insha. The rank he ob-
tained is said there to have been 500
with 300 horse. He is aleo said to
have received a dagger and rupees

2,000, and to have afterwards risen to
the rank of 1,800.

î The moon-art, i.e. the art of mak-
ing silver, the art of making gold
being 'aml shamsl.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

557

grain l of it increased virile power ten times. His son Mîr Asad
Ullah alias. Mîr Miran was the son-in-law of Tarbîyat K. Bakhşhî.
When Prince Aurangzeb was appointed for the first time to the
government of the Deccan, Asad Ullah was by Shah Jahan's
orders made his bakhşhî. When the Prince went off on the Balkh
expedition, Asad Ullah for pome reason remained behind. After
wards, he was made faujdâr and fiefholder of Haringâon and
Chopra* in Khandes and served there for a long time. He had
the rank of 600 with 600 horse.

When the Prince for the second time held the government of
the Deccan in the 3 İst year and marched against 'Abdullah Qutb
Shah, the ruler of Haidarabad, and besieged Golconda, the Mir
was stationed in the southern battery. Afterwards, when there
was a proposal of peace by paying a kror of rupees as tribute,
and giving the ruler 's daughter in marriage to Sultan Muhammad,
the eldest son of the Prince, the men of the battery were for
bidden to extend the mines or take other offensive measures. Mir
Asad Ullah came out of his battery in full security, and was walk-
ing about when a zambûrak (a small cannon) was discharged at
him, and he was killed. As he was an old favourite he received
the name of Mîr Asad Ullah the martyr, and after the Accession
his sons — small and great — ali received appropriate favours. One
of his descendants was Jalâlu-d-dîn K., who was bakhşhî of the
army of Prince Muhammad A'zim Shah, and governor of the fort
of Bîdar. He was treading the field of advancement when death
did not give him time. Another was Mîr Yahîa who married the
daughter of Sir Buland K. Mir Bakhşhî. His son Mir 'Isa K.
was long governor of the forts of Candaur and Sangamnîr. After
his death, his daughter's son was the qila'dâr. Another of the
sons of Mir Asad Ullah — the one who was borne by the daughter of
Tarbîyat K.— was Mir Nur Ullah Saiyid Nur K. known as Bâgha-
ıâr (the tiger-slayer) who was alvvays faujdâr of Thâlner and
»ther parganas of Khândes, and also was a qila'dâr. Though he
had a small rank he possessed property and fortune and magnifi-

1 efe dana birinji, a grain, the size
of a rice-grain.

î Jarrett II. 224, 225. I.G. III. 45?
The Chopda of I.G.

558

THE MAASIR-UL-TJMARA.

cence. But on account of his audacity he was of ten censured and
degraded. in spite of this, as he was akhânazâd (house-born one)
whatever he wrote about publie matters was approved. Accord-
ingly, when Prince Muhammad Akbar absconded and having passed
near the country ' of Awâs came to Khandes, Khân Jahân Bahâ-
dur, who had hastened on to arrest him, when he had got near
him, halted until S. Akbar withdrew to the hill- country of Bag-
lâna. No one had. the courage to write this except Nür Ullah.
He wrote to the king, and brought Khân Jahân under censure.
His full brother Mir Rahmat Ullah was married to the grand-
daughter of Khân Daurân Lang. His son Mir N'iamat Ullah was
married to the daughter of Amânat K. Mîrak M'uînu-d-dîn K.
There was another son, and many grandsons. Pargana Bîr in Sar-
kar Gâlna was as it were the fief of his sons for a long time.
Their residences were there. Prom the beginning of the sway of
Nawab Âşaf Jâh it was oonfiscated , and they went ofî to other
towns and villages. If by chance any remain he lives in solitary

fashion.

FEDAİ KHÂN.

He was Mir Zarif by name and he was a servant of Shah
Jahan. As Shah Jahan had a great fancy for collecting horses, he
sent a Fedai along with the Persian ambaasador to buy Persian
horses. As he did not bring a horse which Shah Jahan's critical
mind approved of, he represented that if he were allowed to visit
the mainland of Arabia and the eountries of Rum, he could buy
şpecial horses and so be relieved from his disgrace. Accordingly
a friendly letter was sent with him to the Sultan of Turkey along
with a decorated dagger of great value, so that if at any time he
should meet with the Sultan he might be able to make use of the
document. in the lOth year, he lef t Bandar Laharî (in Scinde)
and came to Hijâz. Af ter he had visited the holy places, he went
to Egypt and from there to Mausul , and saw Sultan Murâd Khân
who \vas about to take Bagdad. The Sultan received the letter
with respect and asked in the Turkish language why Fedai had

1 Cf. I. 805, where the country now
is spoken of as the hills of Sultanpur.
Awas is Avâsgarh, Barw5nî, Central

India. See I.G. VII. 90. it is N.
Khandes and on 1 . bank Nar bada.
5 PâdshShnâma II. 184.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

559

undertaken this long journey. Fedai explained the reason and
tendered the decorated dagger as a present. The Sultan was
pleased and said that the arrival of an ambassador and a dagger
from a great king at this time was an omen of victory. Next dav
Fedai presented on his own behaif one thousand pieces of cloth.
The Sultan inquired about Indian armour ; Fedai had with him a
valuable shield , and he said that arrows or bullets could not pierce
it. The Sultan was astonished and shot an arrow against the
shield with ali his force, but it did not traverse it. He gave 1 him
10,000 qurüsh (piastres) which are worth Rs. 20,000, and said
that he would allow him to depart after the affair of Bagdad had
been finished, and that he might now go to Mausul and buy what
things he wished. Aftervvards, when Sultan Murâd had taken by
force Bagdad from the Persians, he returned to Mausul and gave
Mîr Zarif leave to depart, and sent the reply to the letter by
Arslân Aqâ along with a well-moving Arab horse with a saddle set
with diamonds and a robe sewn with pearls after the fashion of
Turkey. Mir Zarif in company with the said ambassador embarked
on a ship at Basra (Bussorah) and landed in Soinde.

When in the 13th year he came to Lahore, he proceeded quickly
to Kastimîr, where the king was, and did homage. He produced*
before the king 52 horses which he had purchased a nd two horses
which the Sultan's armour-bearer (his hoşt) had presented him
with as among the best in Turkey. He received much praise for
his good service, and obtained the rank of 1,000 with 200 horse
and the title of Fedai K. He was also made Master of the Horse
in succession to Tarbîyat K. At the same time he was appointed 3
to the government of Laharî Bandar. He had reached the fîrst
step of fortune's ladder when unkindly time poured the braekish
draught of misfortune into his mouth. in the 14th year, and in
the beginning of 1051, 1640, the cup of his life was filled.*

FEDAİ KHÂN.

His name was Hedâyat Ullah. There weıe four brothers,
each of whom by force of ability and courage became during the

i PSdshâhnâma II. 186.

s Do. do. 196. S Do. do. 201.

* Do. do. 229. He died at Laharî
Bandar.

560

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

reign of Jahangir mastere or power and influence and attained
positions of trust. The firat was M. Muhammad Taqî who in the
beginning of Jahangir' s reign was appointed to accompany
Mahabât K. in the affair of Rânâ Amr Singh. As his head was
full of ptide and his tongue abusive, which is the worst of faults,
he conducted himself badly with the troopers, and they joined
together and at the station of Pür Mandal assembled l at the pub-
lic hail of audience(?). The second, M. 'Inayat Ullah, who was
famed for his skill and prudence, and was unrivalled in the art of
accounts, became the divvân of Sultan Parvez, and transacted
ali the business in a masterly manner. But he disgusted people
by his severities, and submitted to no one. İn the end he fell
from office. They say that when his appointed time (to die) came
he went to the prince and begged pardon for his faults and recom-
mended his children. When he came back to his house he died.
The third was M. Rüh Ullah. He was a distinguished and hand-
some youth and a first-class polo-player. He was also an excellent
huntsman. He was a favourite servant of Jahangir, and had a
position. A wonderful thing was that at the time when the kıng
was halting at the fort of Mândü, Rüh Ullah was sent with a brave
army to chastise the recalcitrants of the neighbourhood. When
hecame to Jîtpûr, the Rajah of that place received him and came
out of the city and brought him under a tree, and sent for the
raaterials of an entertainment. Suddenly a black snake came out
of the tree and the Mirza called out Mâr mâr (strike the snake).
One of his companions thought he was ordering the Rajah to be
killed and so wounded the Rajah. The Rajah on seeing this
quickİy and dexterously struck * the Mirza and with one blow put
an 8 end to him (Ut. made him the same as a bier). The army

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

561

l Mandal was a plaoe in the Sarkar
of Chitor, J. II. 274. The text has
sir diwân gushtand. Perhaps we
should read siyah for sir as diwân
siyah kardan mean " to rebel or
resist." See Vullers s.v. and Behar.
'Ajara. Perhaps, however, eir diwan
may mean " maddened." Sir-diwân
also means " the öpen diwan " and

may mean that the troopers flocked
to the court-house or diwân to com-

plain.

5 The story of Rüh Uliah's death is
told very differently in the Tüzük J.,
pp. 193-91. The occurrenoe belonged
to the 1 2th year. See Bogers' transla-
tion, p. 391.

8 Text ılea u khibâza sakM t There

beiııg \vithout a leader ned and the Rajah appropriated the goods
and \vithdrew into the mountains. Aftervvards his country was
overrun by the imperial forces and he was punished. The fourth
was M. Hedâyat Ullah \vho was the youngest of ali. At first he
was .Mîr Bahr and had charge of the flotilla. He became the
vakil of the fanıous Mahâbat K. and was for a long time attached
to the court and a recipient of royal favours.

As Mahâbat K. patronized him, he in a short time became an
Amir. But on the occasion of Mahâbat's disturbance he on ac-
count of fidelity to his salt and his devotion (fedâwat) did not fail
to expose his life. The account of this is that when Jahangir was
encamped on the bank of the Jhilam, and the officers from neglect
and perfunctoriness had crossed över the bridge with the whole of
the camp, nothing remained on the other side of the river except
the royal quarters. .Mahâbat, vvho \vas svatchihg his opportunity,
took possession of the royal quarters. Fedai K. heard of the dis-
turbance, and as the bridge had been burnt, he devotedly flung
himself into the river opposite the royal quarters. Some of his
companions were carried downstream by the force of the current
and drovvned, and others escaped ' half-alive to the shore of safety.
He himself with seven troopers emerged and made manful efforts.
Four of his companions were killed, and he savv that the thing
would not succeed, and that on account of the pressure of the
enemy he could not reach the emperor. Like a stone whioh has
struck against an iron wall and vebounds, he with the same acti-
vity turned round and recrossed the river. Next day vvhen the
Amîrs in conjunction witlı Nür Jahân Begam plunged into the
river in order to subdue the rebel (Mahâbat) they could not

is the variant clcdu khiyâra sakht,
■' made him into two half cueum-
bers " ? The phrase is evidently the
same as that used at I. 229 in the
account of the killing of I'timâd
K. alias 'Abdu-1-Qawî. As there,
it cannot mean that the viotim was
cut in two. Evidently, I think, the
words are taken from Prince Daniel's
verse about his favourite gun which
he called jcmâza or the bier. Jetpür
71

or Jîtpûr seems to be the place of
that name in Kathiwar and which is
stili the seat of a Rajah. See Jarrett
II. 258, «here it is placed in Sarkar
Sorâth.

1 Elliot VI. 425 has " through the
coldness of the water were unable to
proceed." But the time was April
and the original speaks of the force
of the streaın's ovortuıning the men,
not of its coldness.

562

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

advance on account of the attacks of the Rajputs, and retired.
Fedai K. with a body of men crossed an arrow-flight further down
the streanı and drove ofî the enemy. He came to the quarters of
Sultan Shahriyâr, where the king was. As there was a tumult of
horse and foot within the enclosure he stood at the entrance,
and shot arrows so that his arrows were coming near the royal
throne. Mukhlaş K. stood in front of the king and made himself
a shield against the arrow of fate. At last Fedai K. af ter making
efforts for a long time gave Âtâ Ullah, his son-in-law and two or
three manşabdârs, to be killed, but could not reach the king. He
hastened to Rohtâs and took his family and went to Girjhâk Nan-
dana 1 which is near the hill of Kângra, and obtained security (for
his family). As Badr bakhgh Janüha ( Janjûa) the zamindar of that
pargana was loyal, Fedai left his belongings (i.e. his family, ete.)
there and hastened to India (Hindustan in text).

When in the 2?nd year of the reign Mukarram K., the gover-
nor of Bengal, was drowned in his boat, Fedai K. was appointed*
governor (in 1627), and it vvas fixed that he should pay into the
general treasury five lacs of rupees as peshkash to the emperor
and five lacs as a present to the Begam (Nür Jahan), or altogether
ten lacs. From that time the peshkash of the governors of Bengal
was fixed. Af ter the accession of Shah Jahan he was raised to
the rank of 4,000 with 3,000 horse. in the 5th year, he had a flag
and a drum, and in the same year he received the fief of Jaunpür.
Afterwards he was made faujdâr of Gorakhpûr. When 'Abdullah
K., the governor of Behar, addressed himself to subdue Pertâb
the Ujjainyî, Fedai K., in his zeal, hastened to assist him though
he was not ordered to do so, and took part in the capture of
Bhojpür which was Pertâb 's capital. They say he was a lover of
soldiers and had Afghan servants. Nor was he without haughti-

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

563

1 IqbSln5ma 265 and Tüzük J. 406.
it is Band in text. Girjhâk was in
the Sind Sâgar Düâb, J. II. 324. it
is the Jal&ipûr village of I. Gt. XIV.
15. C/. Be Laet who say», p. 266, that
Fedai went to Rhokestan (qu. Regis-
tan),in the deserts of Thombal (qu.
Jambhal) to Rajah Ghomanaw.

°- Tüzük 419 and IqbâlnSma 291.
The notice does not mention that he
was removed from Bengal on the ac-
cession of Shah Jahan. See Stewart's
Bengal, 239.

ness whiclı was part of the character of the brothers. They say
that \vhen he was removed from Bengal, and came to court a
crowd of people complained against him that he had taken large
sums from them rightly or wrongly. As they made a claim for
redress to the court, the elerks sent him a message that the case
had been instituted and that he should answer it. He took his
dagger în his hand and said that the answer to the complaints was
the point of his dagger, and that it was an absürd notion that
he would come there. They should be careful of imağining such
a thing. When this was reported to Shah Jahan he passed it över
and favoured him nıore than ever. in the 13th year when Zarif
got fche title of Fedai K., he received that of Jân Nisâr K. in
the 14th year he sent two elephants from his fief to the presence.
When Zarîf K. died in that year, he received again his old title.
in the 15th year he came from his fief and did homage, and in the
same year he joined Dara Şhikoh who had been appointed to
Kabul on there being a probability that the ruler of Persia would
attack Qandahar. After his return he was allowed to go to his
fief of Gorakhpûr. in the 19th year he again came and did
homage, and when after the death of Rajah Jagat Singh, intima-
tion was given to Murşhid Qulî that he should take the fort of
Târâgarh (near Ajmere). Fedai K. was also appointed to execute
this undertaking. Though Murşhid Qûli had taken the fort before
Fedai K.'s arrival, yet he made it över to Fedai when he came.
After a petition came from Fedai K. the fort was made över to
Bahâdur Kambü. Fedai died in the same '"ar, some time after-
ıvards. 1

FEDAİ khân muhammad şâlih.

He and Şafdar K. Jamâlu-d-dîn were sons of A'zim K. Koka.
in the 2 İst year of the reign of Aurangzeb when A'zim K. after
being removed from the government of Bengal came* to Dacca
and died (in May 1678) the king sent mourning dresses to each of

I A ııote to text at p. 17 mentions
several ontries about Fedai in the his-
tory called 'Amal-i-Şâlih, but they
are not important.

* Dacca was his residence as gover

nor of Bengal and probably he died
before leaving it. Sae Stewart's His-
tory of Bengal, p. 302. He was on
his way to Bihar. Maaşir A., p. 168

564

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

them. The first attained a suitable rank in the lif etime of his
father, and got the title of Khân in the 23rd year he suc-
ceeded Şaiâbat K. as superintendent of the elephant-stables. in
the 26th year he vvas made Bakhshi of the Alıadîs in succession
to Shihâbu-d-dîn K. in the 28th year he was made faujdâr and
diwân of Bareilly, and aftervvards had the faujdâri of Gvvalior.
in the 38th year he had his father's title of Fedai K. and on the
death of Shaista K. he was made faujdâr of Agra. Af ter that he
was for some time governor of Bihar. in the 44th year he was
made faujdâr of Tirhut and Darbhangha and had the rank of
3,000 with 2,500 horse. The second son obtained distinction by
becoming the son-in-law l of Khân Jahân Bahâdur Kokaltâsh and
had a good rank and the title of Khân. in the 27th year he had
the title of Şafdar K., and afterwards he became faujdâr of
GwpJior. in the 33rd year he attaoked a fort belonging thereto and
vvas killed by a bullet.

FlRÜZ K. ; theeunuch.
One of the trusted servants of Jahangir. After that monarch
had departed to the other vvorld, and when Âşaf K. Abu-1-hasan
had raised Bulâqî, the son of Khusrau, to the throne and had
fought with Shahriyâr, and Shahriyar — bereft of sense— had come
to the capital and crept into the palace, Fîrüz, at the instance of
ÂŞaf , entered the palace and brought out Shahriyâr vvith violence
and made him över to Âşaf. in the first year of Shah Jahan's
reign Fîrüz entered into his service and vvas promoted to his former
rank of 2,000 vvith 500 horse. in the 4th year he had an increase
of 300 horse, and in the 8th year his rank vvas 2,000 vvith 1,000
horse. in the 12th year his rank vvas 2,500 with 1,200 horse. in
the 13th year he had an increase of 500, and in the 18th year, at
the feast for the recovery of Begam Şâhiba, the Emperor's eldest
daughter— who had been burnt by a spark from a lamp falling on
her dress, and had, for a time lain on the bed of sickness — his rank
became 3,000 vvith 1,500 horse. in the 21st year, 18 Ramzân

1 He was also his nephew. His death is mentioned in the Maasir A.,
p. 335.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

565

1057, 7th October 1647, he died. He had charge of the palace,

and he vvas respected and honoured in Shah Jahan's service. A

garden vvhich he made on the bank of the Jhilam is famous for

its beauty.

(MİRZA) FÜLDÂ. 2

S. Khudâdâd Barlâs. The meaning of the vvord barlâs* is
" courageous and of gentle birth." The vvhole elan of Barlâs is
derived from Iradamcî* who is the first person vvho bore the title
of Barlâs. He vvas son of Qâcülî Bahâdur, vvho vvas the eighth
ancestor of Amir Timur Şâhib Qirân and the tvvin brother of
Qabal K., the third ancestor of Cingez K.

The Mîrzâ's ancestors had served the Timurid family, genera-
tion after generation. When 'Abdullah K., the rulerof Türân, by
bestovval of presents upon Akbar pulled the chain of friendship,
he vvrote in terms of amity and suggested an expedition against
Persia and that they should join together and take Khurâsân and
Fars from the dynasty ruling tlıere. Akbar out of generosity and
gentleness sent in the 22nd year M. Fülâd — a young man adorned
vvith talents and tact — as an ambassador, together vvith some of
the rarities of India. in reply to the letter he said 6 that the
Şafavî family vvas related to the Prophet, and should be respected,
and that he did not consider a ditference in customs or religion a
reason for attacking a country. He also said that old associations
vvith the family vvithheld him from attaoking it. And as 'Abdullah
had not mentioned the Shah of Persia vvith respect Akbar vvrote
rebuking him and gave hım good advice.

Verse.

The vvise do not cali him great

Who speaks contemptuously of the great.

1 Tresumably this is the Nâzir or
chief eunuch referred to by Mamıcci
I. 220. But Manucci seems to mis-
represent what Berniersaid. See Per-
nier's first chapter. The words des-
cribing his office are nizârat mashkîii
and meaa specially the superirıten-
dence of the female apartments.

s B. 206.

3 D. 341,notol A.N. translation 1.
178 and 190 n. 1. Barlâs is said to
be also the name of a province near
Samarkand.

* Text Barümjî, or Barû Mahî.
Tlıere is the variant Irâd Mahî.

6 A.K. TII. 211.

566

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

The Mirza after performing his erabassy returned to India,
and did good service under Akbar. As in this tribe the Turk-
like ' ignorance and turbulence which are innate in them exist even
after mixing with the vvorld, and the receiving of education, espe-
cially in the matter of religion, for they cali bigotry and obstinacy
the defending of Faith, M. Fülâd* in the 32nd year and beginning
of 996, January 1588, killed Mullâ Ahmad of Tatta — who was one
of the erudite of the age — by inflicting on him a fatal wound, and
through Akbar's justice, brought upon himself capital punish-
ment.

The brief account of this is as follmvs. When Akbar had
reached the elevation of " Peace \vith ali " and had proclaimed
universal toleration in the matter of religion, every sect indulged
its tenets without any apprehension, and every one worshipped
God according to his own principlea without molestation. Mullâ
Ahmad, like many other learned men, vvas a firm believer in the
Imamî religion, and loudly inculcated it. Owing to his idiosyn-
crasy he treated of it in an immoderate manner. M. Fülâd was a
bigoted Sünnî and nourished hatred in his heart for Mullâ Ahmad
and vvatched for an opportunity to kili him. One midnight he
and one of his companions lay in wait in a dark İane and sent off
a man disguised as a royal servitor (châvvaşh) to summon Mullâ
Ahmad. On the vvay they attacked him vvith svvords and cut oft
half his arm (from the elbow). The assailants thought they had
cut his head ofî and went 3 off, by a İane. The Mullâ, in spite of
so severe a wound, took up his arm and came to the house of
Hakim Hasan. The chronogram of the catastrophe is Zihe khan-
jar-i-Fülâd "Bravo, the dagger of Fülâd (or, of steel, 996)."
The night patrol found out the two assailants, but though they
bore marks of the murder they did not confess. Akbar sent the
Khân-Khânân, Aşaf K., and S. Abu-1-fazl to the Mullâ to inquire
into the matter. He described what had happened. Akbar
stripped M. Fülâd and his companion of the robe of life and had

1 Sharârat turkâna.

2 A.N. III. 527 and Badayünî, Lovre
376.

s pai gam kanan, lit. *' losing their
feet. " it is a phrase for doing some-

thing \vithout reckoning the cost of
it. Vııllers I. 88a. The attaok took
place in the end of December 1587 or
beginning of January 1588. Mullâ A .
was on horseback.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

567

them tied to the foot of an elephant and taken through the whole
city of Lahore. Though the chief persons of the Sultanate sought
to have the murderers released, it was of no avail. The Mullâ too
after three or four days rolled up the carpet of life. They say
that S. Faizi and S. Abu-1-fazl set a guard över the Mullâ's tonıb,
but that as at the same ' time the royal camp vvas moving to Kash-
mîr, the city-rabble took out the body and burnt it.

As the story* of the Mullâ is not vvithout strangeness, a short
account of it is added. His ancestors were Fârüql Hanîfîs in reli-
gion and his father vvas Qâzi of Tatta and a Reis of Scinde. in
his youth an Arab, a pious vvanderer, came from 'Irâq to Tatta
and stayed for some days in the neighbourhood of the Mullâ. in
conversation vvith him the Mullâ became acquainted vvith the prin-
ciples of the Imâmiya religion and took an affection for that creed.
This became notorious. Though in his youth he vvithdrevv from
ordinary branches of knovvledge and gave himself up to teaching,
yet, as it vvas not possible to acquire ceıtain sciences in Tatta, he
in his 22nd year became a Calendar and vvent off on his travels.
\Vhen he came to Holy Mashhad he studied the Qoran and the Im-
âmiya traditions and the rules of asceticism under Maulânâ Afzal
of Qâîn. He also vvent to Yezd and Shiraz and studied under
Mullâ Kamâlu-d-dîn Husain Tabîb and Mullâ Mirza Jân, and
learned ali the rules and the Sharh Tajrid vvith the conunentaries
(rules of asceticism). in Qazwin he had the good fortune to enter
the service of Shah Tahmâsp. When Ism'aîl the 2nd became
sovereign and proclaimed Sunnism, the Mullâ hastened off to Ara-
bian 'Irâq and the holy places (Mecca and Medina). He made the
acquaintance of many learned men, and profited thereby. After
that he came by sea to the Deccan and entered the service of

1 Akbar did not go to Kashmîr till
the 34th year.

* As pointed out by Bieu I. 118
there is an account of Mullâ Ahmad 's
career in the MajSlisu-1-Müminîn.
The passage may be found in Hâjî
ibrahim of Tabriz's lith. edition of
that work, p. 245. Ahmad is there
called the son of Naşr Ullah. Ahmad
himself told his story to the author of
the Majâlis and ascribed his conver-

sioa mainly to one M. Hasan who
came to him from Ormuz in conse-
quonce of a dream. According to the
Majâlis it was Naqîb K. who read from
day to day to Akbar w hat had been
written of the T. Alfî. The Majâlis,
p. 246, aays, Akbar smiled on receiving
the Mullâ's reply, the point of which
was the innuendo that the killing of
Uşmân was a good thing as it cleared
the way for 'Alî's becoming Caliph.

568

THE MA ASIE-Ulr UMARA.

Qutb Shah the ruler of Golconda. in the 27th year, he came to
Fathpür Sikrî and got admission to the court of Akbar. He was
employed in writing the Târîkh Alfî which is a history of a thou-
sand years of islâm. He wrote with acumen the account of events
up to the time of Cingez K. , and comprised them in two volumes.
When he was killed, Aşaf K. Ja'afar continusd the work up to
997 They say that Mullâ Ahmad read to Akbar what he had
vvritten, and that when he came to the history of the third Caliph
(Usmân) he vvent into details about his murder and the causes
thereof. Akbar wae fatigued by the length of the narrative and
asked why the Maulavî had made the story so long. Without
hesitation and in the presence of the Turan officers and magnates,
Mullâ Ahmad represented that his story was the ' ' Martyrs'
Garden " of the Sunnîs, and could not be shortened. On account
of these words it was widely reported that he (Ah mad) was a Shî'a
S. 'Abdu-1-Qâdir Badayûnî has related in his history that he önce
saw the Shaikh in the bazaar, and that some 'Irâqîs spoke in his
(Badayüni's) praise. Mullâ Ahmad said "The light of heresy
(taraf z) is manifest in his forehead." Badayuni a nsvvered " Just
as the light of Sunnism is visible in your countenance." '

(SHAİKH) GADÂI» KAMBÜ
S. Shaikh Jamâlî of Delhi vvho was disciple and successor of
S. Samâu-d-dîn Saharvvardî. His (Jamâl's) name was Jalâl and
his pen name was Jalâli, but at his Pîr's suggestion he took the
pen name of Jamâlî. in the begginning of his career he was a
companion of Sultan Sikandar Lodî, and he held a high position
on account of his knovvledge and excellences. He was also a poet.
His verses are very tasteful. This is one of them.

Verse}
The dust of tlıy street is the garment on my body
That too has a hundred cracks down to the skirt from my

tears.

l Badayûnî, Lowe 327.
« Badayûnî III. 76, do. I. Rankhıg
449 and 455 ; also Darbâr A. 7~70.

8 See Badayûnî, Ranking 429. The
Darbâr Akbarî 771 says that Jamâlî
quoted these lines at his introduction

THE MAASIR-TJL-UMARA.

569

As the Shaikh was not devoid of faqlrship and dervishship he
went off to the Hijâz. Af ter that he came to Herat in the time
of Sultan Husain M. He had interviews with Mîr 'Alî Sher, and
associated with 'Abdu-r-Rahmân Jâmî — may his grave be holy ;
when he returned to India he made acquaintance with Bâbur and
was much appreciated by Hümâyûn. The latter visited his der-
vish-cell several times. in the year 942, 1535-36, he died. The
chronogram is Khusrau-i-Hind buda, " He was the sun - 1 of India "
(or " he was the Khusrau of India). The Siyâru-1-' Arifin* was
written by him.

He was buried in old Delhi in the Zainî 8 tomb which is by the
side of the mosque which his son Gadâî built. They say he com-
posed an ode in praise of the Prophet and that several pious people
have received from His Highness (Muhammad) the good news of
his acceptance of this verse.

Verse.*
Moses fainted at one ray of thy glory,
Thou beholdest with a smile the Almighty Himself.

S. Gadâî also had a pleasant wit and acquired excellenees and
the possession of the current sciences. He also composed and
recited Hindî songs. He lived with comfort and good fortune in
Gujarat. When in the time of the predominance of Şher K., Bai-
râm chose exile and went to that province, the Shaikh treated him
well and was generous to him. When the fates had put the con-
trol of India into Bairâm's hands, the Shaikh, in the year of
Akbar's accession, came from Gujarat and by means of Bairâm

to Jâmî. The point of them was that
he appeared before Jâmî almost naked
and covered with dust. Af ter repeat-
ing the lines, he shed a flood of tears,
and as they coursed down his body
they made fissures in his garment of
dust. There is a notice of Jamâlî in
the Khazîna Aşflyâ II. 84, and one of
his pir Samâu-d-dîn at p. 74. Jamâlî
died when accompanying Hümâyûn
on his expedition to Gujarat.

1 Amîr Khusrau was a famous poet,
but as he too was of India, the

Khusrau of the chronogram would
seera to mean the sun.

2 See Rieu's Cat. I. 354.

8 Ferhaps the tomb where one
Zainu-d-dîn was buried. The tomb
and mosque are described in the Aşar
Sanâdîd Nos. 58 and 59.

* The verse is quoted in the Khazîna
Aşflyâ I. 84, and it is stated there that
Muhammad appeared to Jamâlî and
expressed his approval of the above
verse.

570

THE MAASIB-TJL-UMARA.

entered into the King's service and was made ' Şadr (chief ecclesi-
astical officer — chancellor). He managed so well with Bairâm that
the latter transacted no political or financial business without
taking his opinion. The Shaikh used to put his seal on the back
of ordinances.

He was let * off the salutation [taslim) and in assemblies took
precedence of ali the well-born Saiyids. His greatness was such
that he paid his respeets to Akbar without dismounting. But the
man-throwing wine of worldliness soon cast him down, and pride
which destroys 8 old fortunes, quickly destroyed this new one.
When Bairâm's power decayed, Gadâî separated from him at
Mewât and waited on the King. As high and low were convinced
that the Shaikh was the source of ali the mischief , and that he
had led astray Bairâm K., the pillars of the empire adjudged him
to be deserving of condign punishment and did not fail to accuse
him. But Akbar in his perfect kindness was gracious to him and
treated him with favour. But the old honour and position did not
remain. in 976, 1568-1569, he died 1 in Delhi.

(RAJAH) GAJ SINGH.
S. Rajah Sûraj Singh Râthor. in the lOth year of Jahangir
he did homage along with his father, and on the latter's death he
in the 14th year attained the rank of 3000 with 2000 horse and
the title of Rajah. His rank gradually increased, and in the 18th
year when there was a marshallîng of armies between Jahangir
and Shah Jahan, and Sultan Parvîz was appointed to the Decean
along with Mahâbat K. and others, Rajah Gaj Singh was also ap-
pointed to aeeompany the prince. in the end of Jahangir's reign
he with Khân Jahan Lodî, — who had crossed the Nerbudda and
taken possession of some of the eetates of Mâlwa — came to Mâlwa.
When the renown of Shah Jahan filled the world, he separated
from Khân Jahan and went to his o\vn eountry. After the arrival

1 Badayünî
* See Akbar
II. 161.

howo, 22.
'a Firman,

trans.

A.N.

nogram yields 976. Badayünî, III
76, saya Gadâî left Bairâm near Bîkâ
nîr. He adds that Gadâî after his re

s A.N. IH. trans. 132.

turn to

Delhi

continued

to be

hon-

* Badayünî,

Lowe,

124.

The

chro-

oured.

THE MAASIR-UL-CTMABA.

571

of the royal retinue at Agra, he in the first year of the reign "did
homage. As his father was the King's maternal uncle l he was
presented with a special khilat, a decorated jamdhar (dagger), a
phülkatâra (a kind of dagger), an adorned scimetar, and was con-
firmed in the rank of 5000 with 5000 horse — which he had held
in Jahangir's time — , and had the gift of a flag and drnms, a horse
from the special stable, with a gilded saddle, and an elephant from
the special herd. in the third year as, Shah Jahan had determined
upon punishing Khân Jahan Lodî— who had raised the standard
of rebellion and had fled and göne to Nizamu-I-Mülk Bahri (i.e.
falconer) and there made himself secure — and upon chastising the
Nızâmu-1-Mulk and on plundering his t'alüqs, he left the capital for
the Decean. He chose three armies under three distinguished
leaders, and gave the command of one of them to the Rajah and
sent him ofl along with A'zim K., the governor of the Decean.
He was to go and trample down the Nizâm's territory and not
slacken in chastising Khân Jahân. Afterwards, in the 4th year,
when Yemenu-d-daula was sent off to waken up 'Âdil Shah, he
was appointed to the vanguard. After returning from there, he
went to his native eountry, and in the 6th year came to the impe-
rial threshold. He again had the present of a horse with a gilded
saddle and of a khilat. in the lOth year, he was allowed to go
home. in the llth year, he came to court with his son Jaswant
Singh and performed the kornish. in the end of the same year
on 2 Muharram, 1048, 6th May, 1638, he died. He was distin-
guished from the other Rajahs by his conneetion with royalty and
his numerous troops, ete. The customs of the Râthors are differ-
ent from those of the other Rajputs, i'or that child succeedswhose
mother the father has loved most, though he may be younger. At
first the head of the Râthors had the title of Râo, but after-
wards when Udai Singh by entering the service of Akbar had the
title of Rajah, it was arranged that the other members of the
family should have the name of Râo. (From the above-mentiöned
family custom) it happened that on the death of Udai Singh,

1 Shah Jahan 's mother waa Jodh
Bav, daughter oi the " Fat Rajah,"

Udai Singh. Sûraj Singh was her
brother.

572

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

573

Süraj Singh, though he was younger than his brothers, succeeded
to the title of Rajah. Similarly the emperor presehted Jaswant
Singh with a khilat, a jamdhar (dagger), a manşab of 4000 with
4000 horse, and the title of Rajah in accordance with his father's
will, andgavehim a flag, and drums, a horse with a gilded saddle,
and' an elephant. Amr Singh, the elder brother of Jaswant, who
had been sent to Kabul along with Prince Sultan Shujâ', had an
increase of 1000 horse and a manşab of 3000 with 3000 horse and
the title of Râo. A separate account has been given of both.

GANJ 'ALI KHÂN 'ABDULLAH BEG.
Elder son of 'Alî Mardan K. the Amîru-1-Umarâ. in the 26th
year of Shah Jahan he received the rank of 1000 with 500 horse,
and in the 28th year he had the increase of 500, and in the 29th
year he had the increase of 100 horse. in the 30th year his rank
was 1500 wifch 800 horse. in the 31st year when his father died,
his rank was 2500 with 1500 horse. Afterwards he accompanied
Sulaimân Shikoh against Prince Shujâ'. When there was a change
of affairs, and the heavens advanced Aurangzeb, he came 1 to the
court and entered into service, in the İst year he had the gift of
drums and went with Khalîl Ullah in pursuit of Dara Shikoh.
Afterwards the title of Ganj 'Alî was conferred on him and he
took part in the battle with Shujâ' and in the second 4 battle with
Dârâ Shikoh. in the 9th year his rank was 3000 with 2000 horse
and he was entered among the auxiliaries of Kabul. He was prom-
inent in battle against the Afghans of the Khaibar, 3 but further
particulars of him are not known.*

(RAİ) GAUR DHAN SÜRAJ 6 DHWAJ.
He was an inhabitant of Khâri on the Ganges, and they say

1 KhSfi K. II. 33.

î Do. do. 65.

3 Apparently the battle of 6 May,
1672, in which Muhammad Amîn K.
was def eated.

« He waa named after his grand-
father who was Governor of Qandahar,

and was aecidentally killed there.
See note to *Alî Mardan. There was
a garden at Qandahar known as Ganj
'Alî.

» Süraj Dhwaj " The Sun-stand-
ard " is a subdivision of the Kayasth
oaste (Irvine). See also Elliot, Supp.

that in the beginning of his career he sate at the door of the
Cutcherry and copied out papers, thereby making three or four
piçe (tankas) a day. He wanted to acquire a brass inkstand, but
could not manage it. After some time he, during the diwanship
of Khwâja' Abu-1-Hasan Turbatî, came to the Khwâja in com-
pany with Harkarn a an inhabitant of Kampilâ Batalî (or Patali) with
the desire to get service at uourt. The Khwâjah looked at them
and said, " Harkarn knows book-keeping, but he appears to be a
thief, and Gaur Dhan is a fool. " He signed a paper giving the
first rs. 30 a month, and the second rs. 25. When the diwanship
came to I'timâdu-d-daula, Gaur Dhan got rs. 50 a month and was
made bakshi of the menial servants (shâgird pesha). Aftervvards
he got the title of Rai, and the diwânî of Ftimâdu-d-daulah was
followed by his being enrolled in the royal establishment. Every
day his influence increased, and gradually he became the centre of
affairs for ali India.

Even the Khan-Khânân Commander-in-chief became an appli-
cant 3 at his house.

in the expedition to Gujarat, when* Jaharıgir went upon the
sea, Rai Gaur Dhan was one day going to his house from the dar-
bâr, when at the instigation of Sharîfu-1-Mulk the bakhşhî of
I'timâdu-d-daula's establishment, a person struck him on the arm
with a sword. it produced no effect, and from that day his repu-
tation rose higher. Though 'Asmat Begam, the wife (mother of
Nür Jahân) of I'timâdu-d-daula, disliked him, he did not sustain

Gloss. I. 305. There are 12 branches
of the Kayasths. Seo also Crooke's
"Tribesof the N.W.P." III. 191. it
seems that Khârî, otherwise G ordhan-
nagar, is in the district of Etah and in
the tahsil of Aliganj. West of Pat-
ilî there is a village called Duvân-
nagar, which may be that founded by
Gaur Dhan. (Information given by
Maqbûl Ahmad through Mr. Irvine).

l Maaşir I. 737. . Abu-I-Hasan was
Diwân of the Deecan in Akbar's time.
He was af terwards a high ofBcer under
Jahangir. See Maaşir I. 737.

4 Apparently the author of the
work mentioned in Rieu 630 and trans-

lated by F. Belfour. Kampilâ, pro-
perly Kampilâ, was in Sarkar Kanauj,
J. II. 185. it is famous in conneetion
with the Kürüs and Pândûs, See I.G.
XIV. 328. it is in the Farrukhabad
district. it is also mentioned in Jar-
rett II. 282, though wrongly spelt
Rampilâ.

3 See biography of 'Azîzkoka I.
691.

* in the 12th year of his reign,
1617. T. Jahangir 208, Iqbâlnâma
106, and Elliot VI. 354. The inoident
of the wounding is not mentioned in
the ourrent histories.

_„. THE MAASIR-UL-TTMARA.

O /4

any diminution of rank. After the death of I' timâdu-d-daulah
he became manager for Nur Jahân Begam. in the disturbance of
Mahâbat K. who was an enemy of this family, Gaur Dhan out of
opportunism sided with him. Mahâbat made över to him ali
affairs, in gross or detail, and he, out of wickedness and ingrati-
tude, shared in wishing ili to and in slandering his benefactors and
disclosed their wealth and hidden treasures. He thereby disgraced
himself before tüe world. Afterwards when the commotion sub-
sided, Aşaf K. imprisoned him, and after a while he died. His
wife performed sati along with his body He had no children.
He made his birthplace of Khârt like a city by making pucka en-
closures, lofty buildings, roads and bazaars, and gave it the name
of Gaur Dhannagar. He also rebuilt and put in order the dwell-
ing houses there. He also signed över the rents thereof as endow-
ments to the craftsmen there. He established there every kind of
artizan, and formed studs of cows, buffaloes, mares, camels, goats,
and sheep near his home on the bank of the Ganges, like the studs
(îlkhîhâ) in foreign countries ( Wilayat, Persia ?). Muoh milk, curds
and butter were produoed ; and on the road to Lahore he estab-
lished serais and spacious tanks.

in Mathura, on this side of the river (i.e. the side opposite
the town of Mathurâ), he built a large temple in a place called
Gaur Dhannagar. in Ujjain too he constructed a tank and a
temple. in fine he, in search of a good name, introduced several
asages and left good rules that they might be a memorial of him
in this old staging-house (the world). in punishment for his ingra-
titude his goods were confiscated to the Aşaf J&h 1 establishment.
The water in his tanks dried up, his serais became deşer ted, and
his home, Khârî, was assigned to Shujâ'at K. Bârha as a fief. No
trace* remained of his wealth or herds.

Verse.
No sign of wine-jar (kham) or of wine tavern (khamkhâna).

THE MAASIR-TTL-tTMARA.

1 Perhaps thig means " theimperial
establishment."

* I can find no notice of this inter-

esting man in Keval Ram, and appar-
ently he is not remembered in his na-
tive town.

575

(MIR) GESU OF KHURASAN.

One of the Saiyids of that country. At Akbar's Court he
became an object of trust on account of his good services and was
made Bakâwal Beg (superintendent of the kitchen) — an office only
conferred on trustworthy men. When Muhibb 'Ali K. the son of
the Mir Khalîfa addressed himself to the siege of Bhakar, and the
garrison became hard-pressed, — as has been stated in Muhibb
'Alî's biography, — Sultan Mahmüd, the ruler there, represented to
Akbar that what had passed, had passed, and that now he was
vrilling to surrender the fort, but that there was enmity between
him and Muhibb 'Ali, and that he had no confidence in him. He
begged therefore that one of Akbar's servants might be deputed.
Akbar depuoed Mir Gesü. When he came there, Muhibb 'Alî's
men blocked his path, and he was nearly being made prisoner.
Khwâja Muqîm of Herat, the father of Khwâja Nizâmu-d-dîn
Bakhşhî (author of the Tabaqât)~-who had göne there as Amîn^
by his sound counsels restrained Muhibb 'Alî from improper con-
tention. The garrison, who had been waiting for the Mîr, surren-
dered the keys in accordance with Sultan Mahmüd's agreement —
who had died before the Mir's arrival — in the 19th year, 982, 1574-
75. Such a cultivated country came into his possession. But
Muhibb 'Alî K. in his foolish covetousness did not withdraw his
affections from the country, and things between them ended in dis-
pute and contest.

When Akbar heard of this, he sent Tarson K. as governor of
the country, and when his brethren came there, Mîr Gesü — who
had tasted the sweets of rule — became presumptuous and wanted
to strengthen the fort. But a consideration of the final end of
things restrained him from this wrong notion. He withdrew and
went off to kiss the threshold. Afterwards he held the faujdârî
of Mirtha ' and of the Delhi districts which are the best in the
Düâb.

As he always had disputes with his servants about their pay,
and both parties had only regard to their own interests, there
arose a quarrel between him and the soldiery in the 28th year,

1 A.N. III. 414. But Delhi is not mentioned there.

576

THE MAASIR-TTL-UMARA.

991, 1583, in Mirtha. He turned söme ignominiously out of their
quarters, and in the morning, which was the 'Td of Shawwâl
8th October, 1583, he came, flown with wine, to the 'Idgâh.
Some of the hypocrites approached him with a petition, and he
abandoned discretion and abused them. They broke out into
rebellion, and the Mir in his wrath set fire to their houses. They
rose up against him, and his companions behaved with cowardice.
His l days came to an end and the rebels wickedly reduced his
body to ashes. Akbar was angry on hearing of this, and capitally
punished many of them. His son Mîr Jalâlul-d-dîn Mas'aüd — who
held a suitable rank — died in the third year of Jahangir, and his
mother, when he was dying and his case was hopeless, took opium
and died one or two hours after her son. it is common in India
for wives to enter the fire when their husbands hav e died, but that
a mother should sacrifice her life on account of her son is some-
thing unusual. But, in fact, the conditions in the two cases
( " Jalâl's mother and the Hindu widows) are not the same. For
it often happens that the widows sacrifice themselves on account
of the custom without being moved by love. Hence it is that on
the deaths of Rajahs ten or twenty men and women cast them-
selves into the fire.

GHAIRAT KHÂN.

He is Khvvâja Kamgâr, brother's son of 'Abdullah K. Banâ-
dur Fîrüz Jang. in the 3rd year of Shah Jahan his rank was
1000 with 400 horse, and when in the 4th year Khân Jahan Lodî
came from the Deccan with intent to make a disturbance and,
after the killing of Daryâ K., his sole desire w as to obtain safety
and to get away even with ignonimy, 'Abdullah K. was in the
vanguard of Saiyid Mozafar K. Bârha and did not cease from
following him. Khân Jahan was helpless, and fought and lost some
of his relatives and then fled. On this occasion, Kâmgâr in com-

1 Mîr Gesû is noticed in Blochmann
421. His end is described in A.N. III.
414. The son's death and the
mether's suicide are recorded in the
Tüzük J., p. 67, Boger's translation,
142. But the oocorrence is there

described as having happened in the
beginning of 1014, i.e. the firat year.
The IqbülnSma 33 mentions another
case w here a daughter took poisoıı
on the death of her father.

THE MAASİB-TJL-UMAEA. g--

pany with his uncle- distinguished himself When Khân T k-
got away from Kâliniar he went 20 * * î. *"

at the bank of the Sah nda i po Z T L £ {% ""f ^ d ^^
and was tired of life , he faced" he" van g u a d £ ZT f ^^
the beginning of Rajab 1040, 24 Januarv 16 , , f? 7 "

with a few foUowers en^aged in fiTt K ' ? 8 . monnted ' and
. arrived, the Saiyids W ith°a £ h^l "u ht ^ £T "
to pzeces. Afterwards, 'Abdullah K. came up cut off Î h t T!

s&H -^ '«^ — 3S X?£

ot honour, a horse, an increase of 500 with ?no „„ a -

of Ghairat K. In the lOth „., I ' ^ the tİtle

1200 hor« P „ A i, , 7 ' he g0t an increase oî 1000 and

1200 horse and hıa rank became 2500 with 2000 horse and

was made governor of the province of Delhi

AsalatK In the 12th v^ X u Z m sxxccess ™ to

entrusted to h m In İZ £ f^ " Sh ^ h ™^ was

-d in 104 9 , ..tt^^C^C"^

For four months more he S f \ 6 f ° Undati °ns.

and then he was appofnd * ^T İ^TÎV'
died in the 14th yea'there in 10 5 TÎ 6 4o! ^Jh -^ ^
-distinct from the IqbâİQâma of Mua^tmad^l- t n M: âm H

« ~ :: r h ı %zr* r tmad k c -- «

GHAIRAT" KHAN MÜHAMMAD IBRÂHÎM

• S. Najâbat K. and a distinguished servant of Shah Jahan

1000 horse and reoeived the title of Shuil'at K «T T
~ Alam. When the kıng pursued Dârâ Shikoh as

1 See Maaşir, 1. 729.

* Rieu. 257a.

mam

THE MAASIR-TTL-UMARA.

579

578

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

far a8 Multan and then returned, the charge of Multan was gıven
to Lashkar K., but as ha was in Kashmîr, Ghairat remamed there
in charge till his arrival. Afterwards he was removed from there,
and in the second battle with Dârâ Shikoh vvas attached to the
royal stirrup. After tnat, he vvas for some reason removed from
office but in the end of the second year , he vvas raised to the rank
of 3000 with 2000 horse. in the third year, he got the tıtle of
Ghairat K. and returned to his old position. in the 9th year, he
was sent along with Muhammad M'üazzam to Kabul on account of
reports about me movements of the Persian king, and he recmved
an increase of 500 horse. in the lOth year he, along w!th the
above-mentioned prince, vvaited on the king. and when the prmce
went to his ovvn government of the Deccan, Ghairat K. went vvith
him Afterwards he was faujdâr » of Jaunpür and in the 23rd year
he was removed and came to court. Along with Sultan Muham-
mad Akbar (Aurangzeb's son) he went against the Sîsodm and
Râthor tribes who were becoming turbulent in that year.

When the prince at the instance of the Rajputs became
rebellious and came forvvard to contend with his father, Ghairat
vvas his associate. When the prince fled, Ghairat went off to
Shah 'Alam who sent him to court. Ön this account, he became
an object of anger and was put in charge of ihtimam K., in order
that he might look after him in the Akbari* buildings (1). He was
ımp risoned there for a long time, and in the 43rd year, he was
releaaed» and received the rank of 3000 with 2000 horse and the
faujdârî of Jaunpür. A brother of his, Muhammad Qulı by
name in the 26th year of Shah Jahan had the t ank of 1000 wıth
400 horse and went with Dârâ Shikoh to Qandahar. in the 28th .
year he was made superintendent of the elephant stables and in
the 30th year he was made Mir Tüzük and had the title of M ata-

1 Maasir A. 170. He was struck
by lightning and injured in the leg.
Six people vvere killed.

2 Mohalât-Akbari. Maasir A. 205.
Does the phrase mean Agra ?

8 Maasir A. 405. The text has
ghaibâna rahâi yafta, as if he were
secretly released. But in the Maaşır

A. from which the account is taken
the word ghaibâna qualifies the ap-
pointment, i.e. manşab, and means that
he reeeived the appointmont without
coming to court, The Maasir A. says
his father Najâbat had the title of
Khân.'Âlam.

qad K. in the 3 İst year he had the rank of 2000 vvith 2000
horse, of which 800 were two and three horse. He also had the
faujdârî and the fief of Bahraich in Oudh. in the lOth year of
Aurangzeb he had the faujdârî of Sultanpur Bilehri. 1 Aftervvards
he was for some reason censured and removed from his rank. in
the 12th year he was given the rank of 2000 with 2000 horse and
the office of superintendent of the jilau (retinue, or grooms).
Another brother, Muhammad Ism'ail K., before Aurangzeb's time,
had the rank of 1000 with 500 horse, and in the 2nd year had
the title of Khân.

One of Najâbat K.'s grandchildren vvas called Bahravvar K.
in the 29th year of Aurangzeb he was made deputy of Muham-
mad A'zim Shah in the province of Mahva on the death of the Rai
Raiân Mulük Cand. Aftervvards he had the title of Najâbat K.
and vvas made governor of Burhânpür and faujdâr of Baglâna.
in the 47th year he had the rank of 2000 vvith 500 horse, and in
the time of the povver of A'zim Shah he vvas made governor of
Mahva, in the reign of Muhammad Farrukh Siyar, Husain 'Ali
K. Amîru-1-Umarâ when near his end* (?) confined him in the fort
of Mulher to which he had been appointed. Tvvo sons of his re-
mained. One vvas Fathyâb K. who for a long time was the here -
dltary governor of Auranggarha alias Mulher. in 1156, 1743, he
went with 'Abdu-l-'AzIz K. Bahâdur— who had received a grant
of the government of Gujarat from Muhammad Shah — to that
province. On the way a battle took place vvith the Mahrattas
and he vvas martyred. His son had his title and for a time held a
fief. At the time of vvriting he serves this man and that man.
The second, Faizyâb K., vvas a dissolute man (yârbâşh). 3 He is
dead.

GHÂLIB KHÂN BÎJAPÜRl.

At first he vvas a servant of 'Âdil Shah of Bîjâpür, and vvas
governor of the fort of Parenda vvhich belonged to the province

1 Test Malharî, but there is the
variant Bilehri and this agrees with
'Alamgîrnâma 1057 and with Jarrett
II. 174. it w as in Sarkar Audh.

* Bar tir dSdân 'amal.

3 See Forbes* dictionary, s.v.

580

THE MAASIR-TJL-UMARA.

of Aurangabad whieh was then subject to 'Âdil Shah. in the 3rd
year of Aurangzeb he became suspicious of 'Âdil Shah and
addressed himself to Shaista K., the Amîra-1-Umarâ, and made '
över the f ort to the imperial government. As a reward he received
the rank of 4000 with 4000 horse and the title of Khân, and be-
came one of the officers of ohe Deccan. in the 9th year he in
company with the Mîrzâ Rajah Jai Singh set about chastising the
Bijâpûrîs and did good service in taking Kadhî* in the village of
Dhükî belonging to Bljâpür. Nothing more is known of him.

GHAZANFAR KHÂN.
S. Ilawardî K. He was long separated from his father and
served at the court of Shah Jahan. He obtained more honour
than his brothers — with the exception of his elder brother M.
J'aafar. He was first appointed to the post of Tüzük, in the
16th year he was made sııperintendent of the artillery, and the
Kotwâl of the camp. in the Balkh expedition Prince Murâd
Bakhşh sent Khalîl Ullah K. — who had been appointed to the charge
of the left wing of the reserve — from Chârîkâr to take the forts of
Kahmard and Ghorî. The Khân sent Ghazanfar with a force as
advance-guard against Ghorî. He along with Qubâd K. Mîr
Akhor attacked the fort and bravely dismounted and set himself
to take it. Meanwhile the rest of the army came up and the gover-
nor had to surrender. in the 22nd year he \vas made sııperin-
tendent of the elephant-stables and received the rank of 1000
with 500 horse, and the title of Khân. Afterwards he was
deprived of his rank on account of delay in his proceeding to
Bengal. in the 27th year he was made an officer of 1000 with
800 horse and the faujdâr of the Duab. Suddenly a great and
tusked elephant came from the slopes of the northern hills to
pargana Chaurâsî 3 in the Sarkar of Saharanpür. The Khân re-
ported the circumstance, and huntsmen and elephants, ete., were
sent there. The Khân caught the elephant and produced it before

l Maasir A. 33, 'Alamgîraâma 596.

i ■Âlamglrnâma 1007 w here the fort is called Galînî and the village
Dohoki. Ghâlib is also mentioned at p. 1009.

3 The Jaurâsî of Jarrett II. 292 and Elliot Supp. Glossary II. 128.

THE MAASIR-UL- UMARA.

581

the king and received the title of Khâş Şhikâr. in the 28th
year the above service and the looking af ter the buildings of
Mukjılaşpür were taken from him and given to Husain Beg K. it
happened that in the 30th year Muhammad ibrahim the son of
Aşâlat K. was appointed to inspect the buildings of Mukhlaş-
pür, 1 and reported that the work was not being carried on accord-
ing to the original plan. Accordingly the Khân was again
appointd to the faujdârî of the Duab and had an inerease of 200
horse and was sent off quickly in order that he miğht complete
the buildings in a proper manner.

Let it not be concealed that on the bank of the Jumna near
the foot of the northern hills which are near the hills of Sirmür,
at a distance of 47 kos from Delhi, there is a village known as
Mukhlaşpür 1 and which is a dependeney of Saharanpür. it has a
good elimate and many other advantages. it can be reached
from the capital by boat in seven days. in the 28th year an order
was given to erect lofty buildings there, and in the 30th year these
were completed at a cost of five lacs. The king (Shah Jahan)
visited the place and gave it the name of Faizâbâd. The villages
of the pargana yielding a revenue of 30 lacs of dâms were an-
nexed to it. in the battle with Dârâ Shikoh the Khân was on the
right vving. When Aurangzeb became victorious, most of the sons
of Ilahwardi were treated with favour either on account of their
ability, or in order to conciliate their father who was with Shujâ'.
Ghazanfar in the beginning of the reign was made faujdâr of the
Duab, and in the end of the 2nd year he was made in succession
to Mukarram K. Şafavi, faujdâr of Jaunpür. in the 7th year he
was made governor of Tatta (Scinde) in succession to Qubâd K.
and had an inerease of 500 with 1000 horse and so had the rank
of 3000 with 3000 horse, of which 1000 were two horse and three
horse. in the lOth year in the end of 1077, 1667, he died a
natural death at Tatta. His brother* Hasan 'Alî K. who was

' Soe 'Alamgîrnâma 849 for an ac-
count of Mukhlaşpür.

* Thİ8 seems taken from 'Âlamgir-
n&ma 1048, but does not quite agree
with the original. There it is Ilah-

wardî the elder brother of Ghazanfar,
who is deseribed as faujdâr of Mora-
dabad, while the younger brother is
called Aralan K. and not islâm K.

5 g 2 THE MAASIR-TJL-UMARA.

fauidâr of Moradabad, and islâm K., his younger brother, who was
faujdâr of Siwistan, and also his sons and other relatives, receıved
(mourning) robes of honour.

(MlRZÂ) GHAZÎ BEG (TARKHAN).
S M Jânî Beg Tarkhân the ruler of Scinde. When M. Jânî
died in Burhânpür in attendance on Akbar, the latter encompassed
M Ghâzî in his absence, with favours and restored the country
to him and he sate upon the masnad of his ancestors and enjoyed
much prosperity. Khusrau K., the Circassian, who had for a cen-
tury been the vakil of the family, and was a master of contrı-
vance, had another idea in his head. Akbar sent S'aîd K wıth
his son S'ald Ullah K. to arrange the affairs of the provınce-, and
the Mîrzâ had the good sense to çome to Bhakar and waıt upon
S'aîd K in company with him he at the age of 17 paid his res-
pects to the emperor. Scinde remained as before. When Jahan-
gir came to the throne, M. Ghâzî's horoscope was fortunate, and
the province of Multan was added to his possessions. He had
the title of son (farzarid) and the rank of 7000. When Husain
K Shâmlû the governor of Herat, besieged Qandahar, the Mirza
was appointed with suitable force Afterwards he was made gov-
ernor of Qandahar. There he behaved well against the sfcrıfe-
mongers of Persia, and carried on a correspondence with Shâh
'Abbâs. They say that the Shah sent him robes of honour several
times in the year 1018, 1 1609, he died in his 25th year after a
few days' illness. The chronogram is Ghâzi (1018). Men suspected
Latif Ullah Bahâî K.— who was the Mirzâ's companion and vakil,
and whose father Khusrau K. the Circassian was disliked by
the Mirza (Ghâzi Beg). M. Ghâzi was very fond of the society
of literary men, and himself composed poetry. Waqârî (steadı-
ness) was his tahhallaş.

They say that there was a poet in Qandahar whö had thıs

THE MAASIR-ÜL-UMARA.

583

l But seo note 3. The alleged
poisoning i» referred to in the T.
Tâhiri. There Lajjif UUah ıs called
Latif UUah Bai Khân. De Laet,
whc*e history waa pubUshed m 1631,

telis the story of how Akbar waated
to poison M. Ghâzi, but inadvertently
took the poisoned pili himself. The
story is no doubt untrue.

sobriquet, and that the Mîrzâ bought the title from him by givitıg
him Rs. 1000, a robe of honour and a horse, on account of its as-
sociation with his father's takhallaş, which was Halîmî (ınildness).
The Mirza was unequalled as a singer, and player on the tamboür.
He could play ali instruments. Mullâ Murşhid wrote about tnıs.

(Verse).

They say tnat in Qandahar the Mirza's assemblies were f ull of

distinguished men such as Mullâ Murşhid Yazdjardî, Tâlib Amali ,

Mir Ni'amat Ullah Aşilî and Mullâ Asad the story-teller. They

say that when Faghf üri l Gilânî resolved to come from Persia to

India and come to Qandahar, the Mîrzâ treated him with great

favour. Other distinguished mea, especially Mullâ Murşhid and

Asadî, inserted verses (dakhlhâ) in his poems. He was annoyed

and went off to Lahore without taking leave. The Mîrzâ was

vexed and wrote him a letter. He also caused Mullâ Murşhid and

Asadî to write excuses, and he begged him to return. Faghf ür

wrote excellently in reply.

(Verse).*

The Mîrzâ, like his father, was much addicted to wine. He
spent days and nights in drinking. And he had made an arrange-
ment with procuresses that they should bring him a virgin every
night. He never saw their faces again. Hence it was that for a
long time every bad woman in Tatta claimed to have had dealings
with the Mîrzâ. 8

GHÂZİ KHAN BADAKHSHl.

His name was Qâzî Nizâm. He studied the sciences under
Mullâ 'Işâm, and was the unique of the age in traditional and

l See Tazkira Husainl, and Spren-
ger's Cat. 391. He was in the service
of Prince Parvez. Mullâ Murşhid is
mentioned in id. 508.

2 The lines are very satirical. The
Mirza is compared to a carcacs oon-
tended for by two vultures, ete.

» B. 363. Bieu I. 292b. Tflzuk J.
109 and IqbâlnSma, 67. As pointed
out by Blochmann, the Tüzük, p. 109,
puts M. Ghâzi' s death into the 7th

year, 1021. If so, the chronogram
Ghazî must be wrong. See also Rieu
950a where the date given is II Şair
1021, 3rd April, 1612 The Târîkh
Tâhiri has a good deal to say about
Ghâzi Beg. it say s he was 16 when
his father died, i.e. in 1008, or 1600.
The Akbarnâma puts the death into
January 1601, 13 Bahman 1009. A.N.
III. 783. M. Ghazî died at Qandahar,
and must have been about eight and

584

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

585

rational knowledge. He was also a pupil of Shaikh Husain of
Khwârazm. He acquired a thorougher knowledge of Şufism. As
he was possessed of great ability he became an Amir. At first, he
was an intimate companion of M. Sulaimân, the ruler of Badakh-
şhân, and was one of his chief officers. He received the title of
Qâzî Khân. in the year vvhen H-uraâyün died, and M. Sulaimân
took advantage of his opportunity and besieged Kabul, Mun'im K.
defended it. He sent off messengers to India to obtain help, and
when the siege had lasted a long time the Mirza sent Qâzî K. to
him with a deceitful message. The Khan kept the Qâzî for some
days, and every day entertained him sumptuously, and produced
many fruits such as the Badakhshânîa were unacquainted with.
The Qâzî was convinced that the taking of Kabul was an itnpos-
sibility, and came out and told M. Sulaimân that the attempt to
take Kabul was like hammering cold iron. The Mîrzâ was com-
pelled to make peace and to return to Badakhşhan. Af ter that
the Qâzî lef t Sulaimân and came to Kabul where he was respect-
fully treated by M. Muhammad Hakim, who made him a compa-
nion. in the 19th year (of Akbar) he went off to India and paid
his respects to Akbar at Khânpür l when the latter was returning
from Jâunpur. He received a waist-dagger, a decorated sword, a
robe of honour, and a present of ps. 5000, and was made Parwâncî
(writer of orders).

As he had great tact he soon was encompassed with royal
favoürs and obtained much influence, and was raised to the rank of
1000. When he had distinguished himself in battles , he received
the title of Ghâzî K. in the 2 İst year he accompanied Rajah
Mân Singh and in the batfcle with the Rânâ (at Goganda) he com-
manded the left wing. When the enemy made an onset and many
of the imperialists gave way, Ghâzî K. turned back and joined
the vanguard and fought manfully.* Afterwards he was in the
fief of Oudh and distinguished 3 himself in putting down the Bihar

twenty. See Rogers' translation of
Tüzük, p. 223. The Beşlâmâma,
EUiot I. 291, also gives 1021 as date
of death.

l A vfllage in Jaunpür Sarkar, J.
II. 163. According to A.F. III. 108,

Ghâzî K. joined Akbar at Güna or
Küna But see Badayûni, Lowe 185.

a Badayûni, Lowe 237, A.N. III.
174.

8 A.N. III. 324.

rebels. in the 29th year, 992, 1 1584, he died in Ayüdya (Faizâ-
bâd) at the age of seventy. He was the author of important
books. Shaikh 'Allâmî* (Abu-1-fazl) has wntten that his courage
made illustrious his wisdom and that his sword exalted the tlignity
of his pen. Though sunk in the field of ordinary learning, he
worshipped along with the püre Şufis, and so, though outwardly
fettered, he achieved liberation. He always had a weeping-eye and
a burning heart. They say that he was the first person who in-
troduced the sijdah (prostration) in the presence of Akbar. There
is a joke about this to the effect that Mullâ 'Alam Kabulî— who
was one of the learned men of the time— said, " Alas that I did
not invent this."

it appears from the authors of books that in the old religions
the practice was to lay the forehead in the dust before the chosen
ones of faith and the forerunners on the path of certainty, not out
of worship but from submission and humility. Thus the angels
performed the sijdah to Adam, and the father and brothers of
Joseph did so to him. This method became current in former
times under the guise of salam. When the lamp of other religions
was extinguished by the effulgence of the sun of islâm, the salam
and the joining of hands were substituted for this. Akbar—
who was the founder of sovereignty and world-rule, and the
author of many regulations and customs— introduced various
kinds of homage. He ordained 8 the placing of the palm of the
hand on the top of the forehead and the lowering of the head, and
gave that tjhe name of kornish ; i.e. the head, which is the life of
sensation and reason, was taken by the hand and made supplica-
tion, and made itself prepared for obedience. Also the palm* of
the hand was laid on the ground and slowly raised, and then the
man»stood up and laid the palm of the hand on the top of the
head. This Akbar called the taşlım. Upon 6 taking leave or

1 Text wrongly has 990. The day
of his death was 15th July, 1584.

_» A.N. III. 436. See also Bada
yûnî III. 153 who mentions the books
he wrote.

3 B. 158.

* The Ain has " the back of the
right hand." B. 158.

6 Taken from the Ain. B. 158. B.
translatea " but only one on ali other
occasions, when salaries are paid, or
presents are made." For Akbar's
prohibition of the sijdah in public
dar bâr see B. 159 and note.

586

THE MAASIR-TTL-TJMARA.

THE MAASIK-UL-UMARA.

587

presentation, or upon reoeiving a manşab, a jagir, or a dress of
honour, or an elephant, or a horse, the rule was to make three tas-
llms ■ on other occaaions of liberality, or of distribution of favonrs,
he was satisfied with one tasüm. Aftervvards, at the instıgatıon of
worldly men and flatterers, he introduced the sijdah, but apprehend-
ing the poblic censure he stopped the practice in the pubhc dar-
bâr and made it only to be performed in private and by hıa specıal
intimates. For whenever an order was given in private for an
officer to sit down, he performed the sijdah. And in the time of
Jahangir, from carelessneas and want of thought, this evıl custom
continued. When Shah Jahan ascended the throne-God be .
praised for his energy !-the first' order that he gave was the pro- (
hibition of the sijdah, as it was unfit for any but Deity. Mahâbat
K the commander-in-chief represented that it was necessary for
the distinction of ranks that the reverence to the king should be
different from that practised towards the other servants of God.
If for the sijdah the zaminbos were substitued, the positions of ser-
vant and master and of sovereign and subject would be fixed.
Accordingly, it was ordered that both hands should be placed on
the ground and that salutation should be made with the back of
the hand. As the zaminbos resembled the sijdah, the emperor abo
lished it in the lOth year , and ordered a f ourth taşlım in lieu there-
of in return for favours which were granted in the Presence, or
inabsence,fourobeisancesweretobemade. For Saiyids, Ulama
and great Shaikhs, they were to pay the authorised salam at the
time of giving homage, and to recite the fatiha at departure. I

Mîr Husâmu-d-dîn was the brilliant son and representatıve of j
Ghâzi K Tt is well known that he was one of the great Shaikhs. .'
in the time of Akbar he attained the rank of 1000 and was ap-
pointed to the Deccan. There he became intimate with th« Khân-
Khânân. Suddenly, in his youth, the tumult of the Divine compa-
nionship seized him, and he was drawn away by attractıon (jazba).
He said to the Khân-Khânân, " A desire to forsake the world
has taken posseasion of my soul. If you'll not let me go, I shall

l B. 213 N. Mahâbat K.'s long
apeech and the orders thereupon are

given in the Pâdshâhnâma I. III- «'
seq.

become mad. Write to H.M. and send me to Delhi in order that
I may spend to rest of my life at the shrine of the Sultan of great
Shaikhs." Though the Khân-Khânân was urgent with him to give
up the mad idea, he would not be forbidden. Next day he stripped
himself naked, and smeared mud and olay on his body, and went
about in the streets and lanes. When the thjng was reported to
the king, he gave him leave to retire to Delhi. For thirty years
he lived in complete abstinence and observance of the law.
Though he had aequired ali the sciences, he laid them ali aside.
He occupied himself in meditating on the Qoran and in the prac-
tice of Şufism. From Kjnvâjah Bâqî Billah of Samarkand, who
was born in Kabul and died in Delhi, he received permission to
guide travellers (on the path of piety). He died in 1043, 1633-34.
His wife was a sister of Abu-1-fazl. By order of her husband she
gave to the poor such gold and jewels as she had and cleansed
her skirt from the defilement of worldliness. They say that every
year she sent Bs. 2,000 for the expenses of Shah Husâmu-d-din's
monastery.

GHAZlU-D-DIN K. BAHADUR FlRÜZ JÂNG.

His name was Mîr Şhihâbu-d-dîn and he was the son of QiHj
K. Khwâja 'Abid. in the 12th year he came from Tûrân, and'en-
tered tbe service of Aurangzeb and received the rank of 300 with
70 horse. They say that öne day Subhân Qulî K. the rulef of the
country (Türân) came to see the melon fields and that Mir §hihâbu-
d-dîn said to Khwâja Y c aqüb Jûîbârî and Rustum Beg Atâljq,
" My father has called me to India, but the Khan does not give
me leave." As a suitable time had öccurred these two good men
went to the Khân and prpcured leave for him. The Khân sent for
him, and pronounced the fatiha, and said, " Go to India, you will
become a great man." it happened that such good fortune
attended him that the might and dominion of the princes of Balkh
and Bokhara were nothing in comparison to it. in the 23rd year,
when the royal standards were displayed in order to chastise the
Rânâ of Udaipür, no news was forthcoming about Hasan 'Alî K.
Bahâdur 'Âlamgirshâhî who had göne into the hül-eountry in pur-
suit of the Rânâ. At midnight the king sent for Mîı Shıhâbu-d-

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.
Oöo

dîn _ who was on guard then-and sent him off * > get , = . He
went off at önce without making İnqmne3 about the nature of th
eountry or regarding the dangers of the ^^^^
davs brought and presented a report from the Khân ims g
tZii was the cause of his promotion and he reoeıved th< , *üe o
Khân and other favours. After that he was sent offto |roh *>
put down Durgâ Dâs and Sotak' and other turbulent Râthors.
As they had leagued with Prince Muhammad Akbar and were lead-
fnAhn astray, the prince sent Mîrak Khân-who was a servant
knot^to the'king-to the Khân and made promises and «^
that the latter would join him. The faithful Khar ı travelied 60
Icos with Mîrak in two days and came before H.M. and w» ap
proved of. He was made superintendent of the ^^
petitiöns, and when the king came to the Deccan m the 26th yea
the Khân was appointed to punish the rebels near Junazr. in fa»
b ent he wa S P made superintendent of the mace-bearers .n suc-
cession to Mukarram K., and Saiyid üghlân was «^ *J^
4s he in hard conflicts defeated the Mahrattas, he in the 27th year
tcet d the title of Ghâzîu-d-dîn K. Bafaâdu, in the 28th year
he L sent off to take the fort of Râhîrî-which was the abode o
Lbhâ-and he at önce (Mrl) set fire to it and kılled many o
the infidels. He received the title of Fu-üz Jang and tne gl ft ot
drums When, during the sifcge of Bîjâpür, there was scamty and
ÎLe in the camp of Prince Munammad Â'zim Shah s ^
stay there seemed impossible, Khân Fîrüz Jang recdved the _dxg
nity of the Fish and was sent there with abundant stores,
Sud'denly he fell upon 6000 infantry. Paidabâ* Nâ* he ^zamın-
dar of SaKriya' (1 ) had secreüy sent stores for the rene of Bnapu^
and pat them to the sword, and brought tran q m hty to the camp
of the prince. Aurangzeb set down the taking of Bıjapur tohı»
Th chronogram was Ld Sikandar girift, « H e took S^andar s
rampart » (1098-1687). With his own hand Aurangzeb .rote

THE MAASIB-UL-UMABA.

589

1 Variant Sonk and so in Maaşir A.

199.

« Maaşir A. 199.

8 Maaşir A. 266.

* Maaşir A. 265 Paid N5îk. See
EUiot VH. 3*7.

t The real name is Sağar, 15
N.E. W5kinkera.

6 Sikandar waa the name of
young king of BîjîpOr.

i KhSfiK. II. 322.

the

the sentence for the record writer and sent it to be inserted in the
records, viz., " it was taken by the help of the son (farzand) void
of duplicity , Ghâzîu-d-dîn K. Bahâdur Fîrüz Jang. ' ' After that he
took the fort of Ibrâhîmgarha alias Ikar which afterwards
received the name of Fîruzgarha. He did good service in the
siege of Haidarabad and was wounded. After it was taken he
was raised to the rank of 7000 with 7000 horse. Afterwards, he
took the fort of Adoni, which received the name of Imitiyâz-
garha, after severe fighting, from Sîdi Mas'aud Bîjâpüri who was
one of the high officers of 'Adil Shah, and in the 32nd year added
it and its territory to the imperinl domains. in the same year
he went off from Bîjâpür to extirpate Sambhâ. As plague broke
out and many who escaped from death lost their intellects, their
eyes, their ears or their speech, the Khân too lost his eyesight.
Though he in accordance with precedent ' did not come into the
Presence yet there was no change in his leadership. in the 42nd
year Santâ the robber, who had defeated the armies of islâm and
had slain or made prisoners of royal officers, and who had fled
after the taking of Giniî, and göne towards Satara, was, on account
of an old grudge, defeated thoroughly by Dahînâ Jâdü, and was
wandering about in a miserable condition. By chance Nâgobâ*
Miyân a Mahratta out of enmity cut off his head. He wanted to
take it to Dahina Jadü, bat on the way it fell into the hande of
Fîrüz Jang's troops. The Khân sent the head to court along with
Khwâja Bâbâî Türânî who, in reward for his good tidings, received
the title of Khüşh Khabar Khân. Fîrüz Jang received a thousand
thanks and praises. in the 43rd year he was appointed to the
affair of Islâmgarh alias Deogarha, and took it, After that he was
appointed to guard the residence at Islâmpürî. At the time that
the victorious imperial standards returned from the taking of
Khelna to Bahâdurgarha/ there was a review of the army which

1 it was an order of Jahangir that
blind men should not come before him.

4 Nâgoji Manai in Elliot. VII. 360,
where the story is told at length ac-
oording to the narrative of Khâfî K.

3 Alao oalled Birgânw, Khâfî K. II.

639 and Elliot VII. 383 and note.
Presumahly Ghâzîu-d-dîn did not per-
sonally appear at the review on ac-
count of his blindneas. The passage
is taken from the Maaşir A. 468.

gQ THE MAASIR-UL-TTMARA.

M Jang Had- d,»w» »P a„d ,.nt off .rom 4* 4-» »
They say to. 8 ^,,,4. After the kmg had

r'oMatT» t :ı" -*■« *• -t - iri:

looked at tnem, u<» w „„,.:„„ << Ynu with double

~* +o Prinoe Bîdâr Bakht , saymg , ı° uw " uu
le tterof reproo toP^» eatablishme nt of guns, ete. as Fîruz
Uowances ^jj^ thafc he shou ld have, or rather
Jang has He has ali ^ S ^ JaQg pursued

Nîma Son** as fa " *J^ (commande r-in-chief) But for
received the tıtle of Sıpah balar ı

some nr ::^p^o? t a^ined at «*

Zeb ' 8 tf ;r had mlh loyalty and many connexions with
par. ^ * ^"t °Lt prince on aceount of innate
^lot — ^ and did not take with him so great a

after ascending the throne Zulfi q ar K P ^ ^

neig hbourbood of *£^^£ that the pro per eourse
proper to be done. Zulfiq*r ™P leave the womeH .

was tö föllow the esample of Aurangzeo

folk ta Bauiatahad, a,d ^^ ^ Lnths'
W ere very badly e^pped- ^ ^ ^ they might pro .
pay from the treasury m the «**&°* campa ign. AIso that the
P vid e themselves with matenals for^the campa g ^ ^
march «hould not be by the paH ı o P ' Th ince , who
Kh iyâ t3 (1) 80 that ^^^*£ ** "o leave the
w as, as it were, mad w*th arrogan , ^ P ^ ^.^
W omen wo»ld be properaf be had an adve y^ ^^ ^
HeknewM'uazzam'snature,andhadrena

S The Deola Khatra of Jarrett II.
1 Maaair A. 469. This was m »»■ ^ gaid by Jarrett ^ be t he Keta-

46thyear. I mâ f the mapa. Perhaps it is Deul-

» Text 8th year, Dut apparently tne | Far dapûr is near the AjanU

that year, p. 4S3« *y*" f- "
mentions a pursuit by Fîrflz Jang cf |
Soindiah in the 42nd year.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

591

king's (Aurangzeb) men had nothing to do except to give good
wishes and to be safe. Why should he leave the straight road for
the sake of a blind man ? What help would come from him ? in
fact, if we regard outward circumstances, a great mistake was
made, and there was much want of planning in not taking a
leader like Fîrüz Jang with him. He would have been a bond of
union Especially would ali the Moghuls and Türânîs have
followed him. When Muhammad Â'zim Shah erossed the Narbada
he wrote to Fîrüz Jang that he should come fron\Berar to Burlıân-
pür and stay there.

After the accession of Bahâdur Shah he was made governor
of Gujarat, and in the fourth year he died ' a natural death in Ah-
madabad. His body was conveyed to Delhi and buried near the
Ajmîıî gate in the tomb and khânqa which he had made. He
was easily first among the officers of Türân. He was of a plea-
sant disposition and dignified, victorious, and a master of tactics
His good fortune was wonderful. in former reigns it has rarely
happened that princes have kept a blind servant at the head of
their armies. He was of sound judgmenfc and always occupied
himself with great things. While marehing, or in the council room,
he preserved the same rules and regulations. As to \vhat is re-
ported, namely, that the king became acquainted with some of his
secret desires and hinted to the physicians at the time of his eye
trouble that they should deprive him of his eyesight, it does not
bear the mark of truth. Aurangzeb was very choleric and vin-
dictive. If he had found any such designs in Fîrüz Jang, he would
not have left him in such glory. Fîrüz Jang's good intentions had
become impressed on the king's mind. So much so was this that
when at the last, Fîrüz Jang repeatedly showed connivance and
slackness in the matter of punishing the Mahrattas and some one
out of enmity represented the matter to the king, he in reply
wrote : " Alas for Khân Fîrüz Jang that he should have come from
such a state to this and that it has come to pass that he has been
accused of favouring infidels (Kafrân N'aamat, also disloyalty)
which is like being twice an infidel.' '

1 Khâfî K. II. 681. He died in 1122 or a.d. 1710.

592

THE BİAASIR-UL-UMARA.

At first, in accordance with the commands of the king, he
married the daughter of the very learned S'aad üllah K. Af ter
her death he successively married two daughters of her brother
Hifz UUah K. alias Miyân K. He had no children by either of
them' 1

(AMlRU-L-UMARÂ) GHÂZIU-D-DIN K. BAHADUR
FTRÜZ JANG.

Eldest son of Nizftmu-1-Mulk Aşaf Jâh, and ful] brother of
Naşir Jang. His real name was Mîr Muhammad Panâh. He was
the son-in-law of Qamaru-d-din K., vizier. His iather left him in
early years at the court of Muhammad Shah, and there he g>ew
up. He was first the bakhşhî of the ahadîs. in the year 1153,
1740, when his father, who had been made Mîr Bakhşhî on the
death* of the Khân Daurân, went to the Deccan, he became his
father's deputy in that high appointment (of Bakhşhî). On his
father's death, S'adât K was in the time of Ahmad Shah Mir
Bakhşhî for nearly three years. Afterwards that office and the
title of Amlru-l-Umarâ were conferred on Ghâzîu-d-dîn. Af ter
the martyrdom of Naşir Jang his heart inclined towards the
Deccan. By chance, at the time that the ambassador of the Dur-
rânî Shah had arrived, Saf dar Jang at a hint from the king took
with him Mulhar Râo Holkar by the promise of a large sum and
came to court/ Before he came, Jâvîd K. had agreed to the mes-
sages of the Shah and had sent away the ambassador. Şafdar
Jang was perplexed 3 and did not know how to pacify Holkar.
The Amîr-ul-Umarâ made an arrangement with Holkar and got
him to agree to the subahdârî of the Deccan being established in
the name of the Amîru-1-Umarâ (i.e. himself ) and to his (Holkar's)
coming to insist on payment of the stipulated sum. Accordingly
he lef! for the Deccan with the title of Nizâmu-1-Mulk. After-

l This biography may be compared
with Mr. Irvine's notice A.S.B.J. for
1898, p. 163. Fîrüz Jang died on 8th
December. it is curious that this
biography does not mention that by
his -first wife he was the father of
Nizamu 1-Mulk Âşaf Jâh.

? The Khân Daurân Khwâja Asim
was killed in 1739. See Maaşir I. 822.

S Cf. Siyaru. M. III 327. " GhSziu-
d-din arranged with the Vizier that if
he would give him his paten ta for the
vioeroyalty he would satisfy the
Mahrattas' demands .

THE MAASia-TJL-UMİRA.

593

vvards a sanad of the province of Khândes for the Mahrattas wae
eiecuted by him with his own seal, and then with the hope of
their helping him, he in the height of the rains traversed the mud
and slush of Mâlwa and reached Burhânpür. Afterwards he came
to Aurangabad and halted for seventeen days. Then he suddenly
died. 1 He had eaten and göne to repose himself when he came
ut and vomited and died, in 1165, 1752. He was imbued with
learning, and at the end he had plucked up a spirit. His son is
Ghâzîu-d-dîn K. the 3rd, who had the title of Imâdu-l-mulk' and
of whom a separate account has been given.

(RAJAH) GOPAL SING GAUR.

His ancestors held the zamindâri of Andarkhi (?) in the pro-
vince of Allahabad, and were servants of the Orcha Rajahs. His
grandfather Bihar Singh was killed by Muluk Cand the manager
of Mâlwa — who acted for Muhammad A'zim Shah — in the time of
Aurangzeb, because he was a source of sedition. Mulük Cand cut
ofi his head and sent it to the emperor. After this, his father
Bhagwant Singh, the son of Bihar Singh, was also killed in battle
by Mulük Cand. His family left their home. Gopâl Singh accom-
panied Nizâmu-1-Mulk Âşaf Jâh. When he returned to the Deocan
from Upper India with the intention of giving battle to Mubâriz
K., Gopâl distinguished himself on the battle-day, and after the
victory received a suitable rank and a fief , and the oharge of the
fort of Qandhar in Bîdar — which is a dis.~ut place and is a strong
fortress. in the time of Shah Jahan it was taken from the
Deccanis by Khân Daurân. Since that time up to the time of
writing, the fort has been mostly in the possession of himself
and his deseendants. He died in 1162, 1749.

After his death, though Dalpat Singh his eldest son died in
his life time, there remaiııed other sons, of whom the eldest was

1 Siyaru-l-M. III. 329. He died in
Ootober, 1752, and according to
Orant-DuS II. 62, he was poisoned by
his stepmother, the mother of Ni^âm
'Ali. See also Sîyaru-1-M. III. 324,
note. There is an account of Ohâzîu-
75

d-din in the Khazana 'AmrK, pp. 49,
50. Newâl K. ed. He died on 7 Zî
Hajja 1165, 5th Ootober, 1752. Ghu-
lâm 'Ali'g account has been repro-
duced in Maaşir İÜ. 883 so that there
are two lives of 6hâslu-d-din.

594

THE MAASIK-UL-UMARA.

Kuar Bishan Singh, yet at his own wish the fort and the heredi-
tary jagir were assigned to Ajai Cand his second son. Narpat
Singh the third son, who was Ajai's full brother, was joined with
him. The first got his father's title, and became distinguished,
and in the battle which took place with Roghanâth Râo on the
bank of the Southern Ganges ' he was with the Nizâmu-d-daula
Âşaf Jâh . He stood firm and was killed. His eldest son held the
hereditary fort and at the time of writing has the title of Rajah
Gopâl Singh Hindûpat Mahindar. His two other sons Rajah Tej
Singh and Rajah Padm Singh held manşabs and fiefs, and after-
wards held the fort of Kaulâs in the province of Haidarabad.
The second gradually attained to the high rank and title of Maha-
rajah. For some time he was appointed to manage the Sarkar of
Bir, and afterwards he held the government of Nândair in the
province of Bidar, and the governorship of the fort of Mâhwar in
Berar. He died two or three years ago. His sons Kuar Durjan
Singh and Jûdha Singh attained suitable manşabs and fiefs, and
are in service.

HABSH KHÂN.

Sîdi Miftâh Abyssinian was one of the old servants of the Nizâm
Shâhi dynasty, and was honoured and trusted by that family.
He was for a long time governor of the fort of Üdgîr which is a
very strong fortress and built of stone and lime. When from the
beginning of the reign of Shah Jahan the territory of the Nizâm
Shah was trodden by the imperial armies, gradually ali the forts
and estates were conquered by the imperial servants and the
dynasty was altogether ended. 'Âdil Shah of Bljâpür, in order to
get possession of Ism'aîl, his brother's son, who was imprisoned in
Üdgîr, made use of every stratagem and endeavoured by oraft to
win över Sîdî Miftah, but failed.

This Ism'aîl* was the son of Darvesh Muhammad the eldest
aon of ibrahim 'Âdil Shah, and the sister's son of Muhammad
Qulî Qutbu-mulk. When ibrahim 'Âdil Shah was on his death-
bed (in 1628) he showed his testament (or perhaps explained his

ı Text

Gang Kafn but the variaııt Dakhin Gang. i.e. the Godavery, is pre-

ferable.

* PBdsbffhnSma I, Put II, p. 219.

THE MAASIE-UL-DMARA.

595

wish) to Daulat a Kalâıoanl (musician) slave, whom he fully trusted
and whom he had made governor of the fort of Bîjâpür, to the
effect that his second son Muhammad should succeed him. When
Muhammad ascended the throne, he blinded Darvesh Muhammad,
and the wivesof the latter secretly sent Ism'âîl, who was then six
years of age, to Nizâm Shah in order that he might be safe from the
clutches of his enemies. Nizâm Shah, for fear lest the coming of
Ism'aîl should become knovvn and the 'Âdil Shah be displeased, did
not see Ism'aîl but sent him to Sîdî Miftâh. He kept him in prison
for ten years, and without submitting to 'Adil Shah he made
strong the fort and maintained his independence.

in the 9th year, the month of Moharram of 1046, 1636, the
Khân Daurân Bahâdur set ' about besieging the fort, and when the
mines had been driven near the fort, the.garrison lost oourage.
Sîdî Miftâh became alarmed and sent a message to Khân Daurân
to the effect that if they would include him among the royal
servants he would surrender the fort. Khân Daurân accepted his
request, and then he brought forvvard other wishes which were not
suitable and commenced fighting.

They say that during the siege many of the materials of the
defenoe had been ,expended and so Sîdî Miftâh devised a plan. To
Khân Daurân he proposed submission and a desire to enter service ,
and appointed a day for waiting upon him. Meanwhile he opened
the gates of the fort so that his men frequented the royal camp
and brought back to the fort what they wanted. On the day
appointed for submission he closed the gates and made war
Khân Daüran then contrived to set fire to a mine which had been
carried to the foot of the sher hâjl * bastion. Though the stability
of the citadel was not much affected, yet Sîdî Miftâh had the
foresight to see that there was no help but to submit, and come
out to the commander. Af ter a siege of three months and odd days,
he surrendered the fort and made över Ism'aîl the grandson of
'lbrâhîm Âdil Shah.

1 Pâdshâhnâma I, Part II, pp. 218-
19. This was the Khân Daurân No. 2
of Beale, and his name was Khwâja
SSbir. See Maasir U. I. 749 and 754.

* The name for an outwork. See
Ellior. VII. 23 and the Bahar *Ajam
182, col. a.

596

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

Sîdî Miftâh obtained from the emperor the rank of 3000 with
1500 two-lıorse and three-horse troopers, and the title of Habşh
Khân (the Abyssinian K.) and was treated with favour. He also
reoeived a good assignment (tankhwah). He was always enrolled
among the auziliaries of the Deccan, and thegovernors of the Dec-
can never failed to honour him. He too, though his figüre and
manners were strange, was of great phyşical strength and was not
devoid of refinement. He was very fond of learned men and men of
piety, and helped them, and spent money on deserving persons. He
was also a zealous servant. in the 29th year Prince Aurangzeb, the
governor of the Decoan, appointed him and ali the other leadersof
the Deccan, to aocompany M. Khân the governor of Berar, against
the zamindar of Deogarh. And when the prince proceeded to Gol-
conda in the 30th year, Sîdî Miftâh took part in the affair and did
good service. He had much faith in Bâbâ Firüz who was a dervish
in the town of Pâthri, and e very year and every month defrayed
the expenses of the ghaikh's monastery (Khânqâh). When the said
Bâbâ died, the Khân built his tomb in Pâthrî, which stili is a sbrine
visited by people. He held in fief the pargana of Waklür in
the Sarkar of Nândair. He made it his home, and settled many
Arab Saiyids there and helped them in various ways, He also sent
for many valuable books from Arabia, and stretched forth the arm
of liberality. His son Ahmad K. also obtained high rank. He was
a young man of a noble presence, and was much patronized by
Shah 'Alam Bahâdur when he was viceroy of the Deccan. He
bought the zamindari of the pargana above mentioned and united
it with his jagir. He died in Aurangzeb's reign. His sons
obtained a small rank. The villages of the pargana were assigned
to other men. For a time they knocked at the door of turbulence
"and distinguished themselves by their presumption. in the time
of the present emperor (Muhammad Shah) 'Iwaz ' K. Bahâdur
Qasüra Jang besieged their residence and took and imprisoıted
Sîdî Husain, who was the elder of them. Afterwards by the order
of Nizâm-1-Mulk Aşaf Jah he was released and went to his own
Sarkar. His sons held the zamindari after him.

1 Maasir II. 832.

THE MAASIR-UL-UMARA.

597

HÂDI DAD KHAN.
Brother of Rashîd Khân Anşârî. in the time of Shah Jahan
he rose to the rank of 500. in the 8th year he was appointed
along with Khân Jahân Bârha to chastise Jujhâr Singh Bandîla.
in the 9th year, when the Deccan became the abode of the
sovereign, and three armies were appointed under the charge of
three generals to chastise Sâhü Bhonsla and to devastate the lands
of 'Adil K., he was joined with Khân Daurân. in the llth year
his rank was '000 with 1000 horse, and in the 22nd year, when
his brother Rashîd K. died, his rank was 2000 with 2000 horse, and
he was appointed in his brother' s room to govern Telingâna — which
consisted of Nândair and other conquered districts, and his rank
became 2500 with 1500 horse, and he had the title of Khân. in the
29th year he reoeived a flag and a drum. in the same year he, in
acoordance with the orders of the king and the suggestions of Prince
Aurangzeb, proceeded to Deogarha to collect the tribute due by
Kısar Singh the son of Kokha zamindar of Deogarha. M. Khân the
governor of Elichpür went from another direction. The zamindaı
became troubled and arranged with the governor of Elichpür and
came before the prince with the tribute. in the 30th year he in
accordancft-with orders proceeded to Golconda with prince Muham-
mad Sultan. After the arrival of Aurangzeb he distinguished
himself in the batteriea, and at the time of the prince's return he
was sent off to Nândair in the same year, 1066, 1656, he died,
and was buried in Nândair. Though he had thirty l (?) sons, yet
Ilhâm UUah the son of Rashîd K., his brother, was the best for
preserving his property. The king (Shah Jahan) gave him the
rank of 1000 with 500 horse. His son ' Abdu-r-Rahîm held up to
the thirtieth * year the rank of 500 with 1 20 horse.

HAIDAR ! ALl KHAN BAHÂDUR.

They say that his anoestry goes back to 'Abdullah Şâhib of
Medina — may God's mercy be upon him ' — who was one of the great

1 So in text, but the MSS. seem to
read bast " many ' ' instead of se
thirty.

* Thİ8 life is by 'Abdu-1-Hayy.
Steingas8 marka «t âm as unsupported

by examples as meaning the 30th year.
But it ocours here and also in Akbar-
nâma II. 12. This 30th year here
presumably means the 30th year of
Aurangzeb.

598

THE MAASIR-UL-TTMARA.

men of the Qoresh tribe. in the beginning of 1165, 1752, he ac-
quired great authority and became superintendent (matşadî) of the
affairs of Mysore. He aftervvards conquered many cities and forts
and unfurled the flag of power. His dominions yielded six krors
of rapees and extend«d from Karpa (Cuddaph) to Mangalore ' (i.e.
from E. to W.) and from Calicut to Dhâmâr (i.e. from S. to N.),
which is an extensive country. He acquired it by his strength of
arm and held it firmly. When the hatwearing English came to
his country he sent his cavalry to the Pâyinghât 4 of the Carnatic
and attacked and pillaged. Then he made an advantageous peace.
Afterwards when there were signs of treachery in the house of the
Mahrattas he in the first place looked after the strengthening of his
thanas and gradually took the whole of their territory up to the
river Kishna. Afterwards he besieged the fortress of Cital
(Chitaldroog)— which was a zamindari place— and took it. At the
time of vvriting, which is 1193, 1779, he has made a raid upon Karpa
(Cuddapah) and taken possession of the forts of Sidhüt, 8 Kinji
(Gürji) Kot, etc.,andseized 'Abdu-1-Aakîm K. Mîyâna.thegovernor
there, and carried him off to Seringapatam. He has much treasure
and a large income, and has collected many jewels. Stili too he
sends money to men and recruits them. He has a quick-firing (?)
park of artillery and makes it a rule that when he has encamped,
musketeers are placed round the camp in watche3 so that no
strarıger can'enter without an order. *

1 Text Kozpâl, and there. are vari-
arıts. Mangalore is mearıt, of which the
native name is Kodiyal. it was Haidar
•AlI's naval base.

* The text has az " irom " but B. M.
Add. 6665 has dar "into " and so has
I.O. MS. No. 628.

s The Sidhout of I.G. XXII. 357. it
is the eastern taluq of Cuddapah.

* in the table of contents at p. 47>
this biography is omitted. Evidently
the notice has been revised by 'Abdul
1-Hayy for it mentions 1193, 1779, as
the date of vrriting, but it would seem
that the body of the biography had
been written by his father. in B.M.
MSS. Add. 21 , 470 and Add. 6565 and

in I.O. MS. 628 the biography is
different from that in text. it says
nothingabout Haidar's alleged descent
from 'Abdullah of Medina, but says
his father was Husâmu-d-dîn and that
his aneestors were Qâzîs of pargana
Gohîr m Haidarabad and that he was at
first an infântry-jamadar in the fort of
Kolâr. Afterwards he, entered the
service of the Raja of Seringapatam.
Haidar succeeded his father in this em-
ployment, and eventually imprisoned
and put the Rajah to death. The
MSS. bipgraphies say nothing about
Kozpâl, whioh is a place I cannot find,
but mentıon Haidar's taking Chital-
drug. The word in text after topkhana

THE MAASIR-TJI/-UMARA.

599

HAİDAR 1 muhammad k. akhta begî.

One of the old servants of Hümâyûn, in the journey to Persia
which fate compelled that king to undertake, Haidar attached
himself to the stirrup and was encompassed with favours. in the
defeat at Balkh when Humâyün's horse fell from being wounded by
an arrow, Haidar presented him with his own horse. When the
army of Hümâyûn marched to extinguish the flarnes of sedition
kindled by M. Kâmrân who had fled from Kabul and was spending
his time in vain hopes in Afghanistan, and arrived at the Surkh Ab,
Haidar and many single-fighters were honoured by being appointed
to the vanguard. They arrived in advance of the main body at
the Sîâh Âb, which is between the Surkh Ab and Gandamak, and
encamped there. M. Kâmrân saw he had not the power to fight a
pitched battle, and so made a nighfc-attack. Haidar * stood firm
and fought manfully, and though wounded did not give way. in
the march to Qandahar and the expedition to India he did not let
go the saddle-straps of dominion, and when victory was gained he
was made governor of Blâna. After he came there, as Ghazi K.
Sür the father of Ibrâhîm K. was shut up there, and had vain
thoughts, Haidar made an agreement with him. When Ghazi K.
came out of the fort Haidar from greed of his property broke his
agreement and put him to death. This piece of bad faith
displeased the just disposition of Hümâyûn and he uttered the
truthful prediction that Haidar would never again be able to gird s
up his loins, and they say that to the day of his death his condition
remained as the king had said

After the accession of Akbar he on the occasion of Hemü

is zûdazd whioh seems unintelligible.
TheMSS. I.O. 628, ete. have züdrav,
which may mean quiok-flring, but
moro probably means quick-moving.
The best aecount of Haidar 'Alî seems
to be in Colonel Mark Wilks' book.
Haidar 'Alî died 7 December 1782.

1 B. 384.

2 A. N. translation I. £81. This was
in 958 (1551) and a few days before
the night-attack in which HindBl was
killed.

8 See A. N. translation I. 638, test
I. 354. Apparently the curse or pro-
phecy was that Haidar would never be
able to fasten on his belt again, and
BaySzîd BiySt telis us that his arm
became useless. According to A. F.,
whom the Maaşir is copying. it was
GrhâziK.'g son IbrShîiu and not Ghâzî
K. himself who had vain thoughts.

600

THE MAASIR-UL-UMABA.

joined Tardı Beg and had command of the left wing. Af ter the
defeat he came to A^bar's camp and was sent off with ' Alî Qulî K.
ShaibânI to punish Hemü. After the victory he went for a purpose
to Kabul, and when Mun'im K. , after the overthrow of Bairâm, pro-
ceeded to court, he left Haidar to manage the affairs of Kabul and
to assist his son Ghani K. As owing to want of capacity there
was no friendship between the tvvo, an order was sent at Mun'im
K.'s request summoning Haidar to court. in the 8th year when
Mun'im K. went off to Kabul to arrange matters there Haidar wat
appointed to go with him. After Mun'im K. was defeated anc
returned to the court , Haîdar also returned and acted under Muni' m's
orders. in the 17th year he accompanied the Khân Kilân alias
Mır Muhammad K., who had been sent in advance to Gujarat.
He had then attained the rank of 2500. His brother M. Qulî dis-
tinguished himself at the time when Hümâyûn went to conquer
Badakhşhân and M. Sulaimân came forth to give battle. in the
battle, when M. Kâmrân under the pretext of having an interview
behaved treacherously, he (M. Qulî) was wounded and fell from his
horse. His son Dost Muhammad m ad e a brave single combat and
was killed. l in the time of Akbar, in the 19th year, both brothers
were appointed to accompany Mun'im K. in his conquest of Bengal.
They were in the camp at Jinnatâbâd alias Gaur, which was
formerly the captal. Afterwards it was deserted, and the climate
became pestilential, and a whole world of men became the harvest
of death. These two brothers also died there in 983, 1575.

HAİDAR QULÎ KHÂN MU'IZZU-D-DAÜLAH.

He belongs to Isfarâîn * and his name was Muhammad Reza.
in the beginning he was on the establishment of Sultan 'Azîmu-sh-
shan and was known by a name derived from his (viz.'Azîmu-sh-
shânî). Afterwards when the sovereignty of India came to Farrukh
Siyar he, through the intervention of Mir Jûmla, received the title
of Haidar Qulî K , and the appointment of diwân of the Deccan,
together with the divvanship of its provinces, and the full charge of

I it appears from the Akbarnama
that both father and son were killed.
See note to translation of A.N. I. 559.

* Isfarâîn is in northern Persia.
Haidar Qulî had the name of 'Agîmu-
sh-shSnî, KhBfi K. II. 740.

-ıd-Umarâ.

HAIDAK QULI EBİN

601

the K&dlşa property 1 and the superintendence of other alüed sections
was assigned to him. After reaching that pro vince (Şvba), as ne was
very harsh-tempered, he could not pull on with Nizâm-ul-Mulk Âşaf Jâh,
the Viceroy of that province. He, therefore, hastened back to the Capital,
and was exalted by being appointed as the Dîvân of Ahmadâbâd, the
revenue officer of the port öf Sürat and the deputy governor of Gujarât 2 —
this of&ce in those days formed part of Ithe assignment of Khân Daurân.
And having efficiently performed his duties there, he showed a material
increase in the realizations from the port dues and in the Khâlşa revenues,
which had been assigned to his charge. And through his bravery he
defeated Şafdar Khân 'jjjânî who had a much larger force with hiın.
But he was not popular with the pubhc owing to his harsh temperament,
and the fief-holders of the province ali complained against him; this
resulted in the displeasure of Qutb-ul-Mulk. in the reign of Sultan
Rafî'-ud-Darajât, on his transfer from Gujarât he returned to Akbarâbâd,
and after a time attached himself closely to Saiyid 'Izzat Khân Bârah,
and with his approval made an alliance with Râja Ratan Chand. Through
the intennediation of Husain 'Ali Khân having been restored to favour
with Qutb-ul-Mulk, he became a close associate of both the brothers.

And when iiı the reign of Sultân Rafî'-ud-Daula, Husain "Ali Khân
turned towards Akbarâbâd for dealing with the disturbance 8 caused by
Nekü-siyar, son of Sultân Muhammad Akbar, son of Aurangzîb, he
(Mu'izz-ud-Daula) was honoured by the grant of the title of Bahâdur,
and sent with the vanguard to clear the route, and was appointed to
lead in the siege of the fort of Akbarâbâd. in the first year of the reign
(1719 A.D.) of Firdaus Ârâmgâh (Muhammad Shâh) he * was sent with a
large army to chastise Girdhar Bahâdur, who since the death of Râja
Chabîlâ Râm Nâgar had raised the head of rebellion in the Şüba of
Allahâbâd. And when through the intennediation of Râja Ratan
Chand this affair was peacefully settled, he returned to the royal Presence,
and in the same year was exalted to the post of Mîr Atish (Commander of
the artiuery), which had fallen vacant owing to the death of Saiyid
Khân Jahân Bârah. After Husain 'Alî Khân was killed and when Saiyid
'Izzat Khân Bârah and other associates of the above-mentioned Khân
turned towards the royal residence, he (Mu' izz-ud-Daula) with ali available
infantry and cavalry served the royal cause with great courage and
bravery. As a result his rank was advanced to 6,000, with 6,000
horse, and he beat the drum of triumph on being granted the title of

1 The publication of the translation of the Maâthir-ul-Umarâ by H. Bevoridge
was held in abeyanoe since 1914 after 600 pages had been printed. it is novv
continued fronı the incomplete manuscript left by the learned author. The aceount
on thia and the following pages is a translation of the biography of Haidar Qulî
Khân in Text III, pp. 747-751. For facilitating reference, the volume and page
numbers of the various biographiet in the Text edition are given, within brackets,
under each name.

2 For an aceount of Haidar Qull Khân in Gujarât, see Sir Jadunath Sarkar's
edition of Irvine's Later Mughals, II, pp. 127-130. There is, however, no mention
of his fight with Şafdar Khân in this aceount. A!«o see- the same work, I, p. 413,
note §.

* See Irvine, op. eit., pp. 413, 414.

* See Irvine, op. oit., II, pp. 9-18.

602

HÂKİM BEG.

Maâthir

■k- v T«r, ff ı Tn the Dattle* which took place with Qutb-ul-Mulk on
S ofliM^IbrâU son of Sultân Raff-ush-Shân, he wa, , appoınted
?o the vaSrd and performed most valuable services through his
artutry STaİr SlTthe sword he put to test the bravery of his
opponents Qutb-ul-Mulk Bahâdur, who had receıved a wound » onthe
ffi was carried by him on an elephant to the presence of the Kıng.
AsT reward l for these valuable services his rank was raısed to 7,000,
İfih 7 f^O horse and he was granted the title of Mu'ızz-ud-Daula
r^'lll^AH (1720-21 AD.), the governorship of Gu arat and
h^v^e'acc^faiy If *e 4 of lürat was transfe^d fron,
Oamr-ud-Dîn Khân to him in additıön to his office of the Mır Atışlı.
And in the neTt year, when Nizâm-ul-Mulk Âşaf Jâh was summoned
from the iteccan and adorned with the robes of the prem^shıp after
Z death of Muhammad Amin Khân Bahâdur I '^^^ta^ fc
was well known for his eloquence and bravery, began to ıntertere m
Idmin^Lüve and financiafaffairs. The Premier dad not approve of it
:2"t was favoured by the King, the latter P**%**£^^£
interference) He was greatly annoyed and left for Ahmadabaa, wnere
ht took Session of thfrevenues of the Khâlşa properties and the assess-
ments oKZ S holders. Consequently his fief in the ^hbourhood of
the Capital was confiscated. On hearing this ™™*»™*» to the
officiakat the Court, that as my fief has been confiBcated I can no
longer remain in service or allegiance. The ^YT^Tfchîdîr and
was conseouently transferred to Nizâm-ul-Mulk Aşaf Jah Bahâdur and
The laStarted to take up W. office On receipt of tta news and as
the latter had collected a large army, he hastened to P^J^ff^
Court and on reaching it about two stages from Shahjahanaoacl was
aZinted to recover the province of Ajmer, which had meanwhıle been
occuS by Aiit Singh. And later when Garh Patilî * was also conquered,
heXnedto the Sürt. in the year 1137 A.H ^(1724 25 AJ>_)he wasone
nteht sleeping with his wife in the cold chamber (®as khana) when it
cSht firHnd he was burnt. He was capable of doing great deeds, and
taslat achievements had enhanced his reputatun for bravery; bu
his temper was not devoid of harshness and conceıt it ı stated that
he used to take his food very hot so much so that on ^ ^j» ****
used to serve the cooked victuals placed on a chafing dısh full ol nre.

HİKIM BEG.

(Vol. I, pp. 573-576.)

He was the son-in-law of Ttimâd-ud-Daula Jd >fffi m J>™$^
time of Jahânair when the friends and connectıons of I tımad-ud-Daula
aT Lcame Sina Tarkflâns, Hâkim Beg also obtained the ınsıgnıa

ı The editors of the Text add that, according to the Târlhh-i-Mu^ari he was
given the rank of 7,000, six thousand one-horse cavalry, and the tıtle of Haıdar
Quli Khân Bahâdur Naşir Jang.

İB "7İ^S£3£&L PaUH or Putli. see Irvine, o P . *., II, P . 112. note •.

-ul-Umarâ.

hâkim b£g.

603

and rank of an Amir. His wife, Khadija Begam, was greatly honoured -and
respected as the sister of Nûr Jahân Begam. She: Uved to the end of
Shâh Jahân's reign, and by the influeme of Yamin-ud-Daula (Âşaf Khân),
her elder brother, she suffered no diminution in the consideration paid to
her. She wasj5ontinually gratified by royal favours, and in the 24th
year Firdaus Ashiyânl (Shâh Jahân) presented her with Rs.30,000. As
Hâkim Beg was a Moghul not devoid of bulture and talent, he desired to
lead an independent life in conditions of ease and comfort. Jannai
Mahânl (Jabângir) in consideration of his relationship excused him from
personal attendance, and employed him chiefly on external affairs. For
a time he was the governor of Mathurâ, but later was removed from this
post. The cause of this was that a scfnyâsî named Achad Rüp Asram,
who was an ascetic and a monotheist, and who had dug a cave for his
dwelling in a ridge (pushta) situated in the neighbourhood of Ujjain,
and in a comer of the desert removed from human habitation. The
mouth of the cave measured 5J girifti long and 3J broad. He entered
by extending forwards his arms, and theö inserted his head. After that
he drew hiâ body inwards like a snake. He came out in the same
way, to the surprise of the spectators. He had neither a mat nor any
straw that he micht spread below him when the wind was cold, nor had
ho a fire in winter, or any breeze (bâd) in hot weather. He had half-a-
cubit of cotton cloth with which he covered his body in front and behind
Every day he went out twice to the river to bathe, and carried in his
hond a copper vessel with which to drink water. He frequented in
Ujjain seven Brahman (? Hindu) houses where there were women and
chüdren, and where beggary and contentment were respected, and önce
a day he came without warning to three of these seven households and
stood like a beggar. They put into the palm of his hand five mouthfuls
of the food which they had prepared'for themselves. These he swallowed
without tasting, on condition that there was not in the house any
menstruous woman, or feast, or calamity or birth. The Hindüs cali the
maintainer of such a position (maqâm) Sarb nösî? i. e., abandoner of

1 The girih is three finger-breadths. it also means a knot. According to
Gladvrin there are 24 fingerbreadths in a ga» or yard, and, if so, a girih would be
one-eighth of a yard. But in Blochmann's translation of Â'in I (2nd edn.),
p. 94, note 3, it is stated that it is commonjy calculated as 16 girih to a yard (gaz).
Perhaps the cave at Ujjain mentioned in Mr. Tawney's preface, p. 6, to his translation
of fihartrihari's Centuries and called Bhartrihari's Öumpha was occupied by Jadrüp.

* This is taken from the Tüzuk-i-Jahângin, Bogers and Beveridge's translation,
I, pp. 355-357, 368, where the ascetie is called Jadrüp, and from the Iqbâlmâma-i-
Jahângiri, p. 94, where he is. called Ajahad. Perhaps the account on p. 129 of
Prico's Jahânglr of a visit that Jahângir paid to a reclusn at Mathurâ refers to the
same ascetic, as Ajada afterwards went there. The Sanskrit ' word İS Sarvanâsin
all-destroying, and sar târik in the text should apparently be tartta târik, i.e.,
all-forsakıng. The statement about the seven Brahman houses— where probably
the word Brahman merely means Hindu — may be compared with the Â'in-i-
Akbari, Jarrett's translation, III, p. 275, where it is said the ascetic sets out begging
and aolicits from three, five or seven houses. Jahânglr mentions that Akbar visited
the ascetic on his way back to Agra after the taking of AcSrgaTh. Apparently Anam
is no part of the hermit's name, but is âirama — a hermitage. Perhaps the name should
be Achfdrup, i.e. of flawless favour.

Jadrüp or Chatrüpa is mentioned in the Dabistân, pp. 228, 229 of Calcutta edn.
it is said there that 'Abd-ur-Bahim paid his respects to him, and that he died in
1047 (1637-38 A.D.) at Ben&res! The author of tne Dabistân was taken to him
when a child.

60't

HAKİM HlDHTQ.

Maâthir

everything. When in the eleventh year (of his reign) Jahânglr passed
the city of Ujjain, he went to visit this ascetic. Though the latter was
not greatly inclined to human society, he had long conversations with
Jahânglr. He was well versed in the philosophy of the Vedanta
By his understanding and lofty comprehension he harmonised the
technical terms of the Sufism of Muhammadans with his own views
and discoursed on thenı. Jahâng-- came to ha ve fujl faith in him.
After some time he moved from Ujjain to Mathurâ, whieh is one of the
centres of worship for the Hindüs, and on the banks of the Jumnâ
worshipped God after his own fashion. When 1 in the 14th year Jahângîr
paid his first visit (as Emperor) to Kashmîr he again visited him, and had
a long private intervievv with hini. His words made a great impression
on the Emperor's mind. He was successful in every request that he
made for the people. For instance Khân A' zam Koka was much vexed
at the long imprisonment of Sultân Khusrau, and in spite of religious
bigotry he paid a solitary visit 2 to the ascetic and made an urgent
request to him to intercede for the liberatioiı of Khusrau. He spoke
convincing words to the Emperor and induced him to be gracious. He
forgave the Prince's offences, and ordered that he should be admitted to
pay his respects. So dmîcult a matter became easy through the repre-
sentation of this disinterested man. Inasmuch as the King had trust İn
him, many people flocked to see him.

Though he had no dealings with anyone, and lived tranquilly
mthout joy or sorrow, yet Hâkim Beg either moved by zeal for the
Muhammadan faith or thinking that the r^sort of the people to the
ascetic injured his power, one day had that helpless man severely scourged.
The Emperor on hearing this was very angry. Though no one had so
much influence över him as the Begam (Nür Jahân), yet he dismissed
him from his presence, and deprived him of his omce, his rank, and his
jâglr. Hâkim Beg lived after this as a private indivıdual in Âgra, and
near the Nakbkhös (cattle-market) made a garden which for beauty was
the envy of the rose-garden of Kashmîr. There he died. His son,
Mirza Nür-ud-Dahr, also did not çare for royal service, but lived on the
wealth of his mother and maternal juncles, and spent his days in perfect
comfort.

Hakim Hîdhiq. 3

(Vol. I, pp. 587-590.)

He was the son of Hakim Humâm Gilani, and was born at Fathpür
Sîkrî during the reign oi'Arash Âshiyânl (Akbar). His father died when
he was stili young. As his ancestors were ali possessed of-abüity and
knowledge, he also spent his time in acquiring the ordinary sciences and
became famous for his kno\riedge of literatüre and poetry. Though he
was not deeply skilled in medicine, he gained a name by his skill and
was reputed in Jahângîr's time for his judgnjent and reliability._ When
the throne acquired new lustre by the accession of Firdaus Âshiyânl

M Iqbâlnâma-i-Jahângiri, p. İ29. This was at Mathur&.

8 Blochmann's translation of Â'fn, I (2nd edn.), p. 530. The account of his
father Sakîm Humâm is given in Maâ&ir-tU-ümarâ, .1, pp. 663-565, and ite
translation immediately foüowing this biography on pp. 606, 607.

.ul-Umarâ.

HAKİM HÂDHIQ

605

(Shâh Jahân), he was raised to the rank of 1,500 with 600 horse, and
in the same year was sent * on an embassy to Türân. imâm Quli Khân,
the ruler of that oountry, had set in motion the chain of love and friend-
ship, and sent 'Abd-ur-Rahim Khwâja Jûaibârî (Naqshbandl) as his
representatıve to Jahângîr, and had written that "Shâh 'Abbâs Şafavî
has aot respected the old ties and has taken Qandahâr from the imperial
servants. it is fitting that the Prince, the heir-apparent (Shâh Jahân),
should be sent with a large army and proper equipment to retake it.
We also will hurry there with the army of Transoxiana, Balkh and
Badakhshân, and ahali fulfil the conditions of loyalty. After the victory
let us take Khurâsân, and whatever you wish of that country may be
included in the imperial domains and the remainder granted to us".
The death of Jahângîr occurred suddenly during these negotiations.
The Khwâja came in the beginning of Shâh Jahân's reign from Lâhöre

o Akbarâbâd (Âgra), and had an audience; shortly afterwards he died
of a disease of long standing. it became necessary. to send from this
side an ati'ectionate letter and to appoint an ambassador. The Hakim,
whose father had göne as an ambassador to 'Abdullah Khân Ozbeg in the
time of Akbar, was sent with gifts to the value of one lac and fifty
tKbusand rupees and rarities of India. On his return in the 4th year
he was appointed to the office of Reviser of Petitions— an appointment
whıch requıres ability in composition and tact— in the room of Hakim
Masih-uz-Zamân (Hakim Sadra). Afterwards, by successive increa^es,
he attaıned to the rank of 3,000, and then for certain reasons he lost his
omce and lived in retirement in Akbarâbâd, but received a fized pay of
Rs.20,000 a year, which in the 18th year was increased to Rs.40,000.
in the 31st year, 1068, he died. The author2 of the Mirât-uV İlam
says: he died in 1080 (1669-70 A.D.).

The Hakim was very hot-tempered and very haughty and pompous.
He was very conceited, and had mistaken ideas about himself. The
quatrain of Mir ilâhi ». of Hamadân (about him) is well known. This
Mir was one of the clever writers and wcnt to cali on the Hakîm at Kabul

'hen the latter was returning from Türân, but did not have a pleasant

^rvıew.

Çuatrain. 4

Stone and jug cannot 'cır: ■ ;ree,
in the eye of comradesM,. inere cannot exist a flaw,
Companionship with Hakim Hâdhiq is not wise
You cannot face a ho.it of horses.

C/. Vambery s Bokhara, pp. 315, 316, where Hakim Hâdhiq is stated to have
rT" 8en Li? y Jah&n 8î r ' but see Bödahâhnâmâ, I, pt. 1, p. 233 and Rieu, Supp.
tat., p .206. Badshâhnâma cf 'Abdul Hamid Lâhaurl is usually referred to as
fadabahrtama., but as the edition in the Bibliotheca Indica series cited in this work
wae ealled Badshâhnâma, this name is follcwed.

2 Seo Bloehmann, op. cit., p. 530, and Rieu, Supp., p. 206, No. 325.

8 Rieu, Cat. II, p. 6876. Sprenger, Cat., p. 435.

* £ arî ı?" M "* o6 " r is a phrase for servitude, but here it seems equivalent to the
proverb that the earthen and brazen pots cannot float down together. The word
tor flaw ıs mu a hair, and "a hair in the eye" is a phrase used in describing
a gty. İn the thn-d İme there is a play on the word hâdhiq whieh has the two .
meamngs : clever, and sour as vinegar. The phrase lashkar.i-SJtabt in the"
lourth İme ıs obseure, for Kbabt has several meanings. it rneans a blow and also ta

606

HAKİM hümâm.

Maâthir

Though he had not mastered the science of medioine, several officera
in view of his name and reputation consulted him for remedıes. He
began to write the events of the reign of 8âl},ib Qirân Thânl cShâh Jahan),
but withdrew his hand when other abler writers took up the task. His
poems ı are clear and good, and he has combined the style of his pre-
decessors with that of more recent date. They are not devoid of sweetness ,
but he thought himself a better poet than Anwarl ! He got up his
Divân in a very elegant manner and placing it on a decorated stand,
brought it with him into every assemblage. Whoever did not choose to
honour it, was, irrespective of his rank, treated witk dıscourtesy. He
put it on a golden reading-stand and had it read out. This verse of his
is well known :

Verse.

My heart, Hâdhiq, cannot be comforted by any consolation ;
IVe seen Spring and flowers and Autumn.

Hakim Humâm. 2

(Vol. I, pp. 563-565.)

He was the (younger) brother of Hakim Abûl Fatfc Gilanî. His
name was Hümâyûn. When he entered Âkbar's service, he first, out of
respect took the name of Hümâyûn Qulî and afterwards acquired the
name of Hakim Humâm. He was unequalled for his knowledge ol
calligraphy (lçhat shinâsi) and understanding of poetry. He also had
some knowledge of physical sciences and medicine. He had a püre
nature and was open-browed and pieasant of speech, and an agreeable
companion. Though officially he only had the rank of 600 and the
position of Bakâwal Beg, he reaUy enjoyed a higher rank in his ıntımacy
with the King. in the 31st year, as his skül in business and his loyalty
were known to Akbar, he was sent on an embassy to 'Abdullah Khan, the
ruler of Tûrân. Miran Şadr Jahân Mufti was sent along wıth hım to
offer condolences on the death of Sikandar Hıân— 'Abdullah Kıans
father— who had died three years earlier. Out of great affectıon for the
Hakim it was mentioned in the letter that " We had no ıntentıon oi
sending away to a distanoe from us that asylum of instruction and talent,
cream of devoted loyalists. best of our confidante, the skilful Hakim
Humâm, who is a right-speaking and right-acting man, and who, from
the commencement of his service, has been in close attendance on us.
But we have sent him as an envoy, because he holds such a position wıth
ourselves that he submits matters to us without the interventıon of
anyone else. If in your honourable interviews you treat him uı a snnılar
manner they will be like direct Communications between you and me . s

•vl-ümarâ.

HAKlM-UL-MULK.

607

stamp with the feet.. The word is used here apparently to mean a bcdy of trampling
oavolry. re r c 413 Co pi es f his Divân are available in the B&akipore
Library, Patna, and in the Victoria Memorial, Calcutta. The Calcutta copy bears
additiong and correctiong in the author's hand.

2 Vide Blochmann's translation of Â'în, I (2nd edn.), p. 529, he was the son
of Mir 'Abd-ur-Razzâq of Gflân. _

* 8ee Beveridge'e translation of Akbarıtama, 111, p. 760.

During his absence Akbar often remarked: "Since Hakîm Humâm has
göne, my food x has not the same taste." And he said to Hakim Abül
Fath : "I do not think that you can be more grieved at his departure
than I am. Where can one find the like of Hakim Humâm." When he
was returning from Kashmîr * in the 34th year, Hakîm Humâm, as he
was returning from Tûrân, met the Emperor at the station of Bârik Âb.
After he had paid his respects, Akbar in condoling with him (for the
death of Abül Fath) said to him: "You had one brother and he has
göne to another world. We have lost ten."

Verse.

According to the calculation of the eyes, one person has göne.
According to -«risdom's calculation, more than thousands.

in the 40th year, 1004 (30th October, 1595 A.D.) he died of tuber-
culosis (tap-i-diqq) after two months' illness. 3 He had two sons. One
was Hakim Hâdhiq of whom an account is given separately. The
other was Hakim Khushhâl. He attained the rank of 1,000 in Shâh
Jahân's reign and went as the Bakhshî to the Deccan. Mahâbat Khân
when he was the governor of the Deccan was very kind to him.

HakIm-tjl-Mülk.

(Vol. I, pp. 599, 600.)

His name was Mir Muhammad Mahdi, and his native country was
Ardistân. in the year of Aurangzib's march from the Deccan towards
the capital, Hakim-ul-Mulk accompanied him and received the rank of
1,000. Later he received the title of Hakîm-ul-Mulk, and in the
llth year attained the rank of 2,000 with 500 horse. in the 37th year,
when Muhammad A' zam Shâh (the third son of Aurangzib) -was ili with
dropsy, and the disease had proceeded so far that even a sleeve nearly
fourteen girdhs * in circumference was narrow for him, and the circum-
ference of his trousers 5 was one yard and six girdhs, Hakim-ul-Mulk was
sent to prescribe for him. Whenthe Prince arrived, the King out of pater-
nal affection had a tent set up for him inside of the palisade ( gulâlbâr) 6 and
visited him önce every day. He and Zîb-un-nisâ' Begam, 7 the Prince's
full sister, were contented with having a strictly ascetic meal in his

1 As Hakîm Humâm was Bakâmal Beg or Steward of the Kitchen, he must
have been present during Akbar's meals. in Â'în (Blochmann's translation, I, 2nd
edn., p. 59) he is oalled MXr Bahâvoal or Master of the Kitchen.

2 in the Text Kabul, but Akbar was then on his way to Kabul from Kashmîr,
vide Beveridge's translation of Akbarnâma, III, p. 1041.

8 He was buried at Hasan Abdal beside his brother. For Hakîm Hâdhiq, see
ante, pp. 604-606.

* Blochmann's translation of Â'in I (2nd edn.), p. 94, note 3, says 16 is the
common number of girdhs, or knots, in a yard, but the dictionaries say that a girah
is three finger-breadths, and Gladwin says there are twenty-four finger-breadths
(and consequently 8 girahs) in a yard.

6 The text has pâaicha, but Maâthir-i-'Âlamgiri, p. 362, has pârcha.

6 Kul-dlbâr in the text appears to be a misprint.

7 See Maöthir-i-'Âlamgiri, p. 361, where there is the conjunction between
kkud and the Nawwöb-i-Qudsiya. The name of the sister in that work is
Zînat-un-nisâ.

608

(SAIYID) HAMlD BOgBİRl

MaâihİT

company. Hakim-ul-Mulk, who had been appointed to attend on the
Prince, displayed great skill both during the journey and after coming
to the Court. After the Prince's recovery he obtained an increase of
1,000 <£ıât and became an officer of the rank of 4,000.

The author of the Mââthir-i-' Âlamgiri^ reports that the Prince
said to his father as follows: "One day when the disease was very
violent, and ali were full of despair and thought my body would burst,
suddeûly a radiant figüre appeared to me vhen I was between sleeping
and waking, and said : ' Heartily repent and you will be cured ! '
Accordingly I repented. When I had done so, I felt a desire to make
water, and two large vessels were filled, and the seven 2 members were
freed of the swelling. On the next day 8 the 5zâd Wah" (the independent
saint) Shaikh 'Abd-ur-Rahmân darvlsh wrote that Murtadâ (the Chosen
One, i.e., 'Alî) had announced that on this night he had given dust*
(from his tomb), and that cure from death would occur during
the day."

(Saiyid) HamId BosbİRI- 5
(Vol. II, pp. 396-399.)

He was the son of Saiyid Miran, son of Saiyid Mubârak. Saiyid
Mubârak was one of the great officers of Gujarât. They say that he
came from his home Uc (Uch) to Gujarât with one horse. One day a
mast elephant met him and the Saiyid lodged an arrow (so deep) in its
forehead so that nothing but its notch remained visible. From that
day the people of the place s^vore by his archery. Gradually he rose to
high office, and when I'timâd Khân Gujarât! for his own ends set up Nanhü
— a child of low origin — as the son of Sultân Mahmüd and gave him the
name of Sultân Muzaffar, and assigned some territory to each of the
officers, Saiyid Mubârik obtained many estates in Pattan and Dandüqa.
Among them Dülqa and Dandûqa 6 reverted after his death to Saiyid
Miran, and after him to Saiyid Hamîd.

When Akbar marched in the 17th year to conquer Gujarât and came
to Pattan, the Saiyid 7 came with his following, did homage, and was
received with favour. Afterwards when the government of Gujarât
was assigned to the Khân A' zam Mirza 'Aziz Koka, the Saiyid was
appointed to assist him. in the battle between the Khân A' zam and the
Mîrzâs he was left in charge of the defence of Ahmadâbâd. in the 18th

1 Maâthir-i.' Âlamgiri, p. 363.

* Hafi fyissa : The seven portions, ıısed like hafi andâm for which see Steingass.
The seven portions are the head, breast, belly, arms and legs.

» The Darvîsh wrote from Adonl forty kos distant, see Maâthir-i-' Âlamgiri,
p. 363.

* in the Text töba, but the correct reading seems to be turba, dust from a tomb,
as in the Maâthir-i-' Âlamgiri, p. 363. it does not appear from the Maâthir that the
Prince gave this account to his father, but used to teli the story. The notice does
not teli when Btakîm-ul -Mülk died. Presumably this was bofore the 49th year of
Aurangzîb, 1116 (1704-05 A.D.) for we find in that year, Khâfi Khân, II, p. 539, that
a physician of the name of Şâdiq Khân received the title of Hakîm-ul-Mıılk.

6 Blochmann's translation of A'in, I (2nd edn.), pp. 433-435. Apparently
Mubârak, his grandfather, is the Iftikhar-ul-Mulk of Bayley, History oj Gujarât,
p. 243.

* Dholka and Dhanduka in Ahmadâbâd district, see Imperial Gazetteer, XI,
pp. 321, 285.

7 At Jutâna, see Beveridge's translation of Akbarnâma, III, p. 9.

ul- Umara.

(SAIYID) HAMID BOKHABI.

609

year he was given a the government of Dülqa and Dandüqa. Afterwards
ne hurried to Cambay to help Qutb-ud-Din Khân Muhammad Khân. in
the 22nd year he was appointed 2 to the government of Multân, and
in the end of the same year he, in company with Mirza Yûsuf Khân
Eadavî, did good service in Balüchistân where the chiefs had revolted.
in the 25th year when Mirza Muhammad Hakim came from Kabul and
besieged Lâhöre, the Saiyid and the other fief-holders were shut up
there. After the arrival of the imperial army there when Prince Sultân
Murâd was appointed to pursue Muhammad Hakim, the Saiyid received
the command. of the left wing. When the royal army reached Kabul,
and as Akbar proposed to halt there for some time, he sent 3 on the
elephants to Jalâlâbâd and appointed the Saiyid and some others for
their escort. On the return from Kabul when they encamped at Sirhind,
the Saiyid obtained leave to go to his fief. in the 30th year he was
appointed to Kabul along with Kunwar Mân Singh. When he came to
Peshâwar, which was in his fief, his soldiers returned to (his fief in) India,
and he spent his time negligently with a few men in the fort of Bikrâm
(near Peshâwar). He left 4 the affairs to a man name d Müsâ, who was
not very discr'eet. Without making sure of his character, he was
appointed in charge of the government and the administration of justice,
and he out of avarice oppressed the Mahmand and Ghüri tribes, of whom
there were 10,000 houselıolders in Peshâwar, and injured their property
and their honour. They, from folly and wickedness, made Jalâla' Târiki
their leader and stirred up a rebellion near Bikrâm. Hamîd, on account
of the smallness of his force, wanted to wait in the fort till the arrival of
soldiers from Kabul and Atak (Attock), and of his brothers, but folkrvving
the advice of shortsighted people he could not carry out this plan. He
sent a man to ascertain full facts about the enemy. He, out of folly or
wickedness, reported that they were few and disorganized. Without
due reflection he came out with 150 men and lighted the flames of conflict.
Though in the very beginning Tıe -w r as wounded by an arrow, he did not
stay his hand. His horse feU into a hole 5 and he was killed in 993
(1585 A. D.). Forty of his relatives fell with him. He held the rank of
2,000. Afterwards the Afghâns surrounded the fort, but his young son,
Saiyid Kamâl, bravely defended it with the help of a few men.

Kamâl held the rank of 700 in Akbar's time and on Jahângîr's
accession this was raised to 1,000. in succession to Saiyid 'Abdul
Wahhâb Bokhâri he was made the governor of Delhi. After\vards he
went along with Farîd Bokhârîjn pursuit of Khusrau, and wâs in command
of the left wing in the battle against him. When the Bârah Saiyids,
who were in the van, were hard pressed, Kamâl came to their help and
distinguished himself. Saiyid Ya'qüb, son of Saiyid Kamâl, attained

1 Vide Beveridge, op. cit., p. 46.

2 Vide Beveridge, op. cit., pp. 300, 335.

3 See Beveridge, op. cit., p. 539.

4 See Beveridge, op. cit., p. 777. The text has Ghariyâ instead of Ghcrî as the
name of the tribe.

5 The Akbarnâma, Text III, p. 510, Beveridge's translation, III, p. 778, has jû,
a canal or stream, but there is the variant gav, a hole. The date 993 is wrong. The
Akbarnâma, III, puts it into the 31st year, 994, and so does Badâyûnl, Lowe's
translation of MuntaHkab-ut-Tatvârith, II, p. 366. in the fabaçât-i-Akbarî, De's
translation II, p. 619, it is included in the account of the 32nd year, 995.

610

HİMID KBİN BAHİDÜR ŞALİBAT JANG

Madthir
ZZt^n 500 ^^ lfi °° hOT8e - - d ** in the second year of SM h

(Mü ' IZZ -- D — «) HiMID 5^ Bah1dür Şal1bat Janq
(Vol. III, pp . 765-769 .)

in the 29th year of the S£ ^^ecefved hS^ T^» a PP 0İntme "t.
a female elephant, and was order^H ı f . ! ° f aân and the 8» «f

A'zam Shâh who had TbeTn apStİ t„ Z™™ 7 £ - aSUre to Mufeammad
the reign he he ld the ranToTS with iZV^ M ^ ™ d ° f

India^ndlThTh^S SaSffi fff» ** to üpper
reserve of the left w ing. mL A'zam Shth hadth f «>™nd of the
service of Bahâdur Shâh, and in IhT^H l Was ^ u led > he »tered the
governor of Bijâpûr. After hfe dfemîJS d / ear ° f the r <%n, was made
Court. In the beginnini Muhlm^T-^-*^ P ? St he came to **"
went from Mâlwa to S Detant . " ^ \ hen Ni ?âm-ul-Mulk
Saiyids, Mu'izz-ud-Daulah who ha ^.TS^ - the ° reatures of the
Qutb.ul.MuIk was deprjved^f hisfiefand r°t ?• T* h 8aİyİd Abdullah
Haşan -Alî, the Amfr-ÛlS ma râ was Mled Onth °, ^f 6 ^^ When
pnnce from among those imprkoneH ™' . Q ^ b : uI - Mulk summoned a

ÖÎ1? hİ8 W Pa ^- * ^^MtoSg^*"* a f° Ut T"
fief to hım. He also gave him « «„™ Tf lzzua - u ^ [ ^ oy restorıng his

When Qutb-ul-Mulk la ir ^Z J T™ y and took Wm with him

to the King. Afterwarda whln !t OWn ele P h ant and brought him

from Mu4-u1SS ^Hafdj ^S^^ ° fG «İ aratwastra - fe S
<(Mu'iz Z .ud-Da u lah) ™ 8 made hk h! ♦ Nrzam-ul-Mulk Aşaf Jâh, he
Mu'izz-ud-Daulan SaSat JaL Tht P 7 ' and receİVed the ^ of
the Emperor. ng> Thls was ^ported (by Aşaf Jâh) to

fromŞ? jihlfd ^fn tt Sa^bukn/^- 6 ^^ ? f GujarSt was tak ^
'Ali, the sons of Mufammad IS JanS^' ^ t* *g* and Ru8tam
servaat of Shujâ'at Khân^Sıhammad *l dar 7T h ° h&d f ° merl y been a
their ability had reTeived ™T • ? and who8e 8ons on acco "nt of

Sarbuland Khân in Gujarât and sSİ ^* n ~ we ™ ™** the deputies of
fight with Mu'izz-ud Bat İHL ? u f ^ em were km ° d "> the
and the Bakhshl * of^amid bİ! t â^^ d ^ an came "»»şelf
was summoned by NiSS^S^fa^T^* *»™ d ^ân
and was made the governor of SândSr 4 İİ DepheW) - t0 the Deccan
1140 (1727-28 Ati) »t r„ıv,„„ J ı ® After 80me time he died in

engagedintheKaSltî G HeT S buTlin^ ^ T^ Aşaf Jtt ^
________J^ a ^ne^n^^etery of Shâh Banda

2 Maöibir-i-'Âlamgm, p. 264 ' —

State .on^aX^„^ h ^r^ * e l t0 «- ^^7- 1» one they
Aman Beg. For f u II VtaiLJ^f J a "f »? *!»* «» BÎ&hr 8 n „££ wS
-W«9*a^, pp. II, 176-189. «Tadunath Sarkar's edition of Irvine's Later

Nander district in Haidarâbâd, l mp erial Gatetteer, XVIII, p. 349 .

.ul-Umarâ.

HAMlD-UD-DİN EfliN BAHİDUK.

611

Nawâz— May his grave be holy !— outside the dome. He was possessed
of good aualities, and was magnanimous, soldier-lıke and hıgh spırıted.
In speech he was audaeious. His sons, who distinguished themselves
vere Khair Ullâh Khân, Haflz Ullâh Hıân and Marhamat Hıân. Each of
them"ön acoount of their near connection with Aşaf Jah had suıtable
fiefs and also an allowance in cash for expenses. Generally they were
notorious for their wicked modes of living. They were excused service,
and spent their days at home. Each of them had descendants who
subsisted on remnants of their fiefs. The sons of Marhamat gh.an, who
himself was well known for his simplicity, acquıred culture. Ihe elder
received the title of Fathyâb Jang, and the younger that of ?aiaryab
Jang, and had a fief in the pargana of MâlkandaM the wrıter was
a"quainted with them.

HamId-üd-DIn Khân Bahİdue.

(Vol. I, pp. 605-611.)

He was an oflîcer of Aurangzib's time and was the son of Sardâra
Khân K5twâl and grandson of Bâqî lOıân Chelâ Qalmâk of Shah Jahan s
tinıe. By the help of good fortune and the influence of his stars he ın
the end of Aurangzib's reign, became the centre of the affaırs of Indıa,
and had the power of binding and loosing in ali matters of hıgh polıtıcs.
While thus the arraıv at the top of the quiver of the reıgnıng Sovereıgn, he
was appointed sometimes to the batteries raised against forts, and some-
times to camps and distant places for the punishment of bandıts and,
wherever he went, he by his rapidity and vigour smote and subdued the
enemy and then returned safe and sound and rich wıth plunder, and his
rank was raised with commendations. Hence it was that he was knowrı
as Nîmcha-i-'llamgirî or 'Alamgir's Sword. In the begınnıng of his
career when his father was an object of royal favours, he too became
known and acouired reputation. In the 28th year of the reign, he, ın
sucoession to his father, became the Superintendent of the engravmg»
department. At that time, when his father's title was changed from
ihtimam Khân to Sardâr Khân, he got an inorease of 200 and obtaıned the
rank of 4ÖÖ with 50 horse. In the 32nd year he became, ın sucoession to
his father, Superintendent of the elephant-stables, and aş he had become
a persona grata, his rank was gradually increased. When he received
the order in Iklüj « to bring the wretched Sambhâ who had been seızed,
along with his wife and child", by the excellent efforts of Khân Zaman
Haidarâbâdî, he, in accordance with the royal order, put a wooden_cap
(İakhta-kulâh) on Sambhâ t wo kos from Bahâdurgarh (or Bırgaun) ,

ı The variant Balkonda in Warangal division, Haidarâbâd, is the correct

readl 2 n A1 S o called ihtimam R»», Maâthir-i-' Âlamgiri, p. 252. In lOıâfî »>&", II,

v. 381, he is called Sarbarâh Khân. . . , ,

**• ° . *„- - , .,., „....ı__ j "T v=„^ gee Bahar 'Ajam and Maathır-t- Alamgtn.

p. 252.

3 Dâröijha-i-kkötimband likana.

4 ^jk\ Iklüch in Maâthir-i.'Âlamgirî, p. 319, and Iklüj in Khâfi Khân,

II. p. 383. South cf the river Nirâ, about half way betwçen Bıjapur and Punna,
vide EUiot, VII, p. 340. Khâfi Khân, II, P- 387, says the takhta-kulalı was a Per S ıaı>
oustom. For Shambhüjl's capture, 3 ee Sir Jadunath Sarkar, Hıstory uf Aurangnb,
IV, pp. 399-407.

612

HAMID-UD-DIN KgİN BAHlDUB.

Maâthir

which was the camp, and dressed up his followers in fantastic garments,
and placed them on camels, and pilloried them throughout the camp
with drums beating and trumpets blowing, and then brought them into
the Presence, in the 33rd year he received. the title of Khân. When hia
father died, he, in succession to him, became the Kötwâl and was also
given other offices. At this time he received the present of a jighâ'
(a jewelled ornament for the turban) and an elephant, and was repeatedly
sent to chastise the enemy. in the 37th year it happened that some of
the servants of (Prince) Mu'izz-ud-Din 1 behaved improperly to Fadl
'Ali, the Dîvân of his establishment, and their improprieties ended in a
fight. An order was given that Hamid-ud-Din Khân should go and
punish them. When the Khân went against them, his elephant got
alarmed at the uproar and carried him off to the distance of a kos from
the battlefield towards the imperial granaries. He chanced to see some
large sacks which they fiil with corn at the granary, and, as his elephant
was passing, he jumped out of the howdah and alighted on them. He
then got another elephant and returned to the field of battle and punished
the rioters. in the 39th year he, at Islâmpürî, was raised to the rank of
2,000. in the same year Santâ routed Qâsim Khân, Khânazâd Khân and
other officers and besieged them in the fort of Dhanderî Hamid-ud-Din
was sent with a large force to relieve them. Near Adoni he met the
defeated officers and gave them proper help. Meanvvhile Santâ had
defeated Himmat Khân 2 and göne on with his evil ways. The Khân
(Hamîd-ud-Dîn) pnrsued him and drove him out of the imperial territories.
When he came to the Court, he was honoured and rewarded and
received the title of Bahâdur. in the 42nd year, he was appointed to an
office near the Emperor, being made the Superintendent of the
Ohusalkhâna. Afterwards, he was also made Superintendent of the jewel
room. in the 43rd year, on the death of Ikblâş Khân, who fell a martyr
in a battle with the enemy, he was made Master of the Horse, and received
an adorned belt 8 and a cushion from the Emperor. During this time he
was sent on several occasions to bring provisions and to harry the seditious;
he performed his duties to the Emperor's satisfaction. Though in ali
his takings of fortresses he did good service and was a zealous servant,
but he especially distinguished himself in the capture of Râjgarh where
(Shiyâji) after taking it from the 'Âdil Shâhis had, in the day of his occupa-
tion, made three forts on the three sides (of the hill). Together with
Tarbîyat Khân. Mir Atish, he came out on the ridge opposite the triangle (?)
of the fort which experts cali Sunda 4 and prepared the equipment for
the battle. A battery was made on the top of the hill and was extended
to the sang-i-chîn (heap of stones). Though the besieged did not fail to

1 Maâthir-i-' Âlamgiri, p. 367. Mu'izz-ud-Dln was the name of Jahândâr
Shâh, a grandson of Aurangzîb.

2 Aecording to MaâtJıir-i-' Âlamgiri, p. 379, Himmat Khân was shot in the
moment of victory. Also Khâfî Khân, II, p. 434.

* in place of Kamar u mutlaka, MaâVıir-i-'Âlamgiri, p. 423, has JUtH'at-i-khâsşa
bâ kamar mutlaka.

* Maâthir-i-' Âlamgiri, p. 479. Khâfî Khân, II, p. 513, makes the first capture
as on 15 Shawwâl and the final surrender twelve days later. The event is put
into the year 1114 (February 1703), sse Elliot, VII, p. 373. The fort was after -
wards ealled Bani Shâhgarh. The word is probably sûndh — an elephant's trunk.
it was a spur or ridge extending out from the plateau of the hill. The description,
whieh is not very intelligible, is condensed from p. 479 of the Maâthir.

.ul-Umarâ.

HAMlD-TTD-DİN KB*N BAHİDUB.

613

discharge muskets and to throw rockets and stones yet the gallant men

Îme out on the top of the tower-whieh had been buut on the poınt of

th^said Sunda, and arrived within the wall. When the garrıson beheld

uch boldis, hey lost courage and asked for quarter. On 21st £hawwa ,

n the beginnmg of the 48th year, 1115 A.H. (27th February, 1704 A.D ),

he four fortrreceived the name of Bani Shâhgarh. Hamıd-ud-Dın

who had attained the rank of 3,500 with 2,500 horse, received, as a reward

S his ezertions, the gift of drums. He also distinguished himself m the

taking of Törnâ.ı He bound the rope round his waıst and entered the

f ° rt 'ln fine Hamid-ud-Din was greatly distinguished at the close of
Aurangzîb's reign, and was second to none in influence and ıntımacy
ThouS Amir Khân was not wanting in ali these respects, he was stili
İîerior to Hamid-ud-Din. 'Inâyat Ullâh Şân was equal to hım m
iinistrative matters, but he had not so long been attached to the

C0U Aurangzib died « in his quarters (dar fana) at Ahmadnagar in the first
watch of Friday 28 Cfaul Qa'da, 1118 (A.H.) after a reıgn of 60 yea«, 2
months and 28 days, at the age of 91 years and 13 days. After the body
was laid out, and prayers had been offered, it was watched m the bed-
ramber (KhvMglh) Next day on hearing of the event Muhammad
Azam ShâhT who had been sent off to Mâlwa, returned from his camp
twenty-five kos distant, and performed the mournkıg ceremomes On
the follo^ing day he took the body on his shoulder to the outsıde of
the DîvânT'Adâlat (Hail of Justice), and it was then conveyed to the
blessed shrine known as the Banda, which is a cultiyated place eıght kos
distant from Aurangâbâd, and three to from Daulatâbad Hamıd-ud-
Din neglected s no point of ceremonial etiquette or lamentatıon and went
with the corpse on foot and pulling out his hairs in accordance wrth
his wÜl Aurangzîb was buried near the tomb of.Shaıkjj Zam-ud-Dm.
May the mercy of God be upon him ! ;

The date of Aurangzib's death was found in the noble verse:
Rüh u Raibân u Jannat Na'îm- Rest, Fragrance and the Paradıse ot

DeU His title became Khuld Makân "Dwelling in everlasting bliss" and
the village was ealled Khuldâbâd. The Khân put on a darvish s dress,
and swept the tomb of his benefaotor and teacher. He buılt a
residence for himself there, which is stili known by his name. When
Muhammad A'zam Shâh came to Aurangâbâd from Ahmadnagar he
went to his father's tomb and said prayers. He took the hand ot
Hamid-ud-Din and brought him with him, and spoke soothıngly to hini
and confirmed him in his office. in the march to Upper Indıa, whıch

ı in the text Pûrnâ, but the variant Törnâ is correet. Törnâ was taken in the
48th vear 1115 (20th March, 1704). For a detailed acoount of Aurangzîb s cam-
paig/for the captu^ of Maratha forte, see Sir Jadunath Sarkar, History of Aurang-

Zİb ' I'A P u^an2ib 9 wa8 born at Döhad on the borders of Mâlwa on 24th Octcber,
1618 and died on 3rd March, 1707. See Sir Jadunath Sarkar, mstory of Aurangzîb,
V pp 18, 19, and his edition of imine'* Later Mughals, I, p. 1.
' The exprossion dar fana may mean that he iied in the courtyard.

s Vide Khâfi Khân, II, p. 666. f

* Sûrah56, TOrae 88: "His reward shall be rest and mercy and a garden ot

delights" (Sale).

614

HAQlQAT KJHİN.

Maâihir

was necessary for the making of war upon Bahâdur Shâh, he took Hamid-
ud-Dln with him. They say, that when on the march news came that
Muhammad 'Azim had come to Âgra from the Eastern Provinces^
Muhammad A'zam Shâh said: "A great evil (Bald-i-' azim) has reached
Âgra", and that the Khân Bahâdur replied: "it will be removed by the
blessing of the Great Name " (Ism A'zam; also punning on the name).
On the day of battle after much contest signs of defeat manifested
theınselves. When DJ}ülfaqâr Khân had retired from the battlefield,
Hamid-ud-Din also withdrew. He also at that time was wounded by an
arrow. He afterwards came from Gwâliyâr, and his cheek resumed its
pristine hue when he was graciously received by Bahâdur Shâh. He
received a gilded stafFand was made İst Mîr Tuzuk and Superintendent
of the mace-bearers. He received the title of Bahâdur 'Âlamgîrî, and
passed his days with honour till the end of Bahâdur Shâh's reign.

When the juggling heavens gave Jahândâr Shâh the rulo and the
dice of D_hülfaqâr Khân threw sixes, he practised the rancour whieh had
long existed, but had not manifested itself *o far ; he tormented Hanıid-
ud-Dîn and imprisoned him and put him in chains ı. At length D_hulfaqâr
Khân got the reward of his deeds, but though the fail of that tyrant
released Hamid-ud-Din from confinement, he had no place in the Court of
Farrukjj-siyar. Out of regard for his former influence or due to respect
for the old ties, Saif-ud-Daula 'Abd-uş-Şamad Khân, who had been made
governor of the Panjâb, took him with him. When after the extirpation
of a noted sect (the Sikhs), the said governor returned in glory to Lâhöre,
the writer 2 of these lines witnessed the spectacle. Hamid-ud-Dîn
brought up the rear of the equippage. He was in a palanquin and had
few followers, and it was plain that he was dejected at having suffered
at the hands of fate. After that, he came to the Presence and was received
with royal favour so that he renewed his feathers. in the time of the
present ruler (Muhammad Shâh) by virtue of the same (old) intimacy
with Aurangzîb he again received the high rank of Superintendent of
mace-bearers. The ıcater ıvhich had göne aıvay returned to its channel.
This lasted for a long time until he died at his appointed period. He
had a son who held an office, and had means (dastgâh). But his biography
is unknown. 3

HaqIqat KhIn.

(Vol. I, pp. 590, 591.)

He was Ishâq Beg of Yazd. At first he was the major-domo
(^hân-i-Sâmân) in the establishment of Mumtâz-uz-Zamân (Shâh Jahân's
queen). in the 4th year of Shâh Jahân's reign, when that chaste lady

ı See Irvine's Later Mughaîs, I, p. 187. Dhülfaqâr Khân's murder is described
on p. 253.

2 For details of the Sikh campaign and oapture of tho leader Gürü Banda at
Gurdâspür, Panjâb, see Irvine's Later Mughals, I, pp. 307-315. The author of the
Maâthir-ul-Umarâ was then a boy of 15, and soon left Lâhöre for the Deccan.

3 in the table of contenta the biography of Hamîd-ud-DIn ia entered as having
been writton by 'Abd-ul-Hayy, it being marked Q. But the writer here referred to
could not have been 'Abd-ul-Hayy, for he was not bom till 1142, and probably he
never was in Lâhöre. The life must then be by his father who was born m 1 1 1 1 A .H .
(1700 A.D.).

■ul- Umara.

(IKEİM &BİK, SAIYID) HASAJS.

615

went from the transitory to the enduring world, the King appointed
him — as he was a good housekeeper — to the service of the Begam Şâhiba.
in the 9th year he was appointed, 1 along with Makaramat Khân and
Bâqî Khân Chelâ to Datyâ 2 to search for the hidden treasures of the
rebel Jujhâr Singh who had been killed. By their excellent investigations
they brought out from welİ8 in that neighbourhood twenty-eight lacs of
rupees and paid them into the royal treasury. in the lOth year he
was promoted to the rank of 1 ,000 with 100 horse. in the 12th year he
received 3 the title of Haqîqat Khân and was appointed Examiner of
petitions in succession to 'Âqil Khân 'Inâyat Ullâh. in the 13th year
he had 4 an increase of 150 horse and had 5 the rank of 1,500 with 300
horse. After that, he got 6 an increase of 500 and his rank was 2,000
wit.h 300 horse, as appears in the last list of the Bâdshâhnâma. in the
28th year, as he had attained to a great age, the King relieved him
of his employment, and allowed him to repose in retirement. He died
in retirement in the 7th year of Aurangzib's reign in the year 1074 A. H.
(1663-64 A.D.).

(İkram KjiIn, Saiyid) Hasan.

(Vol. I, pp. 215, 216.)

One of the Wâlâ-Shâhis (household troopers or bodyguards) of
Aurangzîb. For a long while he was faujdâr of Baglâna in
Khândesh which Shâh Jahân had given to Aurangzîb when he
was a prince. Afterwards when Aurangzîb for making inquiries
about his father's illness moved from Burhânpür to Mahva, Ikrâm
Khân, in accordanoe with orders, joined him and was graciously
received. in the battle with Dârâ Shiköh, which occurred
near Sâmügarh, he distinguished himself and did good service.
in the first year of the reign, he received the title of Ikrâm
ghân. in the battle 7 with Shujâ', when Mahârâja Jaswant Singh, who
had charge of the right wing, played the game of deceit and at night took
the road to his home, and islâm Khân was appointed in his plaee, he
along with Saif Khân was in the vanguard and stood firm and behaved
courageously. When the King had proeeeded towards Ajmer to engage
Dârâ Shiköh, Ikrâm Khân wâs appointed governor of the Capital in
succession to Ra'adandâz Khân. Later, on being relieved of that charge,
he became faujdâr of Âgra in succession to Saiyid Sâlâr Khân. in the
5th year of the reign, corresponding to 1072 A.H. (1661-62 A.D.) he
closed his eyes, and ceased to behold the rose garden of existence.

1 Bâdshâhnâma, I, pt. 2, p. 121, where he is oalled Ishâq Beg.

2 Uuı> in the text is a misprint for LJi.

3 Bâdshâhnâma, II, p. 142.

* Bâdshâhnâma, II, p. 198, has the rank of 1,000 with 250 horse.

* Loc. cit., p. 336, has the rank of 1,500 with 250 horse.

6 Loc. cit., p. 627.

7 Battle of Khajwa (Khajuhâ in Cambridge History of India, IV, p. 227)
on 14th January, 1659. See Sir Jadunath Sarkar, History of Aurangzib, II,
pp. 486-495.

616 (MUCJARRAB IÇHAN, SHAIKfl) HASAN, KNOWN AS HASSÜ. MaÜthİr *

(Mucjarrab 1 KhIn, Shaikh) Hasan, KNOWN as Hassü.

(Vol. III, pp. 379-382.)

(He was) the son of Shaikh Phaniyâ, son of Shaikb Hasan of Pânîpat.
it is well known that, in the service of Akbar, he (the father) as a
physician and especially as a surgeon was without a rival. He was very
skÛfulintreatingelephantsandacquiredmuchcelebrityforit. Muqarrab
Khân also had no equals or rivals in this scienoe; he used to take part
with his father in the work and assist in the treatments. in the 41st
year, 1004 A.H., a buok, in the course of a deer-fight, ran towards Akbar,
gored him with its horns, and inflicted a wound on his testicles. They
swelled up, and for seven days he did not go to the privy. There was
a great commotion in the country. Though the oase was in the hands
of Hakîms Mişrî and 'Alî Bâz, but the father and the son in putting on
and taking off plasters and bandaging did good service. Shaikh Hassü,
from his early years, was brought up in the service of Jahângîr and did
excellent service. Accordingly Jahângîr used to say 2 that few kings
possessed a servant like Hassü. While Jahângîr was a prince, Hassü,
though he (the Prince) preşsed him, took nothing from his establishment.
Afterwards when the Prince became the King, the first person
who got an omce was Hassü. After his accession Jahângîr gave him the
title of Muqarrab Khân and the rank of 5,000. Dııring his reign the King
was careless, and did not exercise much judgment and discretion in the ap-
pointnıent of officers. Inasmuch as Muqarrab Khân was a connoisseur of
jewellery, he (the King) gave him the important pro vince of Gujarât,
which has ports such as Sürat and Cambay, each of which is a mine of
rarities and a centre of wealth. He could not ınanage the pro vince or
the soldiery, and so he was recalled and the province was given in fief
to Shâh Jahân. in the 13th year, 1027 A.H., he was appointed governor of
Bihâr, but, in the 16th year that province was transferred to Sultân
Parvîz. Muqarrab Khân returned to the Court, and was made governor
of the province of Agra. After that he was made the 2nd Bakhshî,
and became more and more intimate with Jahângîr. in the beginning
of Shâh Jahân's reign, he, on account of old age, was excused service,
and allowed to retire to the töwn of Kairâna, which was his native place
and had been in his fief, so that he may enjoy his old age in peace and
plenty. They say that time dealt with him kindly and he never received
a blow from Fortune. After retirement he spent his days in perfect
pleasure and freedom from çare with 1,000 beautiful women friends
(sahelîs), who were also in charge of his workshops. They say, there
was not another rich man in those days who had so much virility, and
who. free of cares, could devote so much time to enjoyment. As he was
the custodian of the shrine of Shâh Sharaf 8 of Pânîpat, he made his
tomb there. He died in his native place in the 19th year. 4

1 See Blochmann'a translation of Â'in, I (2nd edn.), p. 613. For an account
of the deer-fight, see Akbarnâma, III, Beveridge's translation, pp. 1061, 1062;
the name in that work is wrongly given as Hansû.

2 Price'a translation of Jahânglr's Memoirs, p. 37.

* Abû 'Ali Qalandar died at Pânîpat, 1324 A.D. [vide Beale, Oriental Biographi-
cal Dictionary, 1881 edn., p. 11). See also Jarrett's translation of the A'fn, III,

p. 368.

* He died in 1056 A.H. (1646 A.D.), vide Bâdshâhnâma, II, p. 613.

.vl-Umarâ.

HASAN 'ALI JÇH&N BAHİDUR.

617

Kairâna J is a pargana of Sahâranpür in the province of Delhi, it
has a good climate and fertile soil. He erected fine buildings there, and
he made a puccâ vraü round a garden, 140 bigha» in estent. There
was in it a tank 220 cubits long by 200 hroad. He planted both hot and
cold weather trees. They say that pistachio trees flourished there, and
wherever he heard of good mango trees, whether in Gujarât or in the
Deccan, he brought the seed and planted it. Accordingly the mangoes of
Kairâna are celebrated in Delhi above ali others up to the present day.
Rizq Ullâh, 2 his son, attained the rank of 800 in Shâh Jahân's reign. He
was a sküfül physician and surgeon. in Aurangzlb's reign he was
granted the title of Khân and an increase of rank. He died in the lOth
year. Masîhâ-i-Kairânavî, whose (real) name was Sa'd Ullâh, was
Muqarrab Khân's adopted son, and was known as a poet. From his poem
on Sîtâ, the wife of Râja Râm Chandra, here are three verses:

Verses.

When water was sprinkled on the head of that intoxicated person,

Water also escaped from his hands.

When she steps out of the water after a bath,

A fiery tree appears out of the water.

The Indian saying has been confirmed

That without dpubt the moon has come out of the edifice.

Hasan 'Alî KhIn Bahİdür.

(Vol. I, pp. 593-599.)

He belonged to Aurangzib's time and was the eldest son of the
famous Ilâhvardî Khân s . As his countenance resembled that of a lion
(shir-babar), in its strength and majesty, he was styled in his childhood
Mirza Bâgh. He was distinguished for the strength of his hands and
arms and was eminent among his brothers for his noble qualities. He with
his approval always accompanied his father. in the end of Shâh Jahân's
reign, when Prince Shujâ' behaved in an unseemly manner, Ilâhvardî
Khân with his sons, williîıgly or unwillingly, took his side, and there was
abattleat Bahâdurpür-Benâres 4 , between Shujâ' and Sulaimân Shiköh,
the eldest son of Dârâ Shiköh, who had been sent from the Court with
many of the royal troops to encounter him. Shujâ' was defeated and
went to Bengâl, and Hasan 'Alî separated from his father and joined the
royal army. After the defeat of Dârâ Shiköh and when the storm of
dispersion scattered Sulaimân Shiköh's forces, and every one of the
royal officers and of his servants left his companionship and chose their
own course, Hasan 'Alî obtained access to Aurangzîb through Râja

1 la the Mu?affarnagar District. See ImperUd 0azetteer, XIV, p. 286.

2 Kieu, Catalogue, p. 1078&. Allah Diyâh, the nephew of Muqarrab S^ân, was
the author of Siyar-ıd-Agfâb, vide Rieu, op. dt., p. 3586.

8 See Maâthir-ul-Umarâ, I, pp. 207-215. Another Ilâhvardî ghan (W.,
pp. 229-232) is described as the seoond son of the famous Ilâhvardî Khan on p. 229,
but on p. 231, Husain 'Alî, whose biography is given above, is described as his
uncle. Apparently there is some mistake in this account.

* 24th February, 1658 ; Gambridge History of India, IV, p. 222.

618

HASAN 'ALİ £HÂN BAHÂDÜB.

Maâthir

■ul- Umara.

HASAN 'ALİ KHÂN BAHİDTJR.

619

Jai Singh, and by the increase of 500 and the augmentation of his
troopers attained the rank of 1,500 with 1,000 horse and the title of
Khân, and was the recipient of glances of favour. in the same year on
the occasion of Aurangzib turning his attention to the battle of Khajwa 1 ,
he received an increase of 500 and the appointment of Çüshbegi (faleoner).
After the second battle with Dârâ Shiköh, when the Capital was
illuminated by the arrival of the Emperor, Hasan 'Alî, in addition to
holding the office of Qüshbegî was made faujdâr of the territory of
Shâhjahânâbâd in succession to Kırat Singh. As the office of Qüshbegî
necessitated constant attendance on the royal stirrups, Hasan 'Ali '«'as
always with the King both in journeys and at Court and was a persona
grata. in the 9th year, he was made Superintendent of the servants of
the jilau. 2 When in the end of the 12th year the King left the Capital,
Hasan 'Ali was made faujdâr of Mathurâ, in succession to Şaf Shikan
Khân, and had the rank of 3,500 with 2,500 horşe, and was sent off with
a force to chastise the turbulent elements in that neighbourhood. He
showed great energy and courage in seizing and slaying the recalcitrants
and in plundering their habitations and destroying their forts, ete. He
assigned their estates to his companions and others. He arrested the
robber Köklâ Jât — who was responsible for the killing of 'Abd-un-Nabî
Khân faujdâr (of Mathurâ) — and for the ravaging of the pargana of
Shâdâbâd 8 , along with his companion, the rebel Sanki, and sent t hem
to the Court. The royal wrath ordered and both, in retribution for their
crimes, were cut to pieces limb by limb. The son * and daughter of
Köklâ were made över, for their upbringing, to Jawâhir Khân Nâzir.
The daughter was later given in marriage to Shâh Quli Chela, a well-
known officer, and the son got the name of Fâdil and became a Hâfiz.
in Aurangzîb's opinion no other Hâfiz was so reliable, and the King,
who, since his accession, had taken to reciting the Qur'ân, used to honoıır
him by hearing his recitations.

The Khân in reward for his good services received the gift of drums,
and afterwards was appointed governor of the province of Allahâbâd. in
the 20th year he was appointed governor of Âgra, but in the 21st year, he
was removed from that appointment and returned to the Court. in the
22nd year, when the royal standards were direeted for the first time
towards Ajmer, the Khân was appointed along with Khân Jahân Bahâdur
to subdue the country of Jödhpür and other territories of the deceased
Râja Jaswant. When in the 23rd year the royal army proceeded from
Ajmer towards Udaipür for purposes of castigation, a large and richly
and properly equipped army was sent under the leadership of Hasan
'Ali to punish the Rânâ. in this campaign he did excellent service and
one day while erossing a ravine fell upon the Rânâ. The latter could not
withstand the attack and went away leaving his tents and goods. The
Khân destroyed the idol-temple in front of the Rânâ's palace and also
172 other temples in Udaipür, and obtained the title of Bahâdur
'Âlamgîrshâhî. Afterwards, when the royal standards proceeded to

1 14th January, 1659; id., p. 224. The name is spelt there as Khajuhâ.

2 Acccrding to Blochmann's translation of Â'ln, I (2nd edıı.), p. 150, ııote 2,
"The jilaubegi is the superintendent cf horses seleeted for presents".

3 in the text Shâdâbâd, but Sa'dâbâd in Maâlhir-i-'Alamgiri, p. 93.

* This aocount is also inoluded under Churânıan Jât, viıle Beveridge's translation
of Maâthır-ul-Umarâ, p. 437.

the Deccan, Hasan 'Alî Khân was appointed to accompany Prince
Mubammad Azam for the siege of Bijâpür. As every day there was
constant fighting in the batteries with exchanges of positions, and
scarcity and dearness of provisions pressed heavily on the camp, an order
was sent, in the 29th year, to the Prince, that as things were in this
condition he should raise the siege and join the imperial army which was
then at Shölâpür. The Prince took council J with the leading officers of
experience. He first took the opinion of Hasan 'Ali, observing to him "The
transacting of the afFairs of the campaign rests upon the concord of the
officers. An urgent order has come from the Court to the above effect.
Your opinion in matters of peace or war, of rapid action or of endurance
is valuable, as you have seen and heard and lived thröugh many such
scenes of stress and difficulty. What do you think in this affair "? The
Khân replied: "Considering the situation of the army, and the general
good, it is advisable to raise the siege. When in the Balkj) campaign
Prince Murâd Bakjısh, on account of the severity of the weather could
not remain, he, willingly or unwillingly, withdrew from the siege without
orders from Shâh Jahân, and returned to the Court. The state of the troops
at present is apparent, and Your Highness has an order (to retire)."
After this the others spoke and ali agreed with Hasan 'Ali's opinion.
The Prince said : " You have spoken for yourselves| now hear my senti-
ments. I, Mubammad A'zam, with my two sons and the Begam 2 will not
move from this place of danger as long as we have life. Let the King
come afterwards and bury us. My companions can choose for themselves
about going or staying. The preservation of the realm and religion is
what is looked to by men of honour; fate depends upon the heavens!"
Nothing evil occurred, and by the fortunate circumstanee of the Prince's
steadfastness, Khân Fîrüz Jang arrived with a large army and abundant
provisions, and hardship was changed into happiness ('usr ba yasr
tabdil yâft). in the same year Hasan 'Alî was appointed governor 3 of
Berâr on the death of îrij Khân. As he was hotly engaged in the siege of
Bijâpür and was doing good service, Radi-ud-Dîn Khân (who was) Shaikh
Radî-ud-Din, and belonged to a noble family of Bhâgalpür in Bihâr and
who had charge of Hasan 'Ali's domestic affairs and of those of the
imperial troops, was appointed to act as his deputy.

The Shaikh was a very learned man, and took an aetive part
in editing the Fatâıvâ-i-'Alamgirî. He received three rupees a day as
his pay. As he was also sküled in mahy sciences he helped in military
affairs, in the colleetion of revenue, and as a companion, ete. Purther, by
the instrumentality of Qâdi Mubammad Husain of Jaunpür, the Court
Mufytasib (censor), his merits were brought to the notice of Aurangzib and
he received the rank of 100. Gradually through his auspicious star and his
good qualities and the help of Hasan 'Ali he attained to the rank of an
Amir and Khân. He became peshkâr of Hasan 'Ali and did good service in
extirpating the Jâts of Mathurâ and in the affair of the Rânâ.* in the

1 Maâlhir-i-'Alamgiri, p. 203. Also see Sir Jadunath Sarkar, History of
Aurangzib, IV, pp. 315-317 j the name of Hasan 'Ali Khan is wronely eiverı as Ali
Khan on p. 315. ~~

2 Jânî Begam, the wife of Prince Muhammad A'çam, vide Khâfl ghân, II, p. 317.

3 Maâthir-i-' Alamgiri, p. 262.
* Maâthir-i-' Alamgiri, p. 187.

620

HASAN BfiG BADAKBSHÎ SHAIgB 'UMABl

Maâthir

t - t +u*> ontfc tmit he was killed 1 during an altercation with the

S^ Tnfgo^r^

th6 TsfhS Sfc 1-tod a long tüne, the King became mdignant
and rid "Xt worldly advantage is there in the number of prınoee
%T Jir W a, name We hoped one of our sons would do

ISLSL S hî not Tme about. 'Li us see why this waU does
SlSble tom". He advanced from Şhölâp* ", and as dee<h , are
oledced to fortune, he encamped on 21 Sha ban, 1097 A.H. (L3th üuiy,
iSaD) aVRa^ülpür, thr£T kos from Bîjâpûr, and on 4 Bb"lQ»da
22nd^pîember, 168*6 Â.D.) of that year Bîjâpûr JJ-^Ş-JJ
'Alî Kh&n Bahâdur who was serıously ili, departed to the otner worıa

not attain any distınctıon.

Hasan 4 BfiG BadaebshI Shaisb 'UmabI.
(Vol. I, pp. 565-568.)
He was one of the old servants (Bâburiyân) of the dynasty and
possetd müitary J"-*^*^ ÎÜSSS St SSg

SaTthe ruler of Pakhli-vho belonged to the tribe of Qarlugh_(Qarlygiis)
S£ of whom had been left to gulrd this country by Timur whenhe
Zretur^to Tûrân-^id homage, and after a few days absconde*L
XS the comrtnr in fief to Hasan Beg, and sent hım to punısh
tt lef" Cehavedlithcourage and stili and £ough^the , coung
into subjection. When in the 35th year, he came to the Court^ the > i>fl^ü
Şef again ™i«*l his head and created a dısturbance He foohsnly
ttk S name of Sultân Naşir-ud-Dîn, and recovered P-J-on J.
NAH from Hasan Beg's men. Hasan Beg was ; ^^^/^d
and inflicted suitable punishment on hım. in the 46th year, ne ^aıa g
Srvice in Bangash and was promoted to the , rank of 2 500. in the end
of Akbar's reign he obtained Rohtâs (in the Panjab) m fief, and was

from the fortat Agra. Hasan Beg was not sure about Jahangır and

*' î £&£££££&.%. *. PP- 31^-325, for further details of the fail

° f B İ İ& Btochmann' 8 translation of J*in, I (2nd edn.), pp. 504 505.

. SEnŞZ. Te*t ; m, P e 56| Beveridge's tra^Uon £1 p. 855. g

of Blochmann's note 3 P . 504 ^J^f^ & ™>4%, ÎSoTas given by
ESİttSSS? ^^Ö/KU of Ja^rJ, p. 140, (1930), g.ves
evening of April 6th, 1606, as the date.

.ul-Umarâ.

HASAN BfiG BADA&BSHI SHAIgg 'üMABl

621

suspected that there was something unfavourable about these summons.
Also as turbulence and plotting are innate with Badakbshîs, he was
carried away by the inducements and flatteries of Sultân Khusrau, and
agreed to accompany him. Together with 300 active Badakbshîs he
joined him in the path of error. Khusrau addressed him as Khân
Bâbâ (the Khân father) and made him the centre of his power.

When Khusrau opposed the royal forces on the bank of the Biyâh
(Beâs) with the troops he had collected, and after a little fighting was
defeated, and with Hasan Be>g and 'Abd-ur-Rablm — the Divân of Lâhöre
who had joined him and obtained the title of Malik Anwar ] — became
a wanderer in the desert of disappointment. Most of the Afghâns who
had assisted him, urged him to proceed to the Eastern distriots. Hasan
Beg said: "This proposal is wrong, you should go towards Kabul, for in
that. country there is no lack of men or horses. Whoever has Kabul,
will ha ve every kind of servant and equipment. Bâbur and Hümâyûn,
though they had no money, conquered İndia with the help of Kabul.
I ha ve four lakhs of rupees in Rohtâs and will give these as a contribution,
and as soon as we arrive there I will supply 12,000 capable horsemen.
If the King follows us, we shall give battle, and if he gives up that country
to us we shall arrange for sometime with our fortune and wait for the
opportunity ". As Khusrau, in ignorance of the consequences, had placed
the reins of affairs into his hands, he agreed and was arrested by
the laws of retribution on the bank of the Chenâb. At that time
Jahângîr was encamped in Mirza Kâmrân's garden in the suburbs of
Lâhöre. On the 3rd Şafar 1015, 2 Khusrau was brought, according to
the custom of Chengiz, with tied arms and fetters on his feet into the
royal Presence. Hasan Beg and 'Abd-ur-Rah&n were placed on his
right and left, and Khusrau stood between them trembling and weeping.
Hasan Beg, thinking that it would help him, began to talk wildly and
foolishly. As his object became apparent, he was not allowed to continue,
and the order was issued that ^usrau should be kept chained and
imprisoned, Hasan Beg be put into the skin of an ox, and ' Abd-ur-Rahîm
in that of an ass, and they be paraded (through the streets) seated on
asses with their faces turned towards the tails.s As the skin of the ox
dried (and shrank) sooner than that of the ass, Hasan did not survive more
than four watches (12 hours). The other, after a night and a day (i.e.,
eight watches), and as he was stili aüve, Was, at the entreaties of those who
had the right of audience, liberated from the wrath of the Sovereign — which
is a sample of the wrath of God. For the sake of warning and
punishment, two rows of stakes were set up from the gate of the Kâmrân
garden to the gate of the citadel. And ali who had joined Khusrau were
impaled there. Next day when the King entered Lâhöre, he ordered

10 and
p. 81.
Anwar

1 The title is given as M alik-ul- Vuzrâ in Iqbâlnâma-i-Jahöngiri, p.
Muntakhab-ul-Lubâb, I, p. 251. it is Melek Anwar in Price's Memoîrs,
See also Beni Prasad, History of Jahdngir, p. 141. where the title is given as
Khan, and it is stated that he was made the vazir".

2 in the Tüzük-i-Jdhângtri (Rogers and Beveridge), I, p. 68, the date is given
as 3rd Mubarram, but it is 3rd Şafar in Igbâlnöma, p. 16. in Muntathab-td-Lubâb,
I, p. 253, it is stated that towards the end of Mubarram, Amlr-ul-Umarâ was sent
to bring the captives to the royal Presence, and so 3rd Şafar appears to be correot.

8 See Rogers and Beveridge's translation of the Tüzuk-i-Jahângîrî, I, p. 69,
and note 1, for further details. Also Beni Prasad, loe. cit., p. 147.

622

HASAN ŞAFAVl — HİSHIM KHAN.

Maâthir

that Khusrau should be placed on an elephant, and be led between the
stakes, and that the cry should be raised on both sides: "Your associates
and servants do homage to you. " May heaven preserve me from such
an end ! The son of Hasan Beg, by name Isfandyâr Khân, obtained in
Shâh Jahân's time the rank of 1,500; he died in the 16th year of the
latter's reign.

(Mibzİ) Hasan Şafavî.

(Vol. III, pp. 477-479.)

He was the third son of Rustam of Qandahâr. in Jahângîr's time
he attained to the rank of 1,500 with 700 horse. After Shâh Jahân's
accession he came with his father from Bihâr and did homage.? in the
2nd year, he was appöinted to Bengâl 2 and served for a long time, along
with his son, Şaf Shikan, among the ausiliaries of that province. On
being summoned to the Court, he offered his allegiance to the august
conqueror, and later on return carried on his duties satisfactorily, and as
a result of the trust in his fidelity his rank was exalted. in the 19th
year, his rank was 3,000 with 2,000 horse and he was granted the fief of
Fathpür. in the 20th year he became faujdâr of Jaunpür in succession
to Shâh Nawâz Khân Şafavî, his younger brother. Along with his son,
Şaf Shikan, he received a drum and his rank rose to 2,000 with 2,000
horse. in the 21st year he came from Jaunpûr with his son and did
homage, and again they went to Bengâl. in the 22nd year, he was,
at Shâh Shujâ' 's request, appöinted to Küj (Cooch Bihâr), and received
an increase of 1,000 horse. in the 23rd year, and end of 1059 A.H.
(1649 A.D.) he died. He did not accept the title of Khân. Mîrzâ Şaf
Shikan, after his father's death, served as the thânadâr and faujdâr of
Jessöre 3 in Bengâl. After that, he retired and was for a long while one
of the pensioned supplicants for the welfare of the reigning King. He
died in 1073 A.H. (1662 A.D.), the 5th year of Aurangzîb's reign. He was
married to the daughter of Mir Miran Yazdı, the sister of Nawâzish
Khân 'Abdul-Kâfî, who was half-brother of Khalîl UUâh Khân. His heir
was Şaif-ud-Din Şafavî, who, on account of his being the son-in-law of
Khalîl UUâh Khân, was an object of royal favour and received the title of
Kâmyâb Khân 4 in the 7th year. For some reason he was removed from
his rank. in the 14th year he was restored.

HIshim Khan.

(Vol. III, pp. 940, 941.)

He was the son of Qâsim Khân Mır Bahr (admiral). When his
father was killed, 5 in Kabul, in the 39th year of Akbar's reign, and the

1 He had the same rank of 1,500 with 700 horse in the beginning of Shâh
Jahân's reign. See Bâdshâhnâma, I, p. 184.

2 in the first year he seems to have been attached to Bihâr, vide Bâdshâhnâma,
I, p. 205. He went to Bengâl in the 2nd year.

3 Hasar in the text is apparently a mistake of the copyist for Jessöre.

4 Vide Maâthir-i-'Âlamglri, p. 113. in the 20th year he was made faujdâr of
Sahâranpûr, op. cit., p. 158; in the 26th year he was made Bakhshî of the Decean,
op. cit., p. 223; and in the 49th year he was the governor of the fort of Gulbarga,
op. cit., p. 503.

6 Akbarnâma, Text III, p. 652, and Beveridge's translation III, p. 1001.

.ul-Umarâ.

HAYÂT KHİN.

623

government of that province was assigned to Qulîj Khân, he came to the
Court and was favourably received. in the 41st year, he was sent along
with Mîrzâ Rustam of Qandahâı to punish Râja Bâsû and other land-
holders of the Northern hills. He distinguished himself at the taking of
Ma u ' and afterwards came to the Court . in the 44th year he was sent with
Shaikh Farîd Bakhshî to take Asır. After that he was sent, with
Sa'âdat Khân, who held the forts of Kâlna and Trimbak on behalf of the
rulers of the Decean, and had the good fortune of presenting himself at
the sublime Court at Nâsik. After taking the fort of Trimbak, he came
to the Court, in the 46th year, and performed the körnish. in the 47th
year he held the rank of 1,500. in the first year of Jahângîr's reign, his
rank was 2,000 with 1,500 horse. He also received the preseht of a horse.
in the 2nd year, his rank was 3,000 with 2,000 horse and he was made
the governor of Orîssa. in the 5th year, he was appöinted, while absent
from the Court, as the governor * of Kashmir. Khwâjagî Muhammad
Husain, his uncle, was sent off there so that he might take charge of the
country till Hâshim Khân 's arrival. in the end of the same year he
came to the Court and was sent 2 off to Kashmir. His son is Muhammad
Qâsim Khân 3 Mir Âtish Shâh Jahânî, of whom an account has been given
separately.

Ha yat Khan.

(Vol. I, pp. 583, 584.)

He was the Süper intendent of the still-room (Abdârkhâna) and head
of the domestic servants (fshidmatgârân) of Shâh Jahân. He was much
trusted and made an intimate, and eontinually admitted to the Presence.
For a long time he was the Superintendent of the palace (Daulatkhâna) — ■
an office which was only given to reliable men, and also Superintendent
of the ckiiâs (slaves) and of the pagos (JğıiDâşşâri). Probably he is the
same Hayât Khân 4 who was Superintendent of the still-room in the time
of Jahângîr, and who, on the day of the tiger-hunt when Anî Râî
Singhdalan displayed great valour, and Prince Shâh Jahân helped him
and struck the tiger with his sword, was also in attendance on the King's
stfrrups. in the 6th year of Shâh Jahân's reign, he obtained the rank
of 800 with 200 horse, and in the 15tb of 1,000 with 200 horse. in the
18th year, he was granted an increase of 500 with 200 horse, and in the
19th, an increase of 500 with 200 horse and so attained the rank of
2,000 with 600 horse. Afterwards he waa made the Superintendent of
mace-bearers and of Ahadi 6 officers. in the 20th year, he had an increase

1 Obâ'ibâna meaning that the appointment was conferred on hini while he was
away in Orîssa.

2 it is curious that neither the Maâthir nor Bloehmann makes aıjy raeııtion of
Hâshim's disastrous campaign in Tibet, it is also not mentioned in the Tüzük,
but see Bâdshâhnâma, I, pt. 2, p. 281 and Khâfî Khân I, p. 547.

3 Maâthir-ul-ümarâ, III, pp. 95-99.

4 Bâdshâhnâma, I, p. 493. Jahângîr was hunting with chüâs in pargana Bârî.
it was Anûp who thrust his hand into the tiger's tnouth. Jahângîr gave him the
title. of Anî Râi Singhdalan (the lion-eleaver), loc. cit., p. 495. There is the variant
AJıarirâi iron-souled. Hayât Khâr also gave the tiger some blows. See Tüzuk-i-
Jahângîrî, Rogers and Beveridge's translation I, pp. 185-188, and Banarsi Prasad,
History of Shahjahan, pp. 12, 13.

5 Warrant Officers in Blochmann's translation of Â'%n, I (2nd edn.), pp. 20,
note 1, 260 ; but gentleman troopers of Banarsi Prasad, op. cit., p. 289, appears to
be more appropriate.

624

HIDİYAT ULLÂH — HİMMAT &HİN.

Maâthir

of 200 horse, and aftemards was made the Superintendent of the grooms
(mardum-ı-jilau), and had an increase of 200 horse and had an office of
2,000 with 1,000 horse. After that he got an increase of 500 personality,
and, in the 21st year he had another increase of 500 and a rank of 3,000
with 1,000 horse. in the 23rd year, he had an increase of 200 horse, ând,
m the 24th year, he reoeived a flag, and afterwards had an increase of
300 horse and so attained the rank of 3,000 with 1,500 horse. in the
29th year, he got a drum, and, in the 30th year, when he was 70 years of
age, he, on account of paralysis, was relieved from attendance. The King,
out of regard for his servants, gave hini villages worth 20 lacs of dâms
in the neighbourhood of the Capital as Sayurghdl 1 , with succession to his
son and grandson. The office of waiting on the King was transferred to
others. in the 31st year, on 27 Sha'bân 1068 (19th May, 1658 A.D.),
he died in the city (Delhî).

(Saiyid) Hidâyat Ullâh Sadr.

(Vol. II, pp. 456, 457.)

He was the son of Saiyid Ahmad Qâdiri, who was the Chief Sadr*
in the time of Jahângir. in the 20th year of the reign of Shâh j a hân
when the Şadr-uş-Şudür Saiyid Jalâl died, and as the good qualities of
Hidâyat Ullâh, who was the Dtvân of Qandahâr, had been repeatedly
brought to the notice of the King, he received the rank of 1,000 with
100 horse and was summoned to the Court. in the 21st year, he was
admitted to an audience and received the robe of the Şadârat and an
increase of 500 with 100 horse. in the 23rd year, he had an increase of
500. in the 26th year, his rank was 2,500 with 200 horse. After the
battle of Sâmügarh when Aurangzîb's army arrived 3 in the neighbour-
hood of the Capital, he, in accordance with orders (from Shâh Jahân), came
twice with Fâdil Khân M îr- i -Sâmân_beîore Aurangzlb. He produced a
royal letter and a sword called 'Alamgîr which had been given (to
Aurangzlb by Shâh Jahân), and communicated a verbal message (from
Shâh Jahân). _ in the early part of the reign (of Aurangzlb) the Sadârat
was taken « fröm hini and transferred to Mîrak Shaikh Haravî. He for
some years remained in retirement and then died.

Himmat Khân Mîe 'îsi.

(Vol. III, pp. 946-949.)

He was the heir of islâm Khân Badakhshî. From his very early
years he was a favourite of Aurangzîb. He was an aggregate of talents
and perfections, and a paragon of good qualities. He was ahvays a
patron of tTıe learned men. He was of a gentle disposition and a well-
wîsher of humanity. The erudite and the talented of every quarter
came över to him and were duly rewarded. He was a poet, and (this
couplet) is his :

1 See Bloehmann, op. cit., pp. 278-281. Theae were hereditary grants of land.
ü For a detailed discussion of Şadr see Ibn Hasan, Central Structure of the
Mughal Empire, pp. 254-288.
' ' Alamgirnâma, p. 112.
* Loc. cit., p. 473. This occurred iti the fourth year

.ul-Urmıâ. himmat khân and muhammad muhsin. 625

Verse.

Save the thorn that Majnün had in his heart.
The desert held no thorn of madness.

He enjoyed the influence and respect which his father had enjoyed
during the time when Aurangzîb was a Prince. After the battle with
Jaswant he was raised to the rank of 2,000, and had the title of Himmat
Khân which his father also had for a time. When in the 6th year his
father was made governor of Agra, he became the faujdâr of the district,
and 500 of his 1,000 horse were two-horse and three-horse. After his
father 's death he came to the Court and was made Çürbegi (in charge of
royal standards). in the 9th year he was made the Superintendent of
mace-bearers and in the 12th year Superintendent of the Divân-i-Khâşş.
Afterwards he had the rank of 3,000, and was made the 3rd Bakhshî.
in the 14th year, he was exalted to the post of the 2nd Bakjjshî in succession
to Asad Khân, and in the 15th year he became faujdâr of Agra in
succession to Sarbuland Khân. in the 17th year, at the time when the
King went to Hasan Abdal, he was made the Superintendent of the
Ghuslkfcâna. in the 19th year he was made the governor of Allahâbâd
in succession to Hasan ' Ali Khân. and received a present of a lac of rupees.
in the 23rd year, he did homage at Ajmer and took leave at Udaipür
and went to his lands. in the same year Sarbuland Khân Mir Bahhshl
died, and Himmat Khân was sent for. On lOth Shawwâl of the 24th
year (4th November, 1680 A.D.) he was made in Ajmer the İst Bakhshî,
and received a gold-embroidered robe of honour (Khil'at döpatta-'İ-zarnri).
When Prince Akbar joined with the Râthors and some leaders of the
army and came near his father's camp with the intention of fighting
with him — who had not more than 10,000 J horse in attendance — -
Aurangzîb left Himmat Khân. who had been struck with illness, in charge
of Ajmer, and marched out of the city. On 5th Muharram 1002 A.H.
(16th January, 1681 A.D.), the Khân died. He was one of the worthies
of the age and eminent among his contemporaries, and was eloquent in
verse and prose. He also had a taste for Hindi and was well versed in it.
His pen-name was Mîran. His sons were Muhammad Masîh Murîd
Khân and Ruh Ullâh Neknâm Khân. The first, in the 26th year, was
made Mir Tuzulc 2 , and aftervvards had the title of Khânazâd Khân. and
in the 28th year was made the Superintendent of the stables in succession
to Şalâbat Khân. After that he was the governor of the citadel of
Aurangâbâd, and at last was the governor of the fort of Sürat. The other
held the rank of 1,000 and was the Bakjjshî of the army of Prince Bîdâr
Bakht.

Himmat Khân Muhammad Hasan and SifahdIe Khân
Muhammad Muhsin.

(Vol. III, pp. 949-951.)

They were the sons of Khân Jahân Bahâdur Kökaltâsh. At first
they had suitable ranks and the title of Khân. Afterwards. the first had

1 Maâthir-i-' Âlamgiri, p. 198.

8 Banarsi Prasad, History of Shahjahan, p. 273.

626

HIMMAT KHAN AND MUHAMMAD MUHSİN.

Maâthir

the fitle of Muzaffar Khân. and the second the title of Naşiri Khân. in
the 27tk year of Aurangzîb's reign, when a report 1 of the Khân Jahân
was laid before the King to the effect, that the Mahrattas had assembled
on the bank of the Kistnâ with evil intentions, and that he had marched
thirty kos and attacked them and killed and made prisoners of a great
many, an approving f arman was sent to him, and his relatives received
increase of rank and also titles. Among them Muzaffar Khân received
the title of Himmat Khân and Naşiri Khân that of Sipahdâr Khân. in the
29th 2 year, the first received a robe of honour, a sword and an elephant,
and was sent off to Bijâpür. After Bijâpür was taken, he, in the 30th year,
received a horse with decorated trappings, the rank of 2,500 with 2,200
horse, the title of Bahâdur and the gift of 80 lacs of dâms, and was put
in charge of Allahâbâd. in the 33rd year, when Khân Jahân Kökaltâsh
was made the governor of Allahâbâd, Muzaffar Khân was appointed
governor of Oudh and faujdâr of Görakhpür. in the 34th year, he was
again appointed to Allahâbâd, and afterwards was summoned to the
Court . in the 37 th year, he waited upon the King, and was sent off to the
fort of Parnâla to convey the family 8 of Sultân Mu'izz-ud-Dîn (to him).
in the 39th year, when Rüb Ullâh Khân and others were defeated by the
Mahratta leader, Santâ Ghörpare 4 (in Ghörpara), as is detailed in the
biography of Qâsim Khân Kirmanı (Text, III, pp. 123-126), Muzaffar Khân
in accordance with orders, made a rapid march and engaged Santâ.
A great battle took place and though he defeated the foe, a bullet struck
him in the chest and he was killed B in 1106 A.H.

The second (Sipahdâr Khân) was appointed in the 30th year to the
government of the Deccan 6 in succession to Mukarram Khân, and in the
37th year to Allahâbâd. On the death 7 of Buzurg Ummid Khân, the
faujdâr of Jaunpür was put in his charge, and his rank became 3,000 with
3,000 horse, and he was honoured with the gift of a kror of dâms. in
the 41st year he was removed from there.

The author of the Maâthir-i- Alamgiri writes, 8 that in the 48th
year Sipahdâr Khân, the governor of Allahâbâd, received, as a reward
for his chastisement of Mahâbat, a landholder of Jaunpür, the
rank of 4,000 with 3,500 9 horse, and that in the 49th year he had 10
an increase of 1,000 personal (ğfeât). From this it appears that he became

1 Maâthir -i-' Alamgiri, p. 241. The name of the younger son is given there as
Naşrat Kh.ân who had the title of Sipahdâr Khan.

2 in the text only 9th, but it appears from the Maâthir-i-' Alamgiri, p. 273, that
this is a mistake for 29th.

3 Iıı Maâthir-i-' Alamgiri, p. 360, also the word used is üLULe, but Mu'izz-ud-
Din is designated as Prince instead of Sultân.

* Text wrongly represents Ghörpare as the name of the battlefield. See
Elliot, VII, p. 355 ; and Khânfî Khân, İl, p. 428. He is the famous general Şantaj i
Ghorpade of Kincaid and Paraanis. History of Maratha People, pp. 166, 167.

5 Maâthir-i-' Alamgiri, p. 379, where the year of his death is given as 1 107 A.H.,
Khâfî Khân., II, p. 434. The dölf 1106 A.H. is incorrect as Himmat Khân was
killed in 1696 A.D. ( = 1107 A."3.) ; see Kincaid and Parasnis, op. cit., p. 167 and
Cambridge History of India, IV, pp. 294, 295.

6 MaâQir-i-' Alamgiri, p. 283, has Lâhöre.

7 'Maâthir-i-' Alamgiri, p. 365.

8 Maâthir-i-' Alamgiri, p. 481.

9 3,00)0 in Maâthir-i-' Alamgiri, p. 481.
10 Maâthir-i-' Alamgiri, p. 496.

.ul-Umarâ,

(SAIYID) HIZBR KHİN — HIZBR RHİN.

627

the governor of Allahâbâd a second time. After the death of Aurangzlb
and in the reign of Bahâdur Shâh he received the title of Khân Jahân
'Izz-ud-Daula Bahâdur. Probably in the 3rd l year of the reign he
was made the governor of Bengâl. The date of his death is not known.
There were memorials of him in Aurangâbâd near the Delhi gate : a lofty
building, and opposite to it a bath (Hammâm) of exquisite purity ; but now
they are in ruins.

(Saiyid) Hizbb Khan.

(Vol. II, pp. 415, 416.)

He was one of the Saiyids of Bârah. in the 8th year of the reign
of Jahângir he was appointed along with Prince Khurram to the expedition
against Rânâ Amar Singh. in the 13th year, his rank was 1,000 with
400 horse, and in the 18th year he was sent with Sultân Parviz in
pursuit of Shâh Jahân. in the year of Jahângir 's death he was in
attendance on Yamln-ud-Daula and was present at the battle with
Shahriyâr. 2 At the end of the reign he had the rank of 3,000 vrith 2,000
horse. in the first year of Shâh Jahân's reign, he received his former
rank and went with Mahâbat Khân to Kabul as Nadhr Muhammad, the
ruler of BalkJb, was creating a disturbaııce there. in the third year, when
the King was encamped in the Deccan, he went with Yamîn-ud-Daula
to Bâlâghât and distinguished himself. ._ in the llth year, he went with
Khân Daurân Naşrat "Jang to Kabul where Sultân Shujâ' had stayed to
protect the fort of Qandahâr in case of a probability that Shâh Safî,
the King of Persia.might invade that place. At this time, corresponding
to 1047 A.H. (1637-38 A.D.) he died. His son, Saiyid Zabardast, had
in the 30th year the rank of 800 with 400 horse.

Hizbb 3 Khân, Son of IlâhvardI Khİn.

(Vol. III, p. 946.)

in the reign of Aurangzib he was, in the 7th year, the governor of
the fort of Rohtâs. Afterwards he was faujdâr of Benâres in succession
to Arslân Khân, his brother, and his rank was 1,500 with 700 horse. in
the 18th year, 1085 A.H., he was the thânadâr* of Jagdalak and was
killed there, with his son, in a battle with the Afghâns.

ı According to Khâfî Khân, II, p. 707, 'Izz-ud-Daula — who is there called Khân-
Jöbânân and not Khân Jahân — was made the governor of Bengâl in succession to
Farrukh-siyar in the fifth year of Bahâdur Shâh's reign corresponding to 1122 A.H.
(1710 A.D.). Sipahdâr aliös 'Izz-ud-Daula is not mentioned in Stewart or in the
Riyâd-us-Salöfln among the governors of Bengâl.

2 Battle about three miles from Lâhöre where Âşaf Khân defeated Shahriyâr's
army, see Banarsi Prasad, History of Shahjahan, p. 58.

3 Maâthir-i-' Alamgiri, p. 82.

4 Op. cit., pp. 145. Hizbar is frequently mentioned in the 'Alamgirnâma. it
was Rohtâs in Bihâr of which he was the governor, p. 360. in Maâthir-i-' Alamgiri,
p. 146, it is stated that the disaster was reported on Jumâda II, 1086 A.H., so that
apparently it occurred early in August 1676 A.D. The place of the disaster is not
mentioned.

628

HÖSHDİK ÇHİ N — HUSAİN *ALI KHİN.

HöshdIr Khan MİR HöSHDİR.

Maâthir

(Vol. III, pp. 943-946.)

He was the son of Multafat Khân who was called A'zam Khân 'Âlamgiri.
in the 27th year of Shâh Jahân's reign, he was appointed, in succession
to his unole Muftkhr Khân Khân Zaman, Dârögha of the Deccan artillery.
His rank was 900 with 400 horse. At the end of the reign his rank was
1,000 with 600 horse. When the victorious banners of Aurangzîb, the
Vieeroy of the Deccan, proeeeded towards Âgra and reached Burhânpür,
Höshdâr's rank was raised to 1,500 with 700 horse, and he was granted
the title of Khân, in ali the conflicts he was attached to Aurangzîb's
stirrups. When his father 1 died on the day of the battle with Dârâ
Shiköh from the heat of the air, the King increased his rank and made him
the Superintendent of the Ghusl^ıârm,, and he carried on the duties of thia
office in an efncient manner. After the battle vrith Shujâ' his rank became
3,000 with 2,000 horse. in the 5th year, it became 4,000 with 3,000
horse. When at this time the King desired to go to Kashmîr, Höshdâr
Khân was made governor of Delhi, in the 6th year, he was made
governor of Âgra on the death of islâm Khân Badakhshi, and, in the
8th year, he was also made faujdâr of the adjoining territory and
received an increase of 1 000 horse. As his good service and strict
religious principles were approved by the King, he long governed Âgra,
and, in the 14th year, he was made the governor of Khândesh. in the
15th year (1082 A.H.), he died at Burhânpür. He was the best shot,
with a gun, of the age, and was for a time the instructor of Prince
Muhammad A'zam (as constant practice~is necessary for skill). His sons,
Kânıgâr and Ja'far, 2 came and kissed the threshold after their fathers
death and were received with favour. The first was distinguished for
his courage, and devotioıı to military duty. His pillow and counterpane
were never without his coat of Mail. He had a body of companions whon>
he called "The Forty " 8 (Chihal-tan). in the pride of his being a house-
born servant he was often guilty of presumption, and was, therefore,
censured. in the 23rd year, when Ajmer was the seat of royalty, he
was, lor some reason, removed * from his rank and he gave 5 himself four
wounds in the belly with a dagger. The King restored him to favour in
view t>f the regard he had for the houseborn ones. He was very
athletic, and wonderful stories are narrated about him. His fight vvith
a crocodüe when he was the governor of the fort of Chunâr is well known.
He died while he was governor of the fort of Râ'isîn in Mahva. He left
no descendants.

(AmIe-ul-Umarİ, Saiyid) Husain 'Alî Khân.

(Vol. I, pp. 321-338.)

He was the younger brother of Qutb-ul-Mulk 'Abdullah Khân. an
account of whose life has been given in its place (Text, III, pp. 130-140).

1 He died of exhaustion after 'he victory of Sâmügarh in 1658.

2 Maö&ir-i-'Âlamgiri, p. 114.

3 Chihdltah or forty folda is a name for a doublet.
* Maöüiir -i .' Âlamgiri, p. 156.

~» Maâthir-i-' Âlamgiri, p. 192. Apparently he wounded himself some four years
after his dismissal.

.ul-Umarâ.

husain 'al! khân.

629

Qutb-ul-Mulk was the Prime Minister of Muhammad Farrutb-siyar
and Saiyid Husain 'AH was the Amir-ul-Umarâ. They belonged to
the great family of the Saiyids of Bârah, 1 and were of the noblest
rank in India. The two brothers were the Farqadain (the two Calves)
stars of the heaven of Saiyidship, and the twin lights of the sphere of
Amirship. They were adorned with many sublime virtues and charming
qualities, especially courage and generosity, in both of which they were
pre-eminent. From the beginning of their rise to its culmination they
led ideal lives and had a good reputation. By watering India with
justice and goodness they made it the envy of eternal paradise. But in
the latter days of their power they trod the path of error and fastened
upon themselves the stain of an evil name, which will last till the day of
judgment. in the opinion of just persons, however, their design in
deposing the Emperor (Farrukh-siyar) was merely to preserve their own
lives and honour. They had throughout their lives even sacrificed their
lives and fulfilled the requirements of loyalty. The Emperor shut his
eyes to their claims and designed to ruin them. He had this idea as
long as life lasted, and at last this weak notion destroyed the sovereignty
and overthrew the prosperity of the Emperor and of both the Saiyids.

Qâdi 2 Shihâb-ud-Dîn the prince of the ' ülamâ — May his grave be
holy ! — says with regard to the virtues of Saiyids that the true notes of
Saiyidship are : the demeanour (hkulq) of Muhammad, the generosity of
Hasbim s and the courage of Haidar. A true Saiyid must possess ali
these qualities. Then if by chance and by reason of the carnal spirit,
transgressions occur, there should, at the end, be some motive which should
lead to final deliverance. There is an ülustration of these words in
the fates of the two brothers, for they departed from this world as victims,
and their eountenances were reddened by the hue of martyrdom. The
real name of Qutb-ul-Mulk was Hasa.n 4 , 'Alî, and that of the
Amir-ul-Umarâ Husain 4 'Ali, the first was martyred by being
poisoned, while the martyrdom of the second was effected by a dagger.

Though the Amîr-ul-UmaEâ was the younger brother, he in
generosity, courage, magnanimity, gravity and modesty was superior
to Qutb-ul-Mulk. in the time of Aurangzîb he was the governor of
Bantanpür (Ranthambhör) and at the close of the reign he was faujdâr
of Hindün 6 Biyâna. When his brother, after the death of Aurangzîb,
was encompassed with favours by Shâh 'Âlâm at Lâhöre, Saiyid Husain
'Alî Khân entered the service of the King with a suitable force at Delhi,
and in the battle with Muhammad A'zam Shâh did great deeds and was

1 See Blochmanrı's tranalation of the it'in, I (2nd edn.), pp. 425-428, where
a doubt is expressed on the question of their lineage.

8 The remark comes from Khâfî Khârı, II, p. 944, where Shihâb-ud-Dîn is called
Daulatâbâdî, and his book the Bahr Maunvâj is a commentary on the Qur'ân.

3 Muhaiumad's great grandfather who was renowned for his liberality. Haidar
is a name of 'Ali.

* These names are mentioned on account of the manner of the death of Hasan
and Husain, the Prophet's grandchildren. Hasan was poisoned by his wife, and
Husain was killed on the plain of Karbala. Similarly the elder Saiyid Qutb-ul-Mulk,
whose real name was Hasan 'Alî, was poisoned by the orders of Muhammad Shâh,
and Husain 'Ali, the younger Saiyid, whose title was Amir-ul-Umarâ, was killed
by an assassin.

6 in the Âgra division, see %âfî £hân, II, p. 902. Hindün is twelve Icos
S.S.W. of Biyâna (Tiefenthaler).

630

ŞUSAIN 'ALI KBIn.

Maâthir

ofE*^^^^

the end of the reign of BaSdu^Shah fi. *" 4a * M " ° f Patna - Abou *
transferred to Sirahdâr XX t ' * he ? overn °rship of Bengâl was

the heir of %zî m . U8 h Sh M ^ ? wh tas S i uham ^^rukb-siyar,
was summoned to the Presence ar!? ™ ♦ V deputy m Be ngâl,ı
time he had been independTnt S hT *? Patna " As for a W
and grandfather the ^ffaturs a,l a K ^ 6 ? j ° y Wİth his fath ^
and repulsive to go to EftS^İ^Sf™' t ^ * a-*""**»
of want of funds Mean^hiKâh *I? pU * °* the V18lt u °der the pretext 2
siyar read the KhuZT^l^t coS.nl andMu tam m adfarrukl,-
started to collect men Th™ T the name of his fa ther, and

killed, and in RabiTll 23 A hTa" -.Y^V^ hİS father had ^en
the throne. He won över tJ P - ' ^İ AD) he »™self ascended
Sân, İW> of pSI and İLHK* ^ Saİyİd Hu8aİn <Alî
Saiyid Hasan 'Alî Khâ^ * iS of ZtZZT^ 10D ' and by this mea ™
short time a lan- armv !!H n , Allahaba d> also took his side. in a
Agra was reachef he dVTt hav. *' ^ ^ Want ° f funds ' ™til
'AH Khân on the dav of the bStle wh?T? than , 12 ' 000 ca ™hy. Husain
near Agra, was op^sYd l aW 'JS° h k P ^ Ce r tb J^ândâr'Shâh,
M?» ?«&«*&- of Orîssa 'aSliS £ aSa £- Beg ? afshika n Sân, the
Röhila, to »/a^Eltj S* an ' »on of Bahâdur Khân
and culverins. He ureed on tvİ ^ " Up , a P° 8lt ion with many iuns
When he saw tha thfbİttfe İ1T * "^ att f ked the line of g™ 8 -
™th the practice of " ^İStaTaoM^T 1 "* ^i 5*' * acc ° r d a nce
ground anS fainted b^%^ d XÎ? 1 ' , t ' Bİ 1 fi !! to tbe
the Jama'ddr were slain Af+J7L • n ' „ he other two leaders and
the title of AmS-Umarâ Arü .jtl'T* ^^ ^ n obta ^ *
and the post of MîrsSo^ tk ""? ° f 7m with 7 '°° !™,
large army to chast Le Aif W„ S-^f- 800 *?" 1 year he was 8ent with a
in his native country Vv t MirS 6°h' ?° WM behaVİn 8 "*elliouBİy
Râja was terrified and n*H«î? • İ-f - * 6 deva8ta ted the country. The
This is wha "hey say abo^t Z i ?*?"*, £ ^^ defen d«i «y
tion: that as th7vX e s of 2j Sm^T* ^ I*' 8 * thİS eXped -
and the peasants of thf first fled in Wnr î *• ^ T™ inte ™««d.
sack the deserted vülages and I J ^ fir^' S? ^^ the P lun derers to
inhabited one, Ant £ wff ^ ^ bu * DOt to İn İ ure the

made peace through HeXtrv ^F lT^ "S,. ^ f ° rWard and
were appointed to make ?hT nl7 / Sui ? h - Tûere "Pon Sazâwals
return ^at îad ^ 1 £iifi de SîSL eXtmg f h the flames - «d

2 Famıkb-siyar was at Râjmahal. ' ~~

* Maırtha in Irvine, £a«er Mughals (Sarkar edr. 1 T „ oea
and ^ ^fe^ti^^^İr -^'^" W, p . 47 aQM)î

.vl-Umarâ.

husain 'ali ehAn.

631

responsible agents with presents, and agreed to send Kunwar Abhai
Singh, his eldeşt son, to the Court, and give his daughter — called the Dola*
(bride ?) in the language of the country — to the King, and begged pardon
for "his offences. As Mir Junıla was at the Court and had control of the
King's signature and gave çommissions and fiefs to whoever came to him,
and as every day the King became more and more alienated from the
Saiyids, the Amîr-ul-Umarâ accepted the proposal of peace and took
the Kunwar with him, and hastily returned. He left a body of troops
in order that the bride might be brought later on. in this journey a
vronderful accident occurred.

They say that when the Amîr-ul-Umarâ came within sixteen kos
of Mirtha, the Râja's confidential agent arrived with 1,500 cavalry to
carry out the peace terms, and they wanted to encamp. As it was reported
that their statements were not true, and that they were preparing some
stratagem so that the Râja might get away with his baggage, Husain
'Ali Khân sent a message that if the peace ,was a reality, tkey should
agree to be made prisoners, and put in chajns until the ârrival of
the Prince. They at first, out of regard for their honour, were unwilling
to do this, but at last agreed. The Amîr-ul-Umarâ put chains on four
influential men and made them över to the leading jama' dârs. When
the jama'dârs came out of the Divânkhâna (hail of audience) with their
prisoners, the rabble of the camp, on seeing the state of things, rushed to
their tents and a fight took place. Though men were sent to repulse
them, yet the vagabonds in a twinkling of an eye destroyed life and
property. The Amîr-ul-Umarâ released the four men, and begged their
forgiveness. They too were convinced that this mischief had taken
place without the Amîr-ul-Umarâ's wish and wrote to this effect to the
Râja. But he had already fled on hearing of t^hat had occurred. The
Amîr-ul-Umarâ was helpless and hastened to Mirtha, and stayed there
tül peace had been restored. After he arrived at Delhi the question of the
government of the Deccan came up. Husain 'Alî Khân wished that he
shoıüd remain at the Court, and that the deputyship should be given to
Dâ'üd Khân according to the precedent of D_bülfaqâr Khân. . The King, at
the advice of his intriguing oounsellors, did not agree to this. The dispute
lasted a long time. At last 2 it was agreed that Mir Jumla should at
first go to the government of Patna, and that after that Amîr-ul-Umarâ,
who had oharge of the appointing and removing of ali public servants
in the Deccan, should take leave. Accordingly in the 4th year, 1 127 A.H.
he set off for the Deccan. At the time of taking leave he represented
to the King that if, in his absence, Mir Jumla should come to the Court, or
if any difference was made in the position of (jutb-ul-Mulk, he (the King)
should understand that he would uome back in the space of twenty days

1 Didhâ means a bridegroom in Hindustâni and dulhin means a bride. Ajît
was afterwards killed by his son Abhai. According to Irvine, toc. cit., p. 49, dolah
is a Hindi word for an informal marriage. The girl'a name was Bâi Indar Kunwar.
Dölö or Döll is given in Wilson's Glossary as meaning a swing or sedan chair, and
also as the case when a woriıan of inferior rank is married to a man of superior
rank. She is carried home privately without any ceremonial or procession. it
was psrhaps as much out of deference to Râjpüt feelings as of the rank of Farrukh-
siyar that the marriage received the name of Dola. See also Irvine, Later Mughals
(Sarkar edn.), I, p. 290.

2 ghâfî Khân, II, p. 741. See also Irvine, Later Mughals (Sarkar edn.), I,
pp. 301-303.

632

HUSAİN 'ALI gHAN

Maâthir

When he reached Mâlwa, Râja Jai Singh Siwâ'I, the governor, retired,
80 that there should not be an interview. The Amir-ul -Umara wrote
to the King, "If this movement is in accordance with an intimation
(from you), let it be ordered that I return from this place. Otherwise
Dâ'üd Khân will behave in the same way to-morrow". in the beginning
of the reign the Saiyids had been the means of saving the life of Dâ'üd
Khân and recently the Amîr-ul-Umarâ had procured for hini from the King
the deputy governorship of Burhânpür, and he had come from Gujarât
and was established there. in answer to Amîr-ul-Umarâ's report an
order came saying that with regard to the misbehaviour of Jai Singh,
he (Amir-ul-Unıarâ) had been invested with the power of appointing or
dismissing him. What likelihood was there that Dâ'üd Khân would
behave in a similar manner ? If he does, he should send him to the Court.
But from pusillanimity and the meanness of disposition, the King, through
Khân Daurân, secretly instigated Dâ'üd Khân to oppose Amîr-ul-Umarâ.
When the latter crossed the Narbadâ it was evident that Dâ'üd Khân
had severed the thread of amity, and had no intention of coming for an
interview. Husain 'Alî attempted to reform him, and, as has been
related in the biography of Dâ'üd Khân 1 , sent messages to him. The
purport 2 of these messages ■was that an interview was necessary for
eoncord, but that- if he was disposed to join the opposition, he should
proceed to the Court, and he (Amîr-ul-Umarâ) would not prevent his
doing so. Dâ'üd Khân advanced the foot of ignorance and brought the
affairto a battle on llth Ramadân (lOth August, 1715 A.D.); an engage-
ment took place near the city (Burhânpür). Though Dâ'üd Khân had
been severely wounded by a musket-ball, he faced the Amîr-ul-Umarâ
and was killed. Af ter this viotory, which inspired terror into the hearts
of the leading rebels of the Decçan, Amîr-ul-Umarâ made Aurangâbâd
his headquarters and appointed P_hülfaqâr Beg Bakbshi to chastise Khândî
Dharbaray, 3 the general of Râja Sâhü, who had built forts in Khândesh
and established thânas, and had disturbed the oountry by his demands of
Chauth and had plundered the caravans. He met the robbers in the
pargana of Bhamber,* and fought with them. The Mahrattas following
their rule dispersed after a brief fight and fled. The army, -(yhich
had not seen a Deccan-battle, and was not acquainted with the crooked
ways of the Mahrattas, pursued them, rejoicing, when suddenly those
rascals made such a hot attack that DJıülfaqâr Beg, who had rashly
advanced too far, was killed with a number of others, while the rest of the
army fled. Though Saif-ud-Din 5 'Alî Khân and Râja Muskam Singh
were appointed to punish that contentious tribe and hastened to the

1 Maâthir-ul-Umarâ, Text U, pp. 63-68, Beveridge's translation, pp. 458-462.

2 Khâfl Khân. II, p. 751. See also Siyar-vl-Muta'aUlkJcIiinn, Calcutta reprint I,
p. 92 et seq. in Khâfî Khân the date is givoıı as the beginning of Bamadân, while
in Sir Jadunath Sarkar's edition of Irvine's Later Mughals, I, p. 303, it is " 8th
Ramzan 1127 H. (6th September, 1715) ".

3 Grant Duff (1921 edn.), I, p. 348, has Khunde Rao Dharbaray and Khande
Râo Dâbhâde in the Gambridge History of India, IV, p. 338. in the text it is Khcmdü
Dihâriya, see Khâfl Khân, II, p. 778 where it is Khandû Pahâriya.

* in the text Bhâner, but apparently the place is the Bhambeir of Grant
Duff's Map, N.N.W. of Aurangâbâd and S.E. of Nundoorbâr. See Jarret's transla-
tion of Â'in, II, p. 208. it was in the Sarkar Nadarbâr.

8 A younger brother of Husain 'Ali.

-ul-Umarâ.

husain ali ehân.

633

port of Surat, and afterwards Muhkami Singh went as far as Satara,
whıch was Sâhü 's home* and abode, and omitted nothing in the way of
plunderıng, yet the defeat was not remedied in a manner worthy of the
Amîr-ul-Umarâ's dignity and position. If we look only to apparent
cırcumstances, namely, that he had ample treasure, a large army, a lofty
mınd, and inborn courage, th« vagrant handful of Mahrattas should have
been cuffed, and their account settled by drubbings, but, as the Emperor,
at the ınstigation of the destroyers of the dominion, himself encouraged
opposition to the Amîr-ul-Umarâ— as in the instance of Dâ'üd Khân— and
secretly and openly intrigued with the leaders of the Deccan, and even
wıth Raja Sâhü Bhönsle, who had foreibly become the Râja of the
Deccan, and as in Delhi there were every day fresh disagreements with
Qutb-ul-Mulk so that every moment cries of "Seize him and kili Mm"
were heard, and he in his loneliness and alarm was writing letters to his
brother and pressing him to come, the Amîr-ul-Umarâ was helpless, and,
therefore, joıned alien foes against the household ones. in 1130 A.H.'
he, through the intermediation of Shankrâji Malhâr and Muhammad
Amvar Khân of Burhânpür, made peace with Râja Sâhü. The terms
were that m consideration of abstaiıüng from attacking and plundering
the country, and troubling the routes and highways, and keeping up
15,000 cavalry for the Nâzim, sanads were given for the ChavtK*
and Deshmukhl of the six provinces of the Deccan. Husain 'Ali's oto
seal vvas affixed to the sanads, and the revenues (tanhhwâh) of the Könkan
(Concan) and other territories, which Sâhü called his old kingdom, were
made över to him and his agents were made co-partners and put into
possessıon. Though he (Husain 'Ali), in view of the situation at the time,
thought that this trafficking was to his advantage, but considering the
final outcome, it resulted in a great loss. He drew the black mark of a
bad name över his record for a succession of epochs. Though the desertion
of relıgıon and the abasement of islâm— Godforbid that such a thing should
happen !— were not contemplated by Husain 'AH in this transaction yet
the consequence was that the power of the infidels was increased tenfold
and every day they raised their heads higher and higher. But a clear-
sıghted arbitrator perceives that in this shameful business, fortune and
the state of the times had a great share. As the peace with the Mahrattas
and the making of treaties and agreements with them and admitting
them. to fellowship, and the resentment of the Emperor with Qutb-uî
Mülk were ali motives for the Amîr-ul-Umarâ's removing from the
Deccan, and as his approach to Upper India was also bruited abroad the
i m ff r ,° r ' fr0m a vain thou g ht an d in order to obstıuct his coming, sent
, İV ammad Amul ®^ n Chin B ah âdur on the pretext that he should
settle Mâlwa which lay on the road from the Deccan. Afterwards as
by the contrıvances of I'tiqâd Khân, the game of deceit was renewed
between-the Emperor and his minister, the former sent Ikhlâs Khân— who
it was s aı d, tvas held in regard by both the brothers— to so'othe Husain
Alı and to restram him from coming to the Court. The Amir-ul-Ümarâ,

2 So^^'î Sİ ^-°? G ™ ntDllff ' X « P' 333 ' £i âfî ^ to ' H, p. 779, has Muhkam.
* bon of Sambhajl and grandson of Shivâji. "

TT n UrSardeshmum, 10 px. on the collections of the S ; x provinces, vide KhâÜ Khân

t-ower (1900) p. 192, Cambrtdge History of India, IV, p. 338, and S. Sen, Administra-
hve System of the Marathas (1925), pp. 111-118. ' Aam%nt *™-

634

HUSATN 'ALI gHİN.

Maaüiir

who had firmly resolved on coming, stopped on hearing of the new
friendship between the Emperor and his minister, and waited for further
news. When heheard that there had been a fresh disagreement, he, on
İst Muharram, 1131 A.H. (24th November, 1718 A.D.) left Aurangâbâd
in great pomp with the army of the Decoan and with the Mahrattas.
He took with him Mu' în-ud-Din, 1 a person of obscure origin who was
represented to be a son of Prinoe Akbar, and wrote to the Emperor along
with expressions of loyalty and fidelity that "he (Prince Akbar's son)
had raised a commotion in Bâja Sâhü's territory (ta'aluça) and been
imprisoned; I sent for him. As caution and ciroumspection ar e proper
in such matters, I am bringing him myself to the Court". About the
end of Rabi' I, 2 Husain 'Ali, encamped at Delhi near Firüz Shâh's Lât.
Contrary to the etiquette 8 he beat his drums, and then entered his tent.
He several times repeated in a loud voice that he had left the Emperor's
service. Afterwards, when through the intervention of Qut>b-ul-Mulk there
were some negotiations and some conditions and promises were laid
down, he, on 5th Rabi' II, waited upon the Emperor, and enumerated his
grievances. He was received with favour and allowed to depart. Again
on the 8th he mounted (his horse orelephant) with the intimation that
he intended to make över the fiotitious prince, and entered the house of
Shâyista Khân, which had been given to him by the Emperor. Qutb-ul-
Mulk and the Mahârâja (Ajit Singh) hastened to arrange about the
fort and allowed no one to enter it. As the letting slip * of an opportunity
raay be interpreted as bad planning and as the shutting of one's eyes to
such a chance would be bidding farewell to life and honour, they arranged
a great coup, and entered upon a great enterprise, as has been specially
described in the biography of Qutb-ul-Mulk (Text, III, pp. 135, 136).
Two months had not elapsed when Nekü-siyar, 6 the son of Muhammad
Akbar — who was imprisoned in the Âgra fort — with the concurrence of
the attendants there raised the standard of opposition. Amir-ul-Umarâ
came on the wings of swiftness and besieged the fort for three months
and some days, and by the contrivance of the oflîcers of the guards
(Aljshâm) e got possession 7 of the fort and seized the property there.
When Qutb-ul-Mulk had an interview at Fathpûr with Râja Jai Singh
Siwâ'i — who had come from Amber to offer opposition — the Amîr-ul-
Umarâ also went there. After the Râja had made peace between the
brothers, there arose disputes about the goods in Âgra (fort), and angry

1 Prince Akbar was the rebel son of Aürangzib. He fled to the Mahrattas and
afterwards to Persia where he lived till his death. For Mu'în-ud-Dîn, see Khâfi
Khân, II, pp. 793, 795, 807, and Grant-Duff (1921 edn.), I, p. 337, note'2, and Irvine
The Later Mughals in Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bengal for 1904, p. 319, and Irvine's Later
Mughals, op. cit., I, p. 367.

2 Aceording to the Cambridge History of India, IV, p. 338, the date of arrival
outside Delhi was 16th February, 1719.

3 This was one of the prerogatives of the Emperor, see Sir Jadunath Sarkar,
Mughal Administratir*™ ". 139.

* Khâfi Khân, II, pp. 808, 809.

6 This was not the son who had been with the Mahrattas. For Nekü-siyar,
see Elliot, VJI, pp. 308, 408 and Khâfi Khân, II, p. 82Sj ete. He had been imprisoned
for forty years. This affair took place after Farrukh-siyar's deposition. See
Siyar-ul-Muta'aUklÛkinn,, Calcutta reprint, I, p. 144; and Irvine's Later Mughals,
(Sarkar edn.), I, pp. 409-412.

6 For Ahshâm see Irvine, Army of the Indian Moghuls, p. 160.

' Khâfi Khân, II, p. 836. See also Irvine's Later Mughals, I, pp. 422-426.

■ul- Umara.

HUSAİN 'ALİ gHİN.

635

disgusİ (on the part of' HusanT' Aln l T nT ^^^ Wİbh much
fell to the share of Qutb-ul Mul K t """i V?*™ of tb * P^perty

able I)eity-Whosetunsels İca^İZ T"*?* 1 ? ^ ™°^
should wet his lips with the^£j of «T ° m ? -* ha * «<* of the brothers

dregs of sahne water of fauurTand ZT?*"" 1 ^ 8h ° Uİd 1 uaff the
waytowardsf rtuneth e yshoX'tr3S J^^T"* hastened s° me
or a gross mistake ^cot^t^th^lİ^'^^^ 1 ^
great a thing had been brought tolhl oy tteZ^Z Het^ 68 ^
not compromıse with one annfl,^ a »A ± wneeı ot Heaven they dıd

one ha/submitted toTheTtt ^TaİLTv* °? *"t ' *
umversally renowned for loftiness of il m . m ' who was

scendent courage had got rid of û„tK A T 1&Bty ' « enias and tran-
on the throne of sovefetntv t 2 t İ '"K^ had seated hi ™elf
successful, and that domS luld^v f ^ h6 - WOUİd ha ™ bee "
in the same way as^ncSn? fiSX5j tfSE? * ^ ^
in fine, in conseouence of th» a- , Ila f rate ot otû er personahties

Râm and GirdharTEr L^JTn*™? ^^ by Chabüa8
there until the affak WÎSÎ Sh ^, and ^-«l-Mulk and remauaed
death of Chabflâ Rİm, Zs^cMn^C^f Bahâdur > after the
QuB Hjân and Muhammad En Banİ ^ ° f P re8um P tio n, Haidar
intervention of Râja RaTanChand?^ ^ A fP° inted ' a ^ by the
from apprehensJs ^Z^£^S^aTİ?7 ^ ^
drew a new design on the nal of Fn*, t At thlS tlme He aven
Fath Jang (Aşaf Jâh) who, fofhıî exc3lent' J^ m ^ M ^ B^âdur

mindwa,afavourite fficer'of Au^Sİ^T 1 ^ r^ StreDgth ° f
agamst the Saiyids, and marched rSy toThe fT^r *° ^
time Dılâwar Khân the Bakhshi n f ■ & - , T f e Decc an. in a short
him W ith a weîrequi P ped fSe an d fe™ <~X^' Wh ° had folIowed
and adopted son of Kain 'lii Khân wT ^F?"' the brother ' s son
Şübaddr of the Deccan and v^n fe' ™ u^ been made the ^â'ib
force had göne to eTooûnter Sl^iSİS? ""* ^ M * OWn
d^posed of by the latter losina both S «.««ccessive battles*

A strange state of things no^ ^ ^esented Sf^ ^ 168 and their lives -
did not know what thTend loulThe At *°A U8am ^ ^ an " He
every day he resolved o^some new n i a „ « mmd b ?f ame confu8ed a ^
was in the Deecan he shouSsend A' - T° T* that ** his **&

p. 837 He ^ tW6nt ^ ne *» of rupees,?fter fo^Tonths, vide Khâfi Khân II

Hl/pS^'S Be^^rS^io^ ^ ^^-ul. Umard , Text
nephew see Kiâfl ghân, II, p 84İ traMİBtl0n > PP- 429, 430. Girdhar was his

and B^f i^t^lV^ I?» t w h hfh^ War ^ W» ^ **-*

translation, p. 480, İS ÎT* ~^ M ^^.ul. üm arâ, Text U, p. 76; Beveridge's

636

HUSAİN 'ALİ SBAN.

Maâlhir

offended at Husain 'Ali Khân having depnved hım of his jagır, had
out of respect för the Saiyids, given shelter in the lort of Aurangabad
to the Amir-ul-Umarâ's family and possessions, before the arrıval ot
Nizâm-ul-Mulk, and so was protecting them against enemıes. Ihıs
news restored in some measure the Amir-ul-Umarâ's composure. Atter
much consultationand reflection he took the King with hım l and t proceeded
from Agra towards the south on 9th Chul Qa'da, 1132 (12th September,
1720) wth 50,000 horse. Besides this, he also sent money everywhere

to collect troops. . . . TT .

Good God ! Those two brothers, and especıaUy the Amır-ul-L mara,
possessed generosity, kindness, gentleness, and iraıate goodness. lney
irere never unjust or tyrannous to a single soul, and yet the lurner ot
hearts (God) had so disposed the minds of men, that the Saiyids own
P rot6ges, thou'gh they kneW that their ruin involved their own destruc-
tion used to say among themselves : " O God ! may this boat smk !
Whât then shall we say of the feelings of strangers ? As I tım&d-ud-Daula
Muhammad Amin Khân Chin Bahâdur suspected,* tha t on account ot
his near relatioöship with Nizâm-ul-Mulk, they woul<i not in the end
stay their hands from him, he, in spite of the oaths and promıses of the
Kr-ul-Umarâ, meditated rebellion. He stirred up Mır Haidar*
Kâsh(Aari-who belonged to the Turkish tribe of the Dughlâts, and whose
greKanclfather, Mir Haidar, was the author of the TanŞ-ı-Rash^, *
and had been always associated with Bâbur and Hümayun and fora
time had been the ruler of Kashmir and the members * of whose family
had the title of Mir on account of their being heredıtary sword-bearers
iMir-i-Shamsher)— to be on the watch for an opportunıty of cuttmg the
thread of the life of the Amîr-ul-Umarâ, by fraud and guıle.

Thev say, that except for the Emperor's mother, the Şadr-un-Nısa
(Superintendent of the harem), and Sa'âdat Khân Nishâpüri-who had
come to the Court, from the faujdâri of Hindün-Biyâna and had been made .
uartaker of the secret by Muhammad Amîn Kh.ân— no one knew about
the Dİot Though it was ascertained that on the night whıch was pregnant
with the catastrophe, Mir Jumla had, as his well-wisher, iıuormed the
Amir-ul-Umarâ, the latter had answered, "I suppose I am a melon that
anyone may strike with a knife", and so paid no heed. Anyhow on 6th
Dhul Hiiia 1138 (9th October, 1720) in the second year of the reıgn
Sn the camp was at Tora » which is 35 current (' urfi) koe from Fathpur,
r timâd-ud-Daula, on the pretext of »ausea and upsettıng of his stomach,
alighted at the advance-tents (peshkhâ™) of Haidar Quh Şan, the
head of the artillery (Mir Âtish). Husain 'Alî Hıân (the Amır-ul-Umara)

ı ghâfi Khân, II, p. 902.

s IftHs^ark^Prashad, Preface to Tabc^cU-i-AkbaH, III, p xxx As
notel th^ an EnSsh7ranslationwith annotations of the work was pubUshed by

N - ^P^napsthe S* that they^re eaUed MI. '~™ S >*«£*™

j ı.j„ ooo ın,5ft Khftn TT d 903. it seems doubtiul il Haıaar kurgan

^ZZ^f^Z^of 8!ri£& ■ P™babl y — than three generations had

- 7 Tora is the Thora Bhîm of Tiefenthaler, and the Toda Bhim of the Indian
Atlas T It is 45 miles W S W. Fathpûr Sikri (Irvine). it lies in Bâjputana in Jaıpur
territory and is on or near the rıver Gambhır.

-ul-Umarâ.

husain ali £HAN.

637

after the Emperor had entered the female apartments turned back and
was going m his palanquin to his quarters. When he came near the
gate of the enclosure (gvMbâr), Mir Haidar who was known, and was
admıtted to eonversation, presented to the Amîr-ul-Umarâ an account
of his case, and began to make a verbal representation of his miserable
cırcumstances. When he saw that Amir-ul-Umarâ was engaged in
reading his petition, he so quickly and forcibly struck him with his
dagger in the side that he was at önce done for. Nür Ullâh 2 Khân, the
son of Asad Ullâh Khân known as Nawwâb Auliyâ, who was accompanying
on foot, killed Mir Haidar with his sword. The Mo^uls ran together
from every side and kiUed Nür Ullâh Khân, and cut off the head of the
Amir-ul-Umara and took it to the Emperor. As Husain 'Ali Khân's
men on arrıving at the stage, had ali taken up their places in ignorance
o - W T^ WaS lm P endm g> the y could not come to the spot in time. But
Saıyıd Ghan-at â Khân as soon as he heard of what had happened, without
waıtıng to coUect men, hurried with a few foUowers and was killed.
Another party also strove vainly. Later the body of the Amir-ul-
Umara— -which had lain in a dishonoured state, and the bodies of Ghairat
Khan and Nur Ullâh Khân were, by the King's orders after the recital of
funeral prayers, plaoed on biers oovered with gold brocade and directed
to be convej-ed to Ajmer and laid in the tomb of Amir-ul-Umarâ's
father, Saiyid 'Abdullah Khân.»

it has been stated by some reliable men, that before this occurrence,
a pıous man beheld in a dream that the martyred 3rd imâm (Husain)—
Peace beupon him and his ancestors !— addressed the Amir-ül-Umarâ
and saıd " bahıghfi um'daka wa ghalba 'aMımka : Your time is finished and
your enemies have triumphed." After the occurrence when a calculation
was made, each sentence was found to form a chronogram.s each being
the other inverted. Mir 'Abdul Jalil Husaini Wâsiti Bilgrâmi (Mercy
be upon hım!) composed a splendid eİegy « on Husain 'Ali. it also
contams a chronogram.

Elegy.

The signs of the Karbalâ are apparent from the forehead of India

The blood of the descendants of the Nabi is gushing out of the soil of

Indıa.
Mourning for Husain 'Ali is current ali över the world,
The Saiyids are oppressed in India.

» Cf. Siyar-ul-Muia'akhkhirin, p. 176.
2 Cousın of Amîr-ul-Umarâ

*J-."E£ a C SASin^S^cSSf aân ■ Bd TOy8 he was 9usain ' A,î ' 8

11Q9 6 ^ »ntfices cortain the same letters differently arranged and both vield
1132; cf. Styar-ul.Muta'aihbhirîn, I, p. 198. The Arabic words are ( j ) &*J1 ih
<Jj^c ^Ac. The conjunction wa is not part of the chronogram, and the inversion
ıs not perfect. He ıs supposed to refer to bcth of the Saiyid brothers, but one was
killed m 1132 and the other was defeated in 1133 and died of poison given in his

, £t l ls ^ M, * aI ' ram, 1135 or 12th October, 1722. See Irvine, op. cit., p. 96.

5 The elegy consısts of 36 lines, the last being the chronogram

638

HUSAİN 'ALT KB*N.

Maâthir

The lights of tears are being fed by the fires of the heart,

The flower of the fire of India is blooming. ,,,•*•

Whv does not the world become dark through the clouds oi grıei,

The lamp of the happy tidings of India has been extinguıshed.

On this count the dress of the Arabs is blue,

But the sleeves of India have become red with blood of sorrow.

Rustam-like Husain ' Alî has been murdered

By a dagger which lay in ambush in India.

That brave warrior, who, with the pen of the Sword of Barah

Used to write the treatise of the conquest of India,

The rebels of the world have become his obedıent followers

He has impressed the mark of authority throughout India.

His sword on the day of battle with unfortunate enemıes

Used like thunder to split the steel-like forces of India.

Son of Mustafâ, true follower of Murtadâ

His name served as an oath for the prıde of India.

India through his murder has become a soulless body,

in other words he was the emblem of the life of India.

The world has become dark like a grave to the eyes of the people

Since this precious stone of India has fallen out ofıts settıng.

He was murdered by the son of Muljam II.

They say the sorrowing flower of India ıs from Kuta.

Indiahasneverbeforefacedsuchatragedy; CT A -„

We have looked throlıgh aU famous historıes and chronıcles ot India.

Patience has languished and sorrow become strong;

This is our Fortune at the hands of the great and small of India.

O friends of the family of the Prophet and the sıncere lovers of the
descendants of the Prophet,

Be sorrowful for the Husain of afflıcted India

Tül God grants succour to the Saiyids

Against the conspiracies of their enemies

The date of his martyrdom was written by the pen of Wasıtı

Husain was murdered by the wicked, accursed of India.

The truth is that there were few officers of his time who were equal
to him in goodness. He was eminent for many excellent quahtıe^ and
was uniqu! for his genius and humanıty. Abundance of food and rts
ample distribution in his establishment were well known. He establıshed
bulahür khânas^ (barley houses) for raw and cooked gram and held
aJmblieT on the llth and 12th of the month in the ^«^
Deccan ; these are stili carried on. in these assemblıes he, wıth humıhty
İSTverence, personally served steikhs and fafrs. Before he , came ^to
the Deccan he never took money for transactıng any busıness {Zar-ı-
İS Ifterwards Muhkam W and the other clerks mdueed hım
to dHo by making representations regarding the smaUness of his ıncome
and the heavy nature of expenditure. For instance, they say that Haıdar
Quh ££ t7e Superintendent of the port of Sürat had confiscated the
property öf Mullâ 'Abdul Ghafür Bhöra,* the chıef merchant (Malık-ut-
K3i&r) of that por t, although he had heirs. At the sam ejmoejhere

1 Bulahür is a TurkI word meaning bruised barley orwhea,t.
^ FRSriy Böhrâ. See WUson' B Olossary, p. 91. The «tory ıs told in Sfe.fi
Hıân, II, p. 943. See also Elliot, VII, p. 520.

-vl-ümarâ.

HTJSAIN BfiG HÜSATN B8G KBİN.

639

had occurred a change. 1 of sovereignty. His property was worth a
kror of rupees and his son 'Abd-ul-Hayy came to the Court to seek redress
and petitioned; he presented to the Amîr-ul-Umarâ fifteen lacs of
rupees. One day at early dawn he sent for him and made a gift to him
both of the presents and the property. He also gave him a robe of
honour and dismissed him. He said (to Diyânat ^ân, the Divân),
"This night I had a struggle with myself about this man's property,
but at last I prevailed över my covetousness. "

(IeblIş 2 Öİn) Husain Bsg.

(Vol. I, p. 151.)

One of the Wâlâ-Shâhîs (household troopers) of Shâh Jahân. Shâh
Jahân after his accession, in the first year, made Ikjjlaş Khân an officer
of the rank of 2,000 with 800 horse, and bestowed on him a present of
Rs.6,000. He was appointed to the Dîvâni of Burhânpür. in the 3rd
year, his rank was increased by 200 horse. in the 4th year, he was made
faujdâr* of Ajmer, and in the 13th year, 1049 (1639-40 A.D.) he died.
His son, Na'im Beg, received the rank of 500 with 220 horse and died
in the 15th year (1641-42 A.D.).

Httsain Bsg KhIn Zîg. 4

(Vol. I, pp. 591-593.)

He was the sister's son and son-in-law (fı^ıeesh) of the famous 'Alî
Mardan Khân. When Sa'Id Khân, the governor of Kabul, came to
Qandahâr> in accordance with the request of 'Alî Mardan Khân, he found
the inhabitants and the subjects in a wavering condition of goodwül.
He perceived that it would not be possible to make proper arrangements
while the Persian troops were in the neighbourhood of Büst, and so he
left 'Ali Mardan Khân in the citadel of Qandahâr with a body of troops,
and took with him, under the leadership of Husain Beg, 3,000 cavalry and
engaged the Persians. The latter almost overpowered 'Alî Mardân's
men and made them waver, but Sa'Id Khân came up in time and defeated
the enemy. Then Husain Beg with 'Alî Mardan Khân waited on Shâh
Jahân and was rewarded with princely favours. As signs of capability
were apparent in Husain Beg, he was removed from the companionship
of the said Khân and made Master of the Horse — a charge which is not
granted to any but really trustworthy men. in the 18th year, he
received, in addition, the employment of the Turuk, a decorated
staff and an increase of rank. in the 21st year, he .vas sent away from
the Court and made the governor of Kashmîr, with the title of Khân and
an increase of 500 personality (djıât) with 500 horse, and -vvas granted the
rank of 1,500 with 1,000 horse and the gift of a flag and an elephant,

. l See EUiot, VII, p. 520. Tbe change, apparently, was the death of
Farrukh-siyar. Hıâfî Khân mentions that Husain 'Ali made the remark to Diyânat
öıân.

2 Bâdshâhnâma, I, p. 372.

3 Bâdshâhnâma, II, p. 727.

4 in the üst at the beginning of the volume Zîg is wrongly printed as Uzbeg.

640

HUSAİN KBİN BİEAH.

Maâthir

and went off there. in the 28th year, he was made the faujdm of the
Miyân Dvâb in succession to Ghadanffar Khân and was sent to take charge
of the buÜdings of Mukhlişpür, the foundation of whıch had been nxed
for 17th Mubarram, 1065 A.H. in the 31st year, he was agaın appo^ted
to a confidential position and made Mir Tuzuk. in the fcıtt e of
Sâmügarh, he had charge of the royal artülery. Dara Shıkoh s artülery
was uMer the charge of Barqandâz Şan and was on the rıght and the
royal artülery was on the left and both were m front of the armıes
Neither yielded to the other in kindling the flames of battle and in the
heatofcontest. But what remedy was there for a ruıned leader ! Alter
SSl ShSs flight, and when the business of the ^ ™ * f ™f^ 8
servants, Husain Beg was exalted by kissıng the threshold ofthe .CaUphato.
in the year of the accession he was appoınted as the faujdar of Bang^h,
but in the end of the second year he was removed in the 18th ^ year
he was made thefaujdûr of Jaunpûr, and m the 19th year ^ the «nd <rf
the vear 1086 A.D. (1676 A.D.) he died. His sons, Mirza Ata Ullah and
l£rzâ Âmân, were long in attendance on the Emperor. The formeı -died
after attainîng the rank of 700, whüe the other w» appomted _to
Kabul and there distinguished himself and was given t ^™ me ö "^
Khân. His biography has been given separately (Text, 111, pp. *Aâ-MO).

(Saiyid) Husain Khân Bârah.
(Vol. II, pp- 500-502.)
He was one of the officers of Bahâdur Shâh. When the management
of the affairs of the kingdom passed into the hands of thıs Kıng, and
düferences arose betweeıfRâia Jai Singh Shvâ'î and his brother Byaı
SüSh who were with the royal forces in Kabul, the Kıng who was
Sely complaisant, decided for the sake of ^.^ed^e^to
confiscate Amberi a8 a ro yal possessıon, and appomted Ûe above-
mentioned Khân as the faujdâr of that area. Durıng thıs perıod ^ahadur
Shâh started towards the Deccan for opposıng Kam Bakhsh . Ra^a
Jai Singh and Mahârâja Ajit Singh, wıthout permıssıon, left * h ^ orl °^
army for their homes, and having collected forces on amval took
possession of several of the royal tMnas. On perceıvmg thıs state of
affairs Saiyid Husain Khân revie W ed the old and new forces and wıth
hfsThree sons, Âbû Sa'id Khân, Ghairat Khân and Hasan Khan and .h* %
brother-in-law Mahâbat Khân, and his two nephews, Muhammad Zaman t
Khân and Saiyid Mas'üd Khân, proposed to fight m Amber. But as tiıe
v^ry large ant- and locust-like hordes of fanatic Râjpüts created dıs-
turbances aU över, the new recruits of Husain Khân losıng courage took
to flight. Consequently the said Khân with a smaU army came out oi ■■
Amber and faced Durgâ Dâs Râthör in the field of Kala . Dahra. The ,
Râjpüts on being vanqui S hed fled, but the baggage of the saıd ^an
was plundered, and one of his sons, who was accompanymg it, was made
r m artyr. Next morning the aforesaid Khân mthout much equı P ment
reached Nârnöl, and after collecting further forces engaged in battle

1 ^1 Aı, bîr in the text. This happened during Bahâdur Shâh's invasion of
Râjpütfea in 1707 ; see Sir Jadunath Sarkar's edition of JrW. Laier MughaU,
pp. 46, 47.

-ul- Umara.

HUSATN KBİN KBWl!SHGl.

641

önce again with Râja Jai Singh near the town of Sâmbhar 1 . in the
beginning the said Khân was successful, but suddenly two to three thousand
musketeers, who were lying in ambush below an embankment, came out
and started fire. The aforesaid Khân. who had only a small force and
most of which was also wounded, was küled with other officers. And of
his nephews, Muhammad Zaman Khân and Saiyid Mas'üd Khan who
were captured, the first was küled, and the second, who was not more
than 16 years old, was taken before the Râja. The Râja gaye urgent
injunctions for the dressing of his wounds, and Saiyid Husain Öıân
was buried in the field of martyrs. This event occurred in the 2nd year
of the reign of Bahâdur Shâh corresponding to the year 1120 A.H. 2 it
is stated that the Râja had a very elegant garden laid out and a suitable
buüding erected över the grave of the said Khân on the bank of the
Sâmbhar Lake. No information regarding the rank of the said Khân
has come to hand.

Husain Khân Khw*shgI. 8

(Vol. I, pp. 600-605.)

He was the eldest son of Sultân Ahmad A'zam Shâhî. When his
father at the summons of Aurangzîb intended to proceed to the Court
from the town of Qaşür (south of Lâhöre) which is the native place of the
Khweshgis, and died, Husain Khân's two brothers, Bâyazîd Khân and Kr
Khân, reached the Court and received offices. But Husain Khân himself
and the fourth brother returned to their accustomed abode and did not
try at ali to secure service. Although he nominally held an oflSce (rnanşab) ,
yet he never sthred from his home, and what others obtained by hard
endeavours he received, in double and quadruple measure, by merely
sitting in his house. He remained reclined otf the pülow of dominion of
that country and with a large army and numerous followers unfurled the
flag of : I and not another. He did not render any accounts t o the
government of Lâhöre, but sent them offerings of some things which he
took from their fiefs in that quarter. And though he gave himself out
as a mad man, yet he was prudent in business andı aid proper respect
to the holy famüy of the Saiyids. He never made tue least faüure in
offering ali respects to the Saiyids. He was specially devoted to a
notorious devotee known as Batak, 4 and did whatever he said. He
never refused him, and whüe he was seated, every hour they brought
Mm the news that the Miyân Şâhib is well, and he responded by
thanking God. That devotee was called Muhammad Khân. and belonged
to the Batakza'îs. Suddenly madness took possession of him, and he
became violent. For a long time he was kept with his feet chained.
At last he got into companionship with Husain Khân.

1 Par an account of the battle and death of Saiyid Husain Khân Bârah see
Irvine, op, eit., pp. 69, 70.

2 See Cambridge History of India, IV, pp. 321, 332, for an account ofthe rebellion
of Râja Jai Singh. The date of the battle is given there as September, 1708, which
would correspond to the latter half of Jumâda II or earlier half of Rajab, 1 120 A.H.

3 See Bellew's Races of Afghanistan, p. 19.

4 Perhaps it should be Bhîk, as in Khâfl İOıân, II, p. 864.

642

HUSAİN ESİN 8BWBSHGI.

Verse.

Maâthir

The madman is pleased when he sees a madman.

in his state of rapture he occasionally said true things and this
increased Husain Khân's respect for him.

The Batakza'îs are descended from Shaikh Batak, and he, according
to ali, was the son of Kbvveshgî. Some make him the grandson of the
Shaikb-ul-Islâm Shaiki Maudûd ChishtI, but according to the disciple
Wattü Shûriyâni 1 Batak is sprung from Wattü. He is known as the great
Pir (Pir Kabir). Shûriyân was the name of his father who was the
son of Khweshgl. Batak had three sons, Wattü, Husain, and Khalaf.
The first was seized by the attraction of Divine love. He went forth to
seek his teacher, and when after surmounting many difficulties he came
to the town of Chisht (in Khurâsân) he entered the service of Khwâja
Maudûd Chishtî, with whom Khwâja Mu'în-ud-Din Sanjari (the Ajmer
Saint) — May his grave be holy ! — is connected through two generations.
His wishes were gratified there, and he remained long in the service of the
saint. He regarded that place as his real home, but when the Khwâja
died, Wattü returned to his native country. Many of the hül-men, and
ali the Khweshgîs and the Jamand 2 (tribe) became his adherents. One
of his perfect disciples was Shaifcb Batak, who was his father's brother
and one of the pious men of the age. He (apparently Wattü) uttered a
prayer in reference to him to the effect that tül the Day of Judgment his
desoendants might be masters of knowledge and holiness. Accordingly 3
many of this branch have been masters of perfection, and the elan is also
known as the Pirzâdagi.

They say, that Kr Wattû's dress was black, and that when Shaikh
Batak attained the highest degree of sainthood, Wattü gave him his own
clothes and adopted white for himself. Hence it is that the Batakza'îs
regard everything black as blessed while the Watüza'Is regard it as
unfortunate. The standard of the Khweshgi8 is black and white, in
menrory of the frwo saints.

in short, Husain Khân beat the drum of independence in the town of
QaşQr and its neighbourhood, and said nothing to the leading jâgirdârs
or to their inferiors but what savoured of arrogance and presumption.
At k\st Bah&dur Shâh came to Lâhöre and set up his abode there. After-
wards there occurred contentions among the royal princes. Husain
Khân did not refrain from commotion and fighting — which were inevitable
at such a time — and carried on his evil jiractices. When in the beginning
of Farrukjj-siyar's reign the government of the Panjâb fell into the hands
of 'Abd-uş-Şamad Kh&n Diler Jang, he opened Communications of sincerity
and harmony with the Khân and came to Lâhöre to interview him. He
also entrusted to him the faujdâri of Lakhi Jangal. This only increased
Husain's arrogance and his turbulence was augmented. When the
governor perceived that Husain swallowed up the revenues of Lakhi
Jangal, as he had done thöse of Qaşür, and rendered no accounts, and

1 Perhaps Shürbâni. The MSS. seem to have a 6 instead of a y.

• Jarrett's translation of A'ln, II, p. 402. See Bellew, loc. cit., p. 19, «rhere the
word' is spelt Zamand.

3 See Maât&ir-ul-Umarâ, Text, III, p. 777; for an account of a descendant of
the Khweshgis.

-«Z- Umara.

HTJSATK ggiN SHWflSHOl.

643

that he got nothmg but regret and disappointment from his move, he
appoınted Qutb-ud-Dm Rohda to proce^d to his domain. Husain
behaved perversely to hım ako and insulted him. Not content with
that, he ed any army agamst mm and destroyed his life and property.
Nevertheless^bd-uş-Şamadfor a time negleeted totake further meaWrel
When Huşaıns ımmoderatıon passed ali bounds, the governor
resolved to settle the affaır. He marehed out *ith 7,000 cavaîry from
Lahore and wrote to Husain Khan: Qaşur and its territorv have been
given to you. Refrain from interfering with other estates. " He did not
stay at home, but came out to oppose with 3,000 horse! Some are of
opinion that the Saiyids, who were the centre of imperial affairs
instigated him by the bait of his obtaining the government of Lâhöre
to give battle to Diler Jang. And some say that Qutb-ul-Mulk (the elder
of the two Saiyids) wrote to 'Abd-uş-Şamad on receipt of a letter from
Saiyid Hasan Khân Bârah, the Şubadâr of Lâhöre — who had göne by way
of Qaşür and who was acquainted with his arrogance and infatuation
— that he should not withhold his hand from (attacking) him, and
also made him an assignment for the troops on the treasury of Lâhöre.
Anyhow, an engagement took place near the town of Jhûnî 1 — which is
30 kos from Lâhöre and 18 from Qasür, on 6th Jümmâda II, of the 2nd
year of Muhammad Shâh's reign (1132 A.H. = löth April, 1720); There
was a severe contest. The furious Afghâns so smote upon the guns that
sparks flew out of them. After hand to hand fights the vanguard on
both sides — commanded on Husain's side by his brother's son Mustafâ
Khân, the son of 'Ali Khân, the son-in-law (kfcıvesh ?) of Bâyazid Khân, and
on the other by Karim Qulî Khân, the Bakhshi of Diler Jang 's army —
manfully gave their lives. Âghar Khân, the pride 2 of the Moghuls, who,
along with 'Arif Khân CKeld, was on the left wing, encountered Husain
Khân. With 50 or 60 unerring 3 arehers he (Âghar) stood firm and dis-
charged arrows. Husain Khân got away from him and attacked Diler
Jang, and there was a severe fight. At last the governor's men could not
resist and Diler Jang was nearly defeated. Leading officers like Jânî
Khân, Hifz Ullâh Khân displayed activity, and Âghar Khân came for w ar d a
second time and started fighting. Just then Husain Khân's elephant-driver
was killed and the darvîsh * formerly mentioned, whoya8 helping in the
driving of the elephant, was killed by an arrow. When Husain Khân
was wounded, the Moghuls made the elephant the target of arrows and
bullets and put an end to him (Husain Khân). This occurred in the
year 1130» A.H.

1 in the text Jhûnî. Perhaps this is Chüniân in the Lâhöre district. in Elliot ,
VII, p. 491, where ^afl Ih&n is partially translated, it is Jhûnî.

" Jjlut »Sıi literally eye of the Moghuls.

3 Ttr-anddz qadr-andâz, lit. arehers who -were throwers of cannon-balls.

* The reference is to the early part of the article where a madman named
Muhammad Khân is mentioned. ghâfî filân, who gives a full account of the battle
(II, pp. 861-864), says that the name of Susam fiıân's favourite who vas killed was
Shâh Bhîk. in the Index to the Maâ&ir, p. 47, the notice is deseribed as "Çusain
^an ghw§shgf " and "the account of Shâh B8g I "

i This date is incorrect as in it it is gtated earlier on that the battle took place
in 1132!

644 HUSAİN KBİN TUKBIYİ. MaâÜıir

HUSAIK JJlHİN TUEMYİ.

(Vol. I, pp. 551-554.)
He was the sister's son and son-in-law of Mahdi Oâsim Khân ı in
SL=!, 8in ™? * hİ f Career he was a "™* of Bair âm Khân Khân-

of Manko^ stayed four months and four days in Lâhöre for the arrange-
H n * of »ffaırs m that proyince, and in Şafr 965 A.H. proceeded to Deli,
£usaınKhan wasappoınted as the governor of Lâhöre. One day he, while
transactıng pubhc business there, saluted a long-bearded Hindu under
2d«^CS ? V h * 1 İ. he , J WaB * Muhamm «<i^. After that he passed an
«nonlH ^ nd " 8 t sh ° U L d T a bad 8 e * (ÖI**M) on their dress near the
wwİ fû ""? at ' ^ a bur under the ûat letter > » a yeUow patch
nZ.il rT. «^ to wear on their shoulders for distinguishing

t™ I Vk^ 18 ™ f^ 1 " caUed ^ Consequently hebecamf
Known by the name of the Tukriyâ (the patcher). At the time when
Akbar became ahenafced from Bairâm Khân, and the latter's soldiers
left hım and joıned the royal stirrups in the town of Jhüjhar, no person
of onfluence remamed wıth him except Husain Khân Tukriyâ and Shâh
2,t ,T?v. M * hram - ,**** Bairâ «ı Sân was overthrown, Husain Khân
entered the Emperors service, in the llth year, W hen Mahdi Qa7im
San became dısgusted Wıth the government of Garh and went off by
the routo of the Deccan to the Hijâz, Husain Khân escorted him for part

£w « Way '- ^ &n -i/^ he Was returnin g. he came to the town öf Satvâs
(not hantwaa) 8 in Mahva, the commotion of the rebel Mirzâs took place.
Husain Khan was obhged to take shelter in the town along with Muq^rrab
Khan who was the TıyvlMr there. When Muqarrab Khân 4 hastily gave
up the struggle Husain Khân came out and waited upo^ ibrahim Husain
Mirza, but did not agreeto take up service under him, though urged to do

«wı? - t ? ar ' J wI î M1 AkbKt P rocee ded to extirpateKhan Zâmân

bhaıbanı, he served under hım, and as there was then a brisk mTrket of ap-
precıatıon, and as the King was impressed by his courage, good service
and »al, he encompassed him with varied favours. And though

■ a* U ?u ^T h ° W to mam « e 6 anv complicated affairs he was
raısed to the hıgh posıtion of an Amir and received the rank of 3,000
Inasmuch as the world's wine overthrows men, and a narroW capacity

Mahdi aff^T*; I eX *' *?■• PP- 1»»^02. Husain Khân quarrelled with

as hto net tter ° n ln " retuni from the && was g 1 * 11 ^ Lucknow

2 The text has 'iyaydrî ^jl^, and there is the variant Ohubârl, but the true

by tne Jews, ete , see Lane's Zhctıonary, p. 2316. The Maâ&ir has taken the
passage from Badâyüm, Text, II, p. 223, sİe Lowe's trandati^nTS p 227 where
the word ıs «pL»med and spelt by the author. The Jew colour mark ^as'y^
but apparently ali that Husain ordered was that it was to be of a different colour
the^Sdü the ^^ BadSyÛDl -y that HuBaül ^ mistake ^ up to ieeî

p. 134. 1116 ^^ ^^ ° f Nemâw8r ' Indore Distriet, «ide Jmpericd Oazetteer, XXII,
s ^ the t*** üutte&a, but the variant dastpâcha is adopted here.

Wa8 JtST 1 *^^/ 8 "î"? Ob80Ure - , Blochman « 1«« "His contingent

88 not leaa y ■ Tj 16 hter »l trandatıon seems io be : He did not know how to

manage a number of men. The words are from Akb^ânn, Text, mT p. İ4^

-Mİ- Umara.

husain QxjlI b£g.

645

cannot digest it, he could not control himself. He practised violence
and oppression in his fief and exceeded his powers. When, in the
19th year, the royal standarda moved to the Eastern districts, his mis-
fortune kept him back from that service. One day Akbar inquired
about him and asked why he was not present. it was represented that
he had been seized with a frenzy, and that he •was employing himself
in attacking and plundering the peasantry. As there was work in hand,
no one was sent to chastise him, but measures were taken to confiscate
his fief. After the conquest of Patna and Hâjipûr, when Akbar was
returning towarus Âgra, Husain Khân came to the camp, but was not
admitted to an interview. in his madness he bade adieu to worldly
affairs, and chose to be a galandar. Royal favour agahı succoured
h im and an arrow * from the royal quiver was given to him in order that
by this he may take possession of the fief which had been made crown-
land, and address himself to the colleetion of recruits. When for this
purpose he obtained leave from the Presence, he, in his madness, resumed
his blameworthy practices and plundered and ravaged the country.
One day he came to Basantpûr belonging to Kumâön, as its nıines and
prosperity had excited his faney. As the forehead of the final affairs
of evil-doers is marked with failure, he fought a battle without organiza-
tion and was defeated, and wounded by a bullet. Previous to this
Şâdiq Khân had been despatohed to put a stop to his commotions. Though
his severe 'wound had already brought him to his senses to some extent, the
fame of the victorious army (of Akbar) made him stili more sensible,
and ali the vagabonds left him. Through the efforts of his well-wishers it
appeared to him that the proper course was to betake himself by boat
from Garh Muktesar 2 and present himself before Mun'im Khân Khân-
Rhânân. Perhaps by his mediation his offences might be covered with
the searf of lenience. Active men came to the town of Mârhara.s and
laid hands on him, and in accordance with orders he 'was taken to Agra
and put into 4 his (own?) house in the year, 983 A.H., where he died of
his wound. His son, Yûsuf Khân. 5 was ineluded among the Amîrs in
the time of Jahângir.

(Khİn 6 Jahİn) Htjsain QulI BfiG.

(Vol. I, pp. 645-653.)

He was the sister's son of Bairâm Khân Khân-Khânân. His father,
Wali Beg !Qhûl Qadr, in the time of Bairâm Khâh's prosperity had fine
jdgirs and was supreme över ali other officers. in the battle at the town
of Dikdâr Jâlandhar, which took place between Bairâm Khân and Shams-

1 See Irvine, Army of the Indian Moghuls, p. 99.

2 in Meerut District, vide Imperial Oazetteer, XII, p. 162.

3 in the text Bârah, but Akbarnâma, Text, III, p. 144, has Mârhara and the
variant Bârhara. Mârhara in Etah district appears to be correet.

4 According to Lowe's translation of Muntakhab-ut-Taıoârilsh, II, p. 224, he
was placed in Şadiq Khân's house.

8 Yûsuf Khân died in 1621 A.D., in the ISth year of Jahângir, vide Roger and
Beveridge's translation of the Tüzuk-i-Jahângirî, II, p. 202. He had become
extremely stout and died suddenly after paying his respects to Shâh Jahân. The
author of the Maâ%ir-ul-Umarâ apparently did not know the 2nd volume of Tüzük.

8 Sne Blochmann's translation of A'in, I (2nd edn.), pp. 348-351.

646

HTT8AIN QULI BfiG.

Maâthir

ud-Dîn Khân Atka, he was wounded and made a prisoner, and after-
wards died of his wounds. Akbar, who knew that ali the turmoil and
confusion of Bairâm Khân was due to his instigation, had his head cut
off and sent to the Eastern Provinces. Husain Qulî Beg, who was of
sound judgment and good sense, was sent by Khân-Khânân with the
insignia of his office at the time when the King's mind was alienated
from him, to the Presence from Mewât,'in the hope that he might by
submission and supplication achieve something. At the same time,
the depar türe of Khân-Khânân to the Panjâb, which was an indication
of sedition and rebellion, became known. Accordingly Husain Quli
was put in charge of Âşaf Khân 'Abdul Majîd who was the governor
of Delhi, to be treated compassionately, and to see that no harm came to
him. After the termination of the affair of Bairâm Khân, Husain Qulî
Khân was released, and was always treated with favour in view of
his loyalty and services. in the 8th year, 971, when Mirza Sharaf-ud-
Din Ahrârî fled from the Court without cause, Akbar gave Husain Quli
Beg the title of Khân and the fiefs of Ajmer and Nâgör in supersession of the
Mirza and sent him to pursue the latter. As the Mirza left tho imperial
territories without fighting, Husain Quli Khân without difficulty took pos-
session of the fiefs and arranged for their settlement. in a short time he
took the fort of Jödhpür, whüch was the residence of Râi Mâldev — who
was distinguished from the other Râjas of India by splendour and by
the number of his followers — and which after his death was the seat of
his younger son, Chandar Sân. During the siege of Chittör, Husain
Quli Khân displayed great energy in pursuing Rânâ Udai Singh, and
was thanked and praised .

When in the 13th year, the officers of the Atka Khail were summoned
to the Presence from the Panjâb, the government of that territory,
which is one of the great domains of the empire, was given to Husain
Quli Khân. But on account of the emergence of the affair of Ranthambhör,
he did not leave Akbar and acquired glory by being attached to the
stirrups of victory. After the fort was taken and Akbar had göne to
Âgra, he obtained leave to look after his estates. in the 17th 2 year,
he went to take the fort of Nagarköt which was in the possession of Râja
Jai Chand, and whose son Badi Chand, after his father was imprisoned,
regarded himself as his father's successor, and believing the latter to be
dead, became rebellious. When he came near Dhamtûri 2 Janü (?), the
governor of the place became suspicious on account of his relationship to
Jai Chand and withdrew. But he sent agents and uıldertook to provide
guides. The Khân left a party of his men to form a guard (thânadârî)
in the village on the road and pressed forward. When he came to the
fort of Kötlah (or Kütilah) — which was a sky-high fortress — he discharged
some cannon from the top of a hill which was över against the fort and
terrified the besieged. At night they took to fiight. Inasmuch as this
fort was fbrmerly the property of Râja Anam Chand, the Râja of

1 The 18th year aceording to the Tabaqât-i-Akbari, De's translation, II, p. 398,
but it really was the 17th, vide Akbamâma, Text, II, p. 370; and Beveridge's
translation, II, p. 538. The siege, however, lasted till the 18th year. vide Akbar-
nâma, Text, III, p. 36 and Beveridge's translation, İÜ, p. 51.

2 Damhari, Elliot, V, p. 357, where the name of the governor is given as Choto.
Ferhaps the word is Janûha, or Janjûa, which is the name of a Râjpüt caste. it
is Janûrü in De's text of the Tabaqüt-i-Akbart, II, p. 257.

-ul-Umarâ.

HUSAİN QULl BfiG.

647

Gwâliyâri, an d Râja Râm Chand, the grandfather of Jai Chand, had
forcibly taken it, he made it över to the Râja of Gwâliyâr, who was a
descendant of Anam Chand, and established his own thâna. And, as there
was such an amount of forest that it was difficult for the army to proceed,
he sent light infantry* each day to cut down the jungle sufficıent fora
march. On İst Rajab 980 A.H., the army encamped at Nagarköt At the
first onset they took the fort of Bhawan where the idol-temple of Mahama ı
was, and a great number of Râjpüts and Brahmans, who in the hope oi
acauiring merit stood firm, were sent to destructıon. After that the
wall outaide of Nagarkot was also taken and sâbât (covered ways) and
batteries (sarkob) were made. Every day buüdings were demolwhed
by the cannon and animals » ( ?) were killed. WhJe Raja Budaı Chand
Was eating, a large cannon was discharged so that about eıghty men

were killed under the wafl. ,«.,-, v. a j ı„

in short, the business of the fort was nearly finıshed, when suddenly
the commotion of the approach of the rebellious Mfrzâs, ibrahim Husain
Mirza and Mas'ûd Mirza, stirred up the province of the Panjâb. lüere
was also a great scarcity in the army. Consequently Husain Qulı |han
was helpless, and made peace on receiving five maunds ot gold as
tribute and much stuff, and laid the foundation of a mosque in front
of the house of Râja Jai Chand, and in two days raısed it up to tne
portico. On Friday, in the middle of Shawâl of the same year after
reciting the Khutba in the King's name, Husain Qull Kh.an departedfrom
that^ace. Tn company with Ismâ'Ü Qull Khân and Mirza Yusuf Khan
Radavi he hastened after the rebels. in the town of Talandah (or Talam-
bah), forty kos from Multân; he came upon them without warnıng and a
battle took place between them. ibrahim Rusaın was defeated and
fled to Multân and Muhammad Husain with some companıons was
seized. Husain Quli Khân, in the 18th year, 981 A.H., when Akbar
returnedt'o Agra after the conquest of Gujarât, and the officers eame irom
aU quarters to oflFer their congratulations, produced Mas ud Husain wıtn
his eyes sewn up and other prisoners dressed up in the flkırİB ot cattle—
from which the horns had not been removed. They presented a strange
appearanoe. The King out of extreme kindness and gentleness caused
the eyes of the Mirza to be opened and graated many of the prisoners their
lives. Husain Quli Khân was raised to high oflîce, and got the tıtle ol
Khân Jahân, than which there was no higher title in the empire except
that of Khân-Khânân. When Mirza Sulaimân, the ruler of Badakjjshan,
took refuge at the Court from the oppression of his grandson. Mirza
Shâhrukl), an order was given to Khân Jahân to proceed wıth the
brave army of the Panjâb in company with the Mirza to Badakhshan
and to place the old ruler on the masnad of that country. Mea,nwhıle,
in the 20th year, 983 A.H., Mun'im Khân Khân-Khânân, the ŞvAadar ot
Bengâl, died, and there was a great commotion in that oountry. The
onicers of the auxiliary force became frightened of the pestılentıal au-

ı This is not the Gwalior in Central India, but a bili state in the Panjâb. it
is the Goler of the imperial Oazetteer, XII, p. 310. it ıs spelt Gwalıar in the
Tabagât-i-AkbaH, De's Text, II, p. 257, and translation II , p. 400.
• ZHashare, see VuUers, I, p. 620. The account ıs »PP" 6 ""^ b «?f d on
Tabagüt-i-Akbarî, De's Text, H, pp. 257-259, and translation II, pp. 400, 4011
' 3 1 Jândârân may refer either to men or to the number of sacred cows that were
küled.

648

HUSiAIN QULl BffiG.

Maâthir

of the country, and to this was added the domination of Dâ'üd the Afghân
— who claimed the sovereignty of the country, and who now broke his
treaty and again raised the head of commotion. The offieers at önce
left their stations and departed from the country. As it is a leading
principle of Akber that urgent matters should ha ve preference to other
affairs, the King hurriedly summoned Khân Jahân from the Panjâb
and made him the Şübaddr of Bengâl. He sent along with hım Râja
Tödar Mal, who was distinguished for courage and ability, and who
had done brilliant aets in the province. The Bengâl offieers met Khân
Jahân at Bhâgalpür, and some of them objected about the elimate and
were loath to return, vhile others made the differenoe of religion a
pretest, and indulged in foolish talk. Khân Jahân, who had assumed
the role of a veteran commander, did not yield and by means of soothing
and kindness laboured to restore unanimity, and though most of the
offieers were öhaghtâ'îs and unmUing to submit to a Qazalbâsh (Persian),
he, by a little exertion, liberated Garhî ; which is the gateway of Bengâl,
and recovered the loöt territory as far as Tanda. He made constant
endeavours to compose the disorders. Dâ'üd Khân Kararanı streng-
thened Âkmahal (Râjmahal) and planted himself in front of the royal
forees. There was a battle every day, but, though Khân Jahân and Râja
Tödar Mal made great efforts, the work did not advance ovving to want
of zeal on the part of the men. One day Khwâja 'Abdullah Naqshbandî
went out from his battery with some followers and offered battle, A Iarge
body of the enemy advanced to fight, and the Khwâja's companions did
not support him. He, from nobility of nature, stood firm, and played
away the coin of his life. When this news reached Akbar, he was grieved
and sent an order to Muzaffar Khân, the governor of Bihâr, quickly to
join the Bengâl army with the fiefholders of Bihâr. As soon as, in
984 AJL, Muzaffar Khân joined with the Bihâr troops, Khân Jahân
arranged his forees and made ready for battle. By chance on the night
that was pregnant with victory, a cannon-ball from the imperial camp
reached the chahârpây (bedstead) on which Junaid Kararanı, Dâ'üd's
paternal uncle, was sleeping and broke his leg. After that there was a
hot engagement, and Kâlâ Pahâr, the leader of the enemy's right wing,
was wounded and fled. The battle had not reached the centre when a
stone of dispersal fell among the Afghâns and they gave way and fled.
Many were slain by the pursuing heroes. Dâ'üd wanted to retire, but
his horse got stuck in a bog and he was made a prisoner. When he was
brought before Khân Jahân, the latter asked him what had become
of the oaths and treaties he had made with Khân-Khânân. He had
the impudence to say that it was a temporary agreement 1 , and that a
fresh one might now be made. Khân Jahân ordered that he should be
relieved of the weight of his plotting head, and immediately sent his
head to Akbar by Saiyid 'Abdullah Khân. The latter had been sent
post haste to Khân Jahân to convey the good news of the victory
of Cöcanda which Râja Mân Singh Kachwâha had gained över
the Rânâ, and also to announce Akbar's march to the offieers of the
Eastern Provinces. At the time of dismissing him Akbar had said that

1 The text has zdbâni or verba' but the variant zamanı or temporary appears
to be more correet. See also Akbarnâma, Text, III, p. 182, and Beveridge's transla-
tion III, p. 255.

-ul-Umarâ.

husAm-ud-dîn.

649

as he was taking this good news, he should also bring back the good
tıdings of the conquest of Bengâl. Saiyid 'Abdullah Khân returned in
eleven days at the time when the King was settûıg out from Fathpür
and flung the sedition-monger's head into the Jilaukhcma, (yard for
horses). There was a great shout, and bulletins of the victory were sent
to various quarters of the empire. After this conspicuous victory
Khan Jahân sent Râja Tödar Mal to the Court, and went himself to
Satgâön, where Dâ'üd's family was. Jamshid, who belonged to his elan,
re8İşted him, and met with a great defeat, and Dâ'üd's mother and her
associates submitted. That country, which of old had been called
BulgAflklçhâna (house of strife) because it was never free from commotion,
became by the genius and courage of Khân Jahân again a place of
tranquülity. Râja Mal Gosâ'in, the Zamlndâr of Küch (Cooch Behftr)
also submitted, and the Khân Jahân sent as tribute the rarities of that
country together with 54 noted elephants. As some Afghâns were
making a disturbance in the Bhati country, and 'îsâ Zamlndâr there
showed signs of disaffection, Khân Jahân proceeded to that quarter inthe
23rd year, and sent a large army ahead. After severe fighting 'Îsâ was
defeated and fled, and the Afghâns submitted. Khân Jahân having
attained the objeçts of his wishes returned to Şihhatpûr which was a
city he had founded near Tanda, and raised up the flag of joy and success.
Every day, however, ends in sorrow and every perfection ends in loss :

Verse.

No good fortune is perfectly cortformable to desire,
When the book is completed, the page must be turned.

So g^ân Jahân in a short time lay on the bed of sickness for one and
a half months. Indian doctors did not understand the case and applied
improper remedies. in the same year, 986 A.H., Deoember, 1578, A.D.,
he died. He was a Panjhazârî among Akbar's nobles. His son, Radâ
Qulî ı, in the 47th year, was raised to the rank of 500 with 300 horse.'

(MDt) Husâm-ud-Din.

(Vol. III, pp. 323, 324.)

He was a real pearl. By origin he was from Badakhshân, but he
was born and nourished on the sacred soü of Hindüstân. His father,
Qâdi Nizâm Badakbshi 2 , w&o was exalted to the ranks of Amîrs in the
reign of Akbar, was honoured with the title of Qâdî Khân. And later,
as he showed a marked talent in the battles and örusades against the
mfidels he was granted the title of Ghâzi ghân; accordingly his biography
has been written down in its proper place (Test, U, pp. 857-862). The
Mir, as he was highly versed in the details of etiquette, was given a high
place of trust amongst the officials. He was married to the sister of the

1 See Bloohmann's translation of Â'in, I (2ad edn.), p. 351, in the account of
Sân Jahân.

2 For his life, see Blochman/ı's translation of Â'in, I (2nd edn.), pp. 488, 489.
4

650

HUSİM-UD-DtN ANJÜ, MURTADİ KHÂN.

Maâthir

famous 'Allâmî ShaikİJ Abül Fadl. During the time when, on appoint-
ment, he went to the Deccan, the instrument of his companionship
became attuned with that of Khân-Khânân Mîrzâ 'Abd-ur-Rabim,
and, as a result, his fortune woke up from the sleep of forgetfulness,
and eternal wealth came to his doors. Suddenly ardent Divine fervour
cut short his worldly attaohments; in the height of his youth he gave up
ali connections with his relations, and cutting out luxury and lust from
his life, wanted to separate himself from Khân-Khânân, The latter,
however, had developed such regard for him that he was not likely to
give him up, and so he feigned insanity in the hope that he would thus
be lefb to himself. Afterwards he proposed to go to Delhi and spend
the rest of his life at the feet of Mîrzâ Sultân-ul-Mash&'ikj) x . Although
Khân-Khânân tried his best by entreaty and urging, and advised and
cajolled him in ali possible ways, it proved useless. Nert he started
wandering in the streets and bâzârs, and stripping himself smeared his
body with dust and mud. Khân-Khânân accompanied by other Amirs
Went and brought him back to his own house and started to counsel
him afresh; he consoled and comforted him, but received no answer.
When, as a result of a representation from Khân-Khânân, the neWs
reached the. royal ears, he (Husâm-ud-Dîn) was permitted to retire to
Delhi. His wife also cutting off ali connections with her brothers and
relations at the behest of her husband gave away to darvîshes ali cash
and property that she possessed. it is stated that he spent thirty years
in retirement. And twelve thousand 2 rupees used to be sent annually
by Khân-Khânân for the ezpenses of his J£hânqah. After becoming
a darvîsh he never read a book. Most of his time he spent in reciting
and repeating the word of God. Every month he finished fifteen readings
of the Qur'ân. in the end he became a disciple of the well-known Saiyid
Khwâja Bâqi Billah of Samarqand, who was born in Kabul. He, on
being initiated and confirmed by him, and with his permission, occupied
himself in following the holy commands and initiating and guiding the
young followers along the right path tül he departed for the other wörld.

(Mİb) HusIm-ud-DIn Anjü, MubtadA KhIn.

(Vol. III, pp. 382-384.)

He was the son of Mor Jamâl-ud-Dîn 'Add-ud-Daula. His brother
Amin-ud-Din became the son-in-law of 'Abd-ur-Rahîm Khân Khân-
Khânân, and so acquired distinction. He died young. Mır Husâm-ud-
Dîn married the sister 8 of Ahmad Beg Khân. the brother's son of ibrahim
Khân Fath Jang, and by this glorious alliance received high honours.
He strove much to oblige and please that chaste lady. Whenever on

ı Apparently Nı?âm-ud-Dîn Auliyâ of Delhi. Fnr his life, see Beale, Orieııtal
Biographical Dictimary (188J), p. 211.

2 Blochmarm, op. cit., p. 489, states that Rs.12,000 was given by his wife "as
allowance for the celi of her husband ", but the allowance was apparently paid by
Khân-Khânân.

» She waa the daughter of Nur Jahân BSgam's uncle, see Tûzuk-i-Jaihângiri
(Itogers and Beveridge's tranalation) II, p. 277.

4»

■id- Umara.

hOsİm-ud-dIn KHİN.

651

V
f '■

New Year's Day and on festivals the Begam would come to the palace,
the Mir was not allowed to enter without permission. in the reign
of Jahângir he was appointed to the charge of the fort of Âsir, which
in its height and fortifications and ali matters pertaining thereto is
unique in the conquered dominions.

When the Prince, the heir-apparent Shâh Jahân, perceived that on
account of the pursuit of the imperial army he could not remain in Mândü,
and on the 17th crossed the Narbadâ with the design of attacking Bur-
hânpûr, and sent a body of troops to protect the ferries and to seize the
boats, and came near Asîr, he sent his servant Sharifâ with an order full
of threats to the Mir. The latter left out 'of consideration his being a
house-born servant, his father's fame, or loyalty and devotion to his
master's service, and in spite of the vast supply of cannon and muskets,
and abundance of stores, such as did not exist even to a hundredth part
in other forts, and impregnabüity of-ihe fortress owing to the difficulty
of ingress, which wa8 such that an old Voman could have stopped a
Rustam, and as soon as he received the Prince's order, he made över
the fort to Sharifâ, and came * out with wife and chüd and did homage.
The Prince received him graciously and conferred favours upon him.
Afterwards, when the Prince came to the throne, he took into considera-
tion the Mir's good service and gave him the rank of 4,000 with 3,000 horse.
in the same 2 year he received the title of Murtadâ Khân and was given
Rs.50,000 in cash and appointed governor of Sindh in succession to Sher
K^wâja who had died on the way thither.

As the envious heavens are hostile to success, his place had not
become warm when in the end of the 2nd year, 1039 A.H. (1629-30 A.D.)
he died. Among his sons, Mir Şamşam-ud-Daula did well. in the"21st
year, he became the Dîvân of Prince Shujâ'. in the 28th year, he went
as the Prince's deputy to take charge of Orissa and had the rank of 1,500
with 500 horse ; he died at the end of the same year.

HüSlM-tJD-DlN KhIk.

(Vol. I, pp. 584-587.)

Mirza Husâm-ud-Din Hasan was the grandson of Muhammad
Ghiyâth-ud-Dîn 'Alî Aşaf Khân. His father was Nizâm-ud-Din 'Alî.
He was a careless man of pleasure, and in his youth he lived a thoroughly
independent life. in consequence of the relationship which his fâmily
had with Yamîn-ud-Daula Aşaf Jâh, he, after the accession of Shâh Jahân,
became active in the King's service and served in various oapacities in
the Deccan. in the 15th year, he obtained the rank of 1,000 with 500
horse and became Bakhshl of the Deccan. Though from trustworthiness
and disınterestedness he mixed freely with men, yet his prudence and
ability enabled him to conduct himself so well that he was much praised.
The governors of the Deccan treated him with honour. Khân Daurân
Naşrat Jang was instrumental in his advancement and impressed upon

ı Iqbâlnâma-i-Jahângiri, p. 210; and Tûzuk-i-Jahângîn, op. cit., pp. 277, 278.
2 He received the title of Murtadâ Khân and the rank mentiuaed from Shâh
Jahân in Jahângîr's lifetime; see Tüzuk-i-Jahdngfri, loc. cit., p. 278.

652

HUSİM-UD-DÎN KBİN

Maâikir

Shâh Jahân his akili and honesty. in the 18th year, he obtained the
rank of 1,500 with 600 horse and the title of Khân. in the 2 İst year,
he obtained the rank of 2,000 with 1,000 horse and was then relieved of
the Bakhshiship and made the governor of the fort of Üdgîr. As he had
already a repütation for knowledge and skill, he now wished to get one .
for courage, and so stretched out the arm of resolution and distinguished
himself by overthrowing the turbulent and rebellious up to the borders
of Gölconda. He emerged from the position of clerkship and became a
leader, and received an increase of 500 with 500 horse. in the 30th year,
he was removed from the governorship of Üdgîr and made faujddr of
Telingâna in succession to Hadi Dâd Khân Anşârî.

it is not known when he was made governor of Berâr, exeept thât in
the Mirdt-ul-'Âlâm it is stated that after the accession of Âurangzîb and
when that fortunate Prinee crossed the Biyâs inpursuit of Dârâ Shiköh, the
governorship of Berâr was given to Saiyid Şalâbat Khân entitled Ikbtişâş
Khân in succession to Husâm-ud-Dîn Khân, and that the faujdârl of
Bîjâgarh was given to the latter. The year of his death does not appear
(in any Work).

Though Husâm-ud-Dîn was busy with wx>rldly affairs, he ahvays
spent his days in pleasure and sport, and never crossed the path of çare
and sorrow, He was much skilled in music and could ertemporise
(verses). Though he did not apply himself to the acquisition of science,
yet from frequent intercourse with learned men he was acquâinted with
every science so that at the time of exposition he was never at a loss.
He wrote beautifully with the handwriting of a master, and was unequalled
as a composer of distiches (qit'a naviH). He was also much given to
hunting. He had many children, and good sons. The eldest, Mirza
Ni'mat Ullâh, was the most famous of the brothers. He was with
Âurangzîb when the latter marched to assume sovereignty, and after the
accession he received the title of Suhrâb Khân, and obtained the rank
of 1,500 with 400 horse, and was made faujdâr of Bâlâpür in Berâr and
went off to the Decoan. He was always favoured on account of his
services at the Court and in the provinces. His son, Mirza 'Aqibat
Mabmüd Sazâwâr Khân, after having been the faujddr of Aland * and
Telinga, was appointed to guard the fort of Bîdar, but on account
of weak eye-sight he was removed in the time of Bahâdur Shâh. He died
in Burhânpûr. His son, Mır Nizim-ud-Dîn 'Alî Husâm Ullâh Khân
spent a long time as the governor of the fort ot Üdgîr, and in the days of
the mismanagement of the Şübadârs confronted the rebels of that
country, who were a tribe known as Bîdar (Bedars 2 ) with a Hindi döl
(d). His grown-up sons were küled in those engagements. Afterwards
his young son obtained the father's title and was at the time of writing
governor of the same fort. As he has hereditary courage and
hardihood, and though the vagabond tribe of the Mahrattas has
increased its oppression on every side, yet the turbulent ones of his
neighbourhood are in awe of him. in truth, he, at this time, does
credit tö his aneestors. it is also owing tö the virtues of the deceased
Husâm-ud-Dîn that though more than a hundred years have elapsed his
family stili maintains its position.

1 in Gulbarga diatrict, Haidarâbâd.

2 Described in Meado-ws-Taylor's novel Tara.

-ul- Umara.

(SHAIgH) IBEİHlM — IBBÂHÎM SHİN.

653

(Shaikb;) IbeİhIm (son of Shaikb MOsl).
(Vol. II, pp. 570-572.,,

He was the brother's x son of Shaikh Salim Sîkrî. Shaikh Müsâ
was one of the good men of the time, and lived like a hermit in the town
of Sîkrî — which is four s (!) kos from Akbarâbâd, and is the place where
Akbar built a fort and founded a city, which he called Fathpür — and
passed his days in asceticism and worship. As the children of Akbar
did not live, he sought the help of the darvîshes, and also made his
supplioations to Shaikb Salını. During this time the mother of Sultân
Salim became pregnant and this increased Akbar's respect for the Shaikb.
Near the Shaikh's residence he made a place for her confinement, and
in it a prinee was born and named after the Shaikh. Accordingly also
the sons and oonneetions of the Shaikh got promotion in this reign.

Shaikb Ibrâhîm was for a long time attached to the princes, and
served in the capital. in the 22nd year, he was with some other brave
men employed in the thânadâri of Lâdlâ'î * in chastising the rebellious
elements of that place. in the 23rd year, he was made governor of
Fatbpür, 4 and in the 28th year, he was appointed to assist Khân A'zanı
Koka. He did good service in subduing Bengâl, and with Vazîr Khân
took part in the putting down of Qutlü, who had rebelled in Orîssa. in
the 29th year, he came to the Court, and in the 30th year, when Akbar
after the death of Mîrzâ Hakim purposed to march to Kabul, Ibrâhîm
was left in charge of Agra. He served long in that capacity. in the
36th year, 999 A.H. (1590 A.D.) he died. His shrewdness and abilities
impressed the Emperor. He was an Amir of the rank of 2,000.

IbbİbIm Khİn.

(Vol. I, pp. 295-301.)

He was the eldest son of the Amîr-ul-Umarâ 'Alî Mardan Khân 5 .
in the 26th year, 1063 A.H., he received from Shâh Jahân the title

1 The text makes Ibrâhîm the brother of Shaikh Salım, but the
deseription really refers to Ibrâhîm's father Mûsâ who was Sallm's elder brother.
The Tabaqât-i-Akbarî, De'sText, II, p. 439, and Translation II, p. 666, deseribes him as
the son-in-law and nephev? (sister's son) of Shaikh Salim Sikrîwâl. Shaikh Ibrâhîm's
death is reoorded in the Akbarnâma, Text UI, p. 596, Beveridge's translation, III,
p. 908, note 7 ; and MuntaJsh.ab-ut-TawânkJı, Text II, pp. 374, 375, Lowe's Translation
II, p. 387. He died at Fathpür. Badâyüni gives hım a poor charaeter and says
the ehronogram of his death is Shaikh La'îm : vile Shaikh. This, as Lowe remarks,
yields 1,000, whioh is one too much. Perhaps Badâyüni wrote Shaikh Yatim— the
orphan Shaikh. The other ehronogram given by Badâyüni, Dhamim-vİ avşâf—
base of disposition, gives the correct date 999. Aecording to Badâjüm, Ibrâhîm
left 25 krors in cash.

2 So in original, but this is clearly a miatake for twelve which is the number
of kos mentioned in the notice of Shaikh Ahmad, Maâthir-ul-TJmarâ, II, p. 554.
Beveridge's Translation, p. 169.

3 Akbarnâma, Text III, p. 220, where the word is Lawalâlî. Beveridge in the
Translation III, p. 309, has translated it as above, and commented on its loeation.

4 See Akbarnâma, Text III, p. 236, Beveridge's Translation III, p. 337, where
the appointment is deseribed as governmeııt of the Metropolitan province.

6 Maâthir-ıd-Umarâ. II, pp. 795-807. Beveridge's translation, pp. 186-194.

654

IBBİHtM gBJİN.

Maâthir

of Khân as a mark of favour and grace. When his father died in the
31st year, he was granted the rank of 4,000, with 3,000 horse. in the
battle of Sâmügarh, he was in the right wing of Dârâ Shiköh's army;
and after the defeat, from inesperience and short-sightedness^ thought
his best course was to become a partisan of Prince Murâd Bakhsh. The
presumptuous Prinee in his folly coined money and read the Ehutba
in his own name in Gujarât on receipt of the news of illness of Shâh
Jahân, and took the name of Murrawwij-ud-Din 1 (Dispanser of religion),
and fancied himself as the absolute king. The fictitious flatteries of
'Âlamgir and the false promises of that consummate master, who con-
ducted himself so cleverly towards that raw novice on account of the
cirçumstauces of the time, increased his natural ignorance. , Though
after the battle with Dârâ Shiköh and the disposition of Shâh Jahân
and the cessation of his authority, the reins of power fell naturally into
the strong hands of 'Alamgir, but Murâd Bakhsh in the intoxication of
folly and ignorance did not arrive at the truth, and by the distribution
of titles, 2 and increase by fifty per cent in appointments and emoluments,
and various other allurements enticed the royal (Shâh Jahân's) servants
to his side; and a large.number gathered round him. Aurangzib became
alarmed at this assemblage, and beoause of the extravagant proceedings
of that dolt and simpleton, he, in the guise of friendship, put an end to
ali his schemes.

The details of this aro as follows. When ' Âlamgîr Bâdshâh came
out of Âgra to go in pursuit of Dârâ Shiköh, and encamped at Gudjıar
Sami, 3 Murâd Bakhsh kept away from accompanying him and remained
in the city with 20,000 cavalry which he had gathered together. Many men
also, from a desire for splendour and equipages, separated from 'Âlamgir's
army, and joined Murâd, and his assemblage went on increasing. Aurang-
zib sent a person to inquire the reason of his opposition and for his tarry-
ingtoaccompanyhim; he offered the excuse of his poverty (pareshânl).
Consequently Muhammad Aurangzib Bahâdur sent him twenty lacs of
rupees, and a message to the effect that in accordance with the agreement s,
he would get, after the present affair was settled, one-third of the spoils
together with the territories of the Panjâb, Kabul and Kashmir. Murâd
Bakhsh marehed * and joined him. When the encampment was near
Mathurâ, the King resolved that he would get rid of Murâd, as every
day he was becoming more and more disgusted with his behaviour.
Accordingly he again expressed a wish for the pleasure of a conversation
with him and invited him on the pretext of holding a consultation
about the affairs of the state. Though his well-wishers — who perceived
that there was some plot afoot — expostulated with him, the simpleton
thought their suspicions groundless and said, " To have suspicions after
covenants and oaths confirmed by the Qur'ân is contrary to the
Muhammadan ideals. "

1 ' Alamgîrnâma, p. 134.

2 ' Alamgîrnâma, p. 137.

3 This appears to be the ferry Swâmî över the Jumnâ river which is situattd
north of Sikandara some six to seven miles from Âgra.

* in 'Alamgîrnâma, p. 137, it is stated that he left Agra some days after
Aurangzib, and always encamped at a distance from him and that he never waited
upon Aurangzib from the time of the battle of Sâmügarh to his arrival at Mathurâ.

-ul-Umarâ.

IBRlHİM kbIn.

Verse.

655

When death comes to the game, it goes toward the hunter.

On the 4th ı Shawâl 1068 A.H. (5th July, 1658 A.D.) he had göne
huntmg when* suddenly Aurangzib represented that he had amm ™
his stomach and felt uneasy, and sent word to this effect to Murâd on
the huntmg ground. Murâd did not see the deception, and turned hfa
rem and came to Aurangzîb's camp. Aurangzib received him witn Zh£°
and took hım to his prıvate apartments and held a feast. After the
3 ?L eni0ym ^ had .^n spread, it waş arranged that after the
sıesta they would conmder the state affairs. Murâd in oomplete
uncon W rndıv e8 tedhımselfofhisweaponsandwentto sleep. AurSSb

7CJl l u fT^-T^^- and Sent 80me d ^estics who tookafay
the arms 3 (of Murad). At this time Shaikh Mir, who was lying in wait
name wıth anumberof men. When Murâd was awakened K dash
of weapons he saw that there was a new state of things. He Wed a
sıgh and saıd, To play the game of deceit with a stra^htforwar7fXw
lıke me, and not to respect the Qur'ân, was improper. " AurarS vZ
was standıng behmd the curtain, replied: "in reahty there hafbeen no
breach of promises. The life of that brother (yoursetf) ıs safe but £me
vagabonds have gathered round yo», and crooked ways aîd evü il
have come to a head. it is proper that, for some days, you sS
keep m retırement. " * At the same time he imprisoned him and s«nt

Shahbaz Khan the eunuch, who held a commissiorTof 5,000 and wafat
nÎL^fi? MU , rad 6 es î. abli8hm ^t, W as arrested with two or Three
fSTv, n ™ nt ? 1 meD 7 h ? WOTe wibh him - ™»m his army knew that
the thmg yas at an end they were helpless and joined the Kmgîarmv
and were treated wıth favour. ibrahim Khân rubbed 5 his fSead l

II t,' 3 2 8 n<1 tto^nf* f 1 ? t 4th . ac S ordin g to 'Alamgirnûma, p. 138, and Khafi Khân
L P an£b £&£ ^tTZthTrk^d^Z^ ^4^ " «?"** ^

II, pp 431-434 P ' ' İS ° S ' r Jadunat " Sarkar, History of Aurangzib,

2 The text is rather obscure

the maSTer of Mur^ S^SSS. 1 -^ cTr' " T*™^ İO be detaÜed '
a» one of the honest S X P t ried ^—^£^2^ I^^ *P

İT a XÎto C S U e?i Tp 3 T 0rhrw U a l s h t Shah fÇ if F 6 îSSS^ sk
Murad^khsh^^kkVed^d fX^ T ^^^; Zt^ r tT%^ t0 ^

^ e r h e d s^x^«

haudah contamed hnS? Perhar^e^S^H ^ n T sher8 from ^owing which

from his wouad 8 ' ' Murad Ba ^ sh m ^ have st ^^ m Agra to recover

6 Shâfiaân, II, p. 39.

656

IBEİHIM SBİN.

Maâthir

shame. But about the sama period he, for reasons, waa > deprived *
of his appointment, and was allowed a yearly pensıon m theCapıtal.
t Z Tond year/he was raised to the rank of^OOC » wıtb jfl £00 > horse
and appointed to the government of Kashmır. After the de*th of ghahl
Ullâh Khân, he was appointed governor of Lahore. in the llth year
he wJ"made governor of Bihâr in place of Lasbkar Khân Jn the
19th year, he left service and yrent mto retırement. in the 21st year
h^a* appointed * (again) to the government of Kashmîr in the .plaoe
of Qawâmîud-Dm Khân and after that he wa8 made «overnor of the
eLenJvTterritory'of Bengâl. When, in the 41st year, the government
ofETp£E£in to Since Mubammad 'Azîm.a the -on^sontf
Shâh 'Alam Bahâdur Shâh, he W as appointed m place <* »"P"»"^
as the governor of Allahâbâd. After that, he was madegOTernor f
Lâtiöre, and, in the 44th year, when that province was assıgned to
Prince Shâh 'Alam, he was appointed to Kashmir, the •chmafo of
SbSh area suited hîm. in the 46th year he w» appointed to make
the settlement of the province of Ahmadâbâd (Gujarat) m place of
the agents of Muhammad A'zam Shâh who, at his own request had
been summoned to the Court. After the departure (of A zam Shahy ,«d
as there would be some delay in Ibrâhim's amval, Prıno J*?* r J** 1 ?*
(A'zam Shâh's son), the governor of Mahra, was appointed to protect.
GuSât After ibrahim Khân had arrived at Ahmadâbâd and before
he S been &mly seatedThere (üt. had not made the seat warm> and
wheTthe Prince (Bîdâr Bakbt), who was expectmg his comıng had not
vet left the city, the news came of the death of Aurangzıb They say
Sat Ibrâ^m Khân, who regarded himself as an A'zamshahı (parkan
of A'zam Shâh) immediately sent a message of congratulatıon to the
PrincMBidâr Bakbt). Bîdâr Bakbt said in reply * " We , kncm -the
SSh of 'Alamgir Bâdshâh. What advantage ıs it that for a whıle
hîven has proved favourable to us ? Now men wül know to what a
nSantne management of affairs is coming." After Bahâdur Shah
b^ame the King, Muhammad 'Azim-ush-Shân* on account of havmg
£n displeaS? with Ibrâhim's conduct in Bengâl wıshed to db hım

ı Khâfl Khân II P 41, where it is stated he resigned and was granted a pension
of Bs.5%0?mö"h P See also -lUmfi»*»*. P- 158- Ibrrfum warned Murad
agai 7 ttau8tmgA^a^b,Manucc 1> I,p.301. St ewart's History of

* Maâ&vr-t-'IUm^vrî, pp. İM, li<a- w W™'" . 1fi8ft • noo AH m
Bmgoi, P^324, *h»t ibrahim was appointed to Bengâl in 1689, ı.e., uuu A.a..,
the 32nd year of the reign.

s in the text A'zam, but the variant 'Azim ıs correct. „,„j m <m',ı

« 5ûs ?s taken fW Khâfi Kjıân, II, p. 567, but the »«^W^

VTTtT 388 where there is a mistake about ibrahim Khan. it was Bıdar Baıy>*
u 5;« ^W to wait at the Mâlwa frontier. Khâfi Eıân says that ıf A'zam Shah
^nTb^n sus^ f othis^and had not prevented him from going at önce
to Âgra, A'zam Shâh might have been successtul.

î M ^»ffiKfc. thestatementise^ciseandobscur,. .mg*

refers to is that ibrahim Khân did not manage weU m Bengâl, for he was too kement

a MA not anow ^eouTin putting down Bahim Khân. See the account of hu

alimstratiof STaSSS"^-^ *-M P " »-^£^A2Öi£
Sı, p. 223 et seq- ^ appears from Stewart and the Rıyad that Azlm-usn bb»»

-ul-Umarâ.

IBEİHIM gHİN FATH JANG.

657

a misohief . The Khân-Khânân (Mun' im Khân) having regard for his family
and his services, and in his absence interceded (on his behalf). So
an order came from the Court appointing ibrahim Khân to the government
of Afghânistân, and conferring on him the title of 'Ah Mardan Khân.
ibrahim Khân hastened to Peshâwar and there took up his abode. But
he could not govern the province in the way that it should have been
administered, and accordingly the governorship was transferred to Naşir
Khân. ibrahim Khân went to Ibrâhlmâbâd Södhara 1 whioh is thirty
kos from Lâhöre and was regarded by him as his native country, and
died there after some months. His son was Zabardast Khân, who, when
his father was governor of Bengâl, had led an army and fought a severe
battle with Rahim Khân. an Afghân. who had raised. the head of sedition
and called himself Rahim Shâh. The latter was completely defeated. 2
in the 42nd year of Aurangzıb, he was made the governor of Oudh and
had a comıaission of 3,000 with 2,500 horse. in the 49th year when
Muhammad A' zam Shâh left, he had the charge of Ajmer and a commission
of 4,000 with 3,000 horse. Another son was Ya'qûb Khân, who in the
time of Bahâdur Shâh was made the governor of Lâhöre, as the deputy
of Âşaf-ud-Daula. After his father's death, he had the title of ibrahim
Khân. They say, that he presented to Shâh 'Alam a ring from Yaman, 8
the surface of which naturally bore on it the letters of the words: Grod,
Muhammad, and ' Alî. Though an examination was made to see if this
was not artificial, it was proved at last that it was natural.

IbbIhim Khân Fath Jang.

(Vol. I, pp. 135-139.)

He was the son of I'timâd-ud-Daula Mîrzâ Ohiyâ^j. At first he
was appointed, by Jahângîr Bakhshi and historiographer of Ahmadâbâd.
At that time Shaikh Farîd Murtadâ Khân was the Şübadâr and he
had not allowed four (successive) Bakhshis — who wanted to dö their
work according to the rules — to enter on their duties. Mîrzâ Ibrâhîm,
by tact and studying the circumstances, did not even use the name (of
Bakhshi), but every day went to pay his respects. After a month the
Shaikh said : " Why don't you take up your duties ? ' ' The Mîrzâ replied :
"I do not want to do any work, I only want to please the Nawwâb."
The Shaikh wrote to the (i.e. his) Court-mfciZ requesting him to write
to him mthout suppression or addition whatever Ibrâhîm wrote to
I'timâd-ud-Daula. As the Mîrzâ wrote nothing about the Shaikh except
what was favourable, the valnl reported accordingly. Murtadâ Khân
was pleased with the quîetness and discretion of the Mîrzâ and left the
affairs of the manşabdârs to him and presented him a house, elephant

wag jealous of Zabardast Khân, the brave son of ibrahim Kh.ân, and thwarted
him. ibrahim Kjiân was too müd a governor.

1 it is West of Lâhöre on the Chenâb. it is the Sodhra of Imperial Gazetteer,
XXIH, p. 68.

* See Stewart's History of Bengâl, p. 336. Zabardast Khân was interrupted in
his career of victory by 'Azîm-ush-Shân.

* Nagfna Yamam was perhaps a cornelian. A son, Fidâ'I fiıûn, is also men-
tioned on p. 236 of Maâ&ir-i-'Âlamgiri as having conquered Qariya ( ?) Tibet from
Dildal zamlndâr in the 27th year of Aurangzib, 1094 A.H.

658

IBBİHÎM SBİN TATH JAUG.

Maâthir

and money, After two or three daya hewent to his house as a guest,
and presented him ali the articles of furniture, sueh as carpets, gold
and sürer veseeİB, ete, which he had sent from his own store. At the
end of the entertainment he wrote a note (dastagi) to the officers of
Gujarât that they should offer a welcome (Diydfat, a feast) to the Bakhshî.
He put his ora name down for Rs.50,000, assigned Ra.6,000 as the share
of the manşabdârs and a lao of rupees as the share of the zamîndârs.
He also said to the elerks that they should immediately take the full
amount to the Mirza from his treasury and oollect it afterwards. He also
wrote repeatedly to the Court (about ibrahim Khân). and in the course
of a year he was raised to the rank of 1,000. When I'timâd-ud-Daula's
family was advaneed, the Mîrzâ esme to the Court, and, in the 9th year,
obtained a manşab of 1,500 with 300 horse and the title of Khân, and
was made the Court-Bakhshî. By degrees he rose to the rank of 5,000
and got the title of ibrahim Khân Fath Jang, and was appointed governor
of Bengâl and Orîssa.

Wnen, in the 19th year, Prince Shâh Jahân proceeded by the route
of Telingana towards Bengâl, Ahmad Beg Khân, the brother's son of
ibrahim Khân. who was the Nâ'ib of Orîssa, had göne to attaok the
zamîndârs of Kökrah. 1 When he heard of Shâh Jahân's approach, he
went to Pipli. which was the seat of government, and transferred his
family and goods to Cuttaok which was 12 kos distant. As he had not
power to withstand Shâh Jahân, he went off to Bengâl. The Prince
came to Orîssa and sent a message to ibrahim Khân by Jân Niihâr Khân.
and I'timâd Khân Khwâja idrâk to the efiect, that by destiny he had
come to this country, and although in the eyes of manly courage the
extent of this country was no more than a praetising ground (jaulângâh),
but as it was on his road he could not avoid a cursory view of the area.
If ibrahim Khân wishes to go to the Presence * (of Jahângir), there would
be no opposition and no injury to his honour or property. Or, if he
likes to stay in the country, he might choose any place he likes to reşide
in. ibrahim Khân who, on hearing of Shâh Jahân's expedition, had
come from Dâcca to Râjmahal, replied that the orders of the Prince were
the interpretation of the commands of God, and that his life and property
were at the Prince's disposal, but that the lavro of faithfulness to one's
salt, and his having been nurtured by the King were obstacles in his
way, and that he could not come to wait upon the Prince. Nor could
he resolve upon departing and showing the face of shame to his equals
and contemporaries. As the King had entrusted this country to his
old servant, he could not, for the sake s of his borrowed life of no value —
for it is known what remains of life — show slackness in the work of his
benefactor. ' He waa helpless and would give his head to be trodden by
the hoofs of the Prince's troops. He desires that after his death the
country should be given to the servants of the King. As his men were
scattered, and the fort of Akbarnagar (Râjmahal) \ras very large, ibrahim

1 in Igbâlndma-i-Jahâru/lrî, p. 217, t.J KarBh. in Tûzuk-i-Jahcinglrî

(Rogers and Beveridge's translation) II, p. 298, it is transeribed as Khurda. in a
footnote on the same page the ezact position of Pipli is also discussed by Beveridge.

2 Vide Iqbâlnânw-i-Jahângiri, p. 218.

3 The passage is somewhat obscure in the text. in Iqbalnama-i-Jahângirl,
p. 219, from where the passage is taken, it is quite clear, for ibrahim Khân states
that he knows from the good things of past life, what there is in store for the future.

-ul-ümarâ.

IBBİHIM KBİN 0ZBEG.

650

Khân went to the tomb of his son, which was one kos from the fort and
on the bank of the Ganges. Formerly the fort had been on the bank of
the river, but now it had been for a long time at the above-mentioned
distance from İt. ibrahim Khân sought proteetion in the tomb, which
was unique in solidity and strength, and where the fleet could bring
auxiliaries and supphes by way of the river.

The Prince took an omen of viotory from the words and acts of
ibrahim Khân, ota., that he had used the word "death" and had göne
to a tomb, and took up his quarters in the city and sent his men to besiege
the enelosure. Then the flames of battle arose inside and outside.
'Abdullah Khân Firüz Jang and Daryâ Khân Rohila erossed över to tbe
other side. ibrahim Khân became disconcerted and with Ahmad Beg
Khân — who had now joined him, he came out of the fort (i.e. the tomb)
and fought. There was a great battle and Ahmad Beg Khân reoeived
several wounds. On seeing this ibrahim Khân could not restrain himself
and galloped forward. in this onset order was lost and most of his
followers fled. ibrahim Khân with a few stood firm, and though his men
wanted to remove him from such a dangerous plaoe, he would not consent
and said : "My fate does not need it, what better can there be than to
give my life in my master's service." He had not finished speaking
when he was attacked on ali sides and killed. As his family and goods
were in Dâcca, Abmad Beg Khân went there. The Prince too went
there by the river, and Ahmad Beg could not but submit. About forty
lacs of rupees besides other properties in elephants and clothes, ete,
fell into the hands of the Prince. 1 From that time Ahmad Beg was
an object of favour. in the last year (of Shâh Jahân) he had high rank,
and became governor of Thatha and Sîstân and after that he wa& made
governor of Multân. . When he returned to the Court he received the
parganas of Jâs 2 and east Amethî in fief. There he died a natural death.
ibrahim Khân had (i.e. left) no children. His wife was Hajî Hür Parwar
(nourished by houris ? ) Khânam who was the maternal aunt 8 of Nûr
Jahân Begam. She had a long span of life and survived till the middle
of Aurangzîb's reign; she had ' Aligarh (Köl-Jalâlî) as her fief (altatnçM)-
She lived there in repose and tranquillity till she died.

Ibrİhİm KhAn Uzbeg.

(Vol. I, pp. 75-77.)

He was one of the officers of Hümâyûn, in the year when India
was conquered, he was appointed to Lâhöre along with Shâh Abül
Ma' âli so that they might oheck Sikandar Sür if he came out from
the hill country and attacked the imperial territory. After that ibrahim

1 For details of Shâh Jahân's campaign in Orîssa and Bengâl, see Banarsi
Prasad, History of Shahjahan, pp. 48-50.

i Both parganas are in Oudh ; imperial Oazetleer, XIII, p. 402, V, p. 292. There
is an account of Ibrâhlm's battle and death in the Biyâd-us-Salötin, p. 192, ete. it is
taken from Muhammad Hâdl's supplement to the Tûzuk-i-Jahângîri, pp. 383, ete.

s See also Blochmann's translation of A'm, I (2nd edn.), p. 575, where it is
stated that ibrahim Khân was Nûr Jahân's brother, and he was married to her
maternal aunt (Kfrâla).

660

IFTIKBlB SBİN.

Maâthir

Khân obtained, as his fief, Surharpûr 1 which is a dependency of Jaunpür,
and was continually engaged, in conoert with 'Alî Quli Khân Zaman
in protecting that traot of country. in Akbar's time, the rebellion of
Khân Zaman and Sikandar Khân Üzbeg, occurred. Ashraf Khân Mir
Munshî brought to Sikandar Khân a gracious farmân, but the latter said:
" ibrahim Khân is the Âqsiqâl, that is, whitebearded, he is a neâr neighbour ,
Ishallgoandseehim. We shall come together to theCourt." Hewentto
Surharpûr and from there the two went to Khân Zaman. They arranged
that the aforesaid Khân should go with Sikandar Khân to Lucknovr, and
kindle the fire of sedition. Aecordingly the Khân went there and became
a source of turbulence.

When Mun'im Khân the Khân-Khânân had an interview with 'Ali
Qulî Jahân a fresh agreement for service was made, and Khân Jahân —
who was the oentre of the imperial affairs — oame from the Presence.
The Khân-Khânan wished to go in company with him to Khân Zaman 's
tents, and asked the latter to come to his camp as a hostage. it was
agreed that Khân Zaman should proceed to the Court with his mother and
fitting presents. Aecordingly Khân-Khânân and Khwâja Jahân set
out for Khân Zamân's tents and the latter came before His Majesty with
his sword and a shroud round his neck. He was pardoned, and the
sword and shroud wer© removed. When in the 12th year, Khân Zaman
and Sikandar Khân again stirred up rebellion, they went towards Oudh.
When later Sikandar Khân went towards Bengâl, ibrahim obtained pardon
through the intervention of the Khân-Khânan, and received favours and
was ineluded among the followers of Khân-Khânân. The date of his death
is not known. it was his son Ismâ' il Khân to whom ' Ali Qulî Khân Zaman
had given the township of Sandîla (in Oudh) as a jâglr. When in the
third year, that township was assigned to Sultân Husain Khân Jalâ'îr,
Ismâ' il Khân delayed in giving him possession. Afterwards, when it was
taken from him by force, he brought an army from Khân Zaman; there
was a battle and he was defeated. 2

IftisbIb KpIn, Kbwİja Abül BaqI.

(Vol. I, pp. 200-203.)

He was a brother's son of ' Abdullah Khân Firüz Jang, and sister's
son of Mahâbat Khan Khân-Khânân ». He held Lucknow as his jâglr,
and, in the 18th year of Shâh Jahân's reign, obtained the title of Iftikjjâr
Khân and the service of the Tuzuk (oflîce of marshal), and a jewelled
mace on the death of Mir Khân, who was killed in the domestic * broil
(kkana-jangl) between Şalabât Khân and Amar Singh. Afterwards he

1 Surharpûr is a pargana in the Faidâbâd district of Oudh.

* in Akbarndma, Text II, pp. 68, 69, and Beveridge's translation II, p. 106.
For a notice of ibrahim Khân and his «m Iamâ'Ü filân, see Blochmann's translation
of Â'in, I (2nd edn.), pp. 4İ6, 417. in Akbarnâma, however, it is not clearly stated
that Isma'il glân was killed.

3 For 'Abdullah Khân Firüz Jang see Maâ&ir-ul-Umarâ, II, pp. 777-789 and
Beveridge's translation, pp. 97-105 ; for Mahâbat Khân» «i., III, pp. 385-409.

* it was an assassination committed in Shâh Jahân's presence, see
Bâdshâhnâma, Iİ, p. 380. ŞalSbat ghto was the M %r Bathshi. His tomb is between
Agraand'Sikandra: (Keene's Agra, p. 49).

-ul- Umara.

IFTIKHİB KHİN.

661

was granted the faujdârl of Akbarnagar (Râjmahal) and was promoted
to a manşab of 1 ,500 with 1 ,500 horse. in the 26th year, he made himself
conspicuous to ali by his courage in the battle with the Persians at
Qandahâr. When the Persian army attacked the right wing of Rustam
Khân's army, most of that body became disordered. But Iftikhâr Khân,
at the head of a few men, remained firm, and was rewarded by receiving
an inerease of 500 with 500 horse, and so being promoted to the rank of
2,000 with 2,000 horse and granted a flag. As his straightforwardness
and zeal were deserving of reward, he, in the 25th year, at the festival
of the solar weighment, received an advance of 500 and the present of
drums. When, in the 27th year, he was, appointed to accompany
Prince D&râ Sbiköh in the expedition tp (jandâhâr, he was, at the request
of the Prince, given an inerease of 500. in the 28th year, he was given
the tiyvldarî and faujdârl of Chürâgarh in the province of Mahva and
received an inerease of 1 ,000 with 1 ,000 horse and was raised to a manşab
of 3,000 with 3,000 horse. When, in the 30th year, Prince Aurangzîb,
the governor of the Deccan, was direeted to chastise Sultân 'Abdullah
Qutb Shâh, the ruler of Teling 1 , Shâyista Khân, the Şûbadâr of Mahva,
left alonğ with Iftikbâr Khân and other faujdârs and manşabdara attached
to that province to join the Prince's army. Iftikbâr Khân was, by the
Prince's order (6a amr shâhî), appointed to the southern battery along with
Hâdî Dâd Khân Anşârî. When that undertaking had been finished,
he obtained leave to go to his fief. When, in the end of the same year,
the aforesaid Prince was appointed to subdue the country of 'Adil Shâh
the ruler of Bljâpür, Iftikjjâr Khân, in accordance with the royal order,
hastened from his fief and joined the Prince's army. When, in the
31st year, the Prince 2 arrived at Bidar with a larğe army, Sidi Marjân,
the governor of the fort — who was one of the old servants of ibrahim
'Âdil Khân. and who had been guarding the fortress for thirty years^ —
took it on himself to sa"feguard it. He had with him nearly 1,000 horse,
and 4,000 infantry ineluding musketeers, and grenad'iers (bândâr lit.
rocket holders) and an abundance of the munitions of war. The
Prince and Mu' azzam Khân Mir Jumla, in the course of ten days, brought
up the guns to the edge of the fort and destroyed a bastion. By chance,
ohe day when an assault was made from Mu' azzam Khân's battery, the
governor of the fort, who had prepared a large trench behind the said
bastiön and had filled i^ with gunpowder, rockets (bân) and grenades
(huqqa), was elose by prepared to repel the attack, a spark reached the
gunpowder and he and two of his sons were burnt. Brave men beat
loudly the drum of victory and entered the city. The governor had been
seized by the claws of death, but he sent his sons 'with the keys of the
fort. Next day he died. This great fortress — which had three moats,
25 yards broad and 15 yards deep, cut in the rock — was, through the
good fortune of the Prince, taken within twenty-seven days with great
ease. Twelve îacs of rupees in coin, and eight lacs of rupees worth of
lead, gunpowder and other munitions together with 230 guns were
captured. The Prinee left his second son, Sultân Muhammad M'azzam,
with Iftikhâr K^ân in the fort and continued his advance. The

1 He was the ruler of Haidarâbâd and Gölconda. See Khâfl Kân, I, p. 741,
Aurangzîb set out in 1066 A.H.

* See Sir Jadunath Sarkar, History of Auranğzib, I, pp. 240-242.

662

IFTISgİB KHlN SULTAN HUSAİN.

Maâthir

campaign had not been fıılly completed when, by the royal order.the Prince
and his auxiliaries had to return to his place. At the same time Mahâ-
râja Jaswant was appointed to settle Mâlwa, and ali the fiefholders
were directed to assist him. Iftikhâr Khân out of his zeal was the first
to join the Râja. Suddenly the fateful heavens produced an event 1
which had not entered into the imagination of any one, and in the begin-
ning. of the 32nd year, 1068 A.H., Prince Aurangzib came to Mâlwa
with his army on his way tö the Capital. As the Râja blocked his path
and was in expectation of this day, preparations weremade forthe battle.
Iftikhâr Khân and the other manşabdars arranged themselves on his left
wing and engaged Murâd Bakhsh's troops, which formed ' Âlamglr's right
wing. The Khân was killed. They say, that though he was a Khuıöjazâda
of the Naqshbandi order, he had embraced the Imâmiyâ (Shi'a) religion,
and had so committed to memory the proofs and arguments for that
religion that others found it difficult to refute him. He had also some
tincture of knowledge.

IftikhIe Khan SultAn Husain.

(Vol. I, pp. 252-255.)

He was the eldest son of Aşâlat Khân Mir Bakhshl 2 . When his f ather
died in Balkh, in the 20th year of Shâh Jahân's reign, the appreciative
Sovereign had regard for the good service of that zealous and energetic
servant and patronised his children. in the 21 st year, he appointed
Sultân Husain to the Superintendency of the Qürkhâna s , and in the
following year he was made Superintendent of the branding (of horses)
in succession to Rahmat Khân. in the 24th year, he was made faujdâr
of the Miyân Düâb, and, in the 31st year, he obtained the rank of 1,000
with 500 horse. in company with Mahârâja Jaswant Singh, who by the
contrivance of Dârâ Shiköh had been appointed to confront Aurangzîb,
he was sent to Mâlwa. At the same time that fortunate Prince crossed
the Narbadâ a.nd came to that province. The Râja blocked his path
and prepared for battle. After the leading Râjpûts had been put to the
sword by Aurangzîb, and the Mahârâja becoming distracted had
taken to flight, a number of the auxiliaries joined Aurangzîb, while many
escaped with their iives. Sultân Husain, who had been appointed along
with trusty men to the front section of the vanguard, withdrew and
proceeded towards Âgra. When Aurangzîb became King, he, as a judge
of merit, increased Sultân Husain's rank and conferred on him the
title of Iftikhâr Khân. Âfter the battle with Shujâ' he was made Master
of the Horse in place of Saif Khân, and promoted to the rank of 2,000
with 1,000 horse. in the 6th year, he was made Mîr-i-Sâmân in place
of Fâdil Khân who received the high office of Vazîr. As he had adapted
himself to the King's disposition, he for a long time served him and held
an assured position.

ı The illness of Shâh Jahân in September 1657, see Banarsi Prasad, Hietory
of Shahjahan, p. 320.

- Madthir-ul-Umarâ, Text I, pp. 167-172, Beveridge's tranalation, pp. 295-299.
3 The Insignia, see Bloehmann's tranalation of the Â'în, I (2nd edn.), p. 52,

note 4.

■ul-Umarâ.

ihtimam KHİN.

663

in the 13th 1 year, it was reported to the King that Prince Muhammad
Mu'azzam (Bahâdur Shâh), the Viceroy (Nâzim) of the Deccan, had, on
aocount of bad cömpanionship, self-indulgence, and the deceit of flatterers
departed from the right path and become proud and insubordinate.
Knowing Sultân Husain to be trustworthy and acquainted with his
policy, Aurangzib sent him to the Deccan, and gave him both sweet
and bitter instructions, and such as fitted the occasion. Sultân Husain
went there with alacrity and discharged his trust. As the Prince was
loyal and the reports about him were false, he did nothing but submit
and showed his readiness to act according to the King's pleasure. The
King was convinced of his honesty, and his wath turned to complaisance.
But at the same time evil speakers found the opportunity and made the
King displeased with Iftikhâr Khân. When he returned to the Presence,
he was, in spite of ali the honour and confidence that had been given
to him, deprived of his rank and title, and a mace-bearer was appointed
to convey him across the Indus. in the 14th year, his faults were
pardöned and he was restored to his omce and title, and again encompassed
with favours and appointed governor of Kashmîr in succession to Saif
Khân. Afterwards he was transferred from Kashmîr to Peshâwar at
the time when the Afg^âns had made a disturbance. in the 12th year,
he was made faujdâr of the Bangash, and, in the 2 İst, when he was
appointed to the government of Ajmer he was ordered to accompany
Prince Muhammad Akbar. in the 23rd year, he was made faujdâr
of Jaunpür, and, in the 24th, 1092, he died. His sons 2 'Abdullah,
'Abdul Hâdî and 'Abdul Bâqi appeared hefore the King and received
mourning robes. in the time of Bahâdur Shâh, one of them obtained
the title of Aşâlat Khân, and was appointed as the deputy of Mukhtâr
Khân in the office of the Ehân-i-Sâmân. During this reign he, after
suffering much adversity came to the Deccan, where the appreciative
Âşaf Jâh came to his relief and made him Dîvân of the Deccan. At
last he was appointed governor of Haidarâbâd, and ended his days there.
The other became known by becoming the son-in-law of Ma'mûr Khân.
He got the title of Tafâkhur Khân and, in the reign of Muhammad Farrukh
siyar, he became governor of the fort of Bijâpür, and lived for a long
time in that deserted place, nor did the door of comfort and tranquülity
öpen to his distressed circumstances. in the same place he died.

İhtimam KhAn.

(Vol. I, pp. 160-162.)

One of the JVâlâ-Shâhîs (household troopers) of Shâh Jahân. in
the first year of the reign, he received the rank of a 1,000 8 with 250
horse. in the 3rd year, when the Deccan became the King's camping
ground, and three armies under the command of three Amirs were sent to
chastise Khân Jahân Lödi and to devastate the country of Nizâm-ul-Mulk
who had protected him, he was made Dâröghp. of the artülery and sent
along with A' zam Khân. in the battle in which A' zam ghân attacked

1 Maâlhir-i-'Âlamgiri, pp. 100, 101.

2 Maâthir-i-'Âlcmgiri, pp. 209, 210.

3 Bâdshâhnâma, I, p. 119.

664

(KBİN 'İLAM) IKHLÂŞ £HİN.

Maâthir

Khân Jahân Lödî, and in which Bahâdur the brother's son of Khân Jahân
stubbornly resisted, . ihtimam Khân and Bahâdur Khân Rohila were
among the first 1 to get to the summit of the hill (the pass) and did
good service. After that when A' zam Kh ân went towards Jâmkherî 2
with theintention of extirpating Muqarrab Khân and Bahlül, ihtimam Khân
\vas appointed to take the fort of Telingi and rendered good service in
taking it. in the 4th year, he obtained the rank of 1,000 with 400
horse and was made thdnadâr of Jâlna 8 . in the 5th year, he received
an augmentation of 200 horse, and in the 6th yeaı 4 he obtained the rank
of 2,000 with 1,200 horse. in the 9th year, when Shâh Jahân went to
the Deccan for the second time and sent three armies under three generals
for the chastisement of Sâhü Bhönsle, and to devastate the country of
' Âdil Khân, ihtimam Khân got an increase of 300 horse and went ofif with
Khân Daurân. He did good service in the siege of the fort of Üsâ, 4 and
after its capture was appointed its goveriıor. in the lOth year, he
received the honour of kettledrums, but in the 13th year he \vas removed
from there, and, at the request 6 of Prince Aurangzib was made tfıânadâr
of Kherla in Berâr. in the 14th year, he came to the Court and received a
robe of honour, a horse and an elephant and was made the thânadâr
of Ghûrband in succession to Himmat Khân. in the 19th year, he went
•with Prince Murâd Bakbsh to conquer Balkb and Badakhshân, and after
the fort of Ghür (or Ghürî) was taken, he was appointed to its charge.
As it appeared that he did not behave 8 well to the men there, he
was removed in the 20th year, and in the same year, 1056 A.H. (1646 A. D.)
he died.

(KhIn 'Alam) IkblIş Khân.

(Vol. I, pp. 816, 817.)

He was the eldest son of Khân Zaman Shaikh Nizâm 7 . in the 29th
year, he entered the service of Aurangzib along with his father and
received a suitable rank. in the 32nd year, when his father made great
exertions in capturing Sambhâ, he took part in the enterprise. He
obtained the rank of 5,000 with 4,000 horse and the title of Khân 'Alam.
in the 39th year, he was granted an increase of 1,000 with 1,000 horse,
and, in the 43rd year, he distinguished himself in the battle which
Muhammad Bîdâr Bakit fought with Rânâ Bhönsle. in the 50th year,
he was appointed to guard Mahva and was ordered to accompany
Muhammad A' zam Shâh who had göne off towards Mâlwa some days
before jthe King's death. After that event he attached himself to
Muhammad A' zam Shâh and on the day of the battle with Bahâdur
Shâh he confronted Sultân ' Azim-ush-Shân and made a brave attack.
He was killed 8 by a bullet. One of his sons was Khân 'Alam II, who,
after his father, became the head of the family. He held by inheritance

1 Büdshâhnâma, I, p. 330.

2 Jamkhlr about 30 miles &.E. of Aurangâbâd, Elliot, VII, p. 16. The J&mkhed
of Imperial Gazelteer, XIV, p. 47.

3 East of Aurangâbâd, vide Imperial Oazeüeer, XIV, p. 29.

* Ooscotta of Grant-Duff . The Oarsa of Imperial öazetteer, XIX, p. 294.

5 Bâdshahnâma, II, p. 205. 6 Bâdshâhnâma, II, p. 565.

7 Maöthir-ul-Umarâ, I, pp. 794-798.

8 Khâfî ghân, II, p. 591. Battle of Jâjau, 18th June, 1707.

■ul-Umarâ.

IKBLAŞ KHÂN IKBLÂŞ KfiSH.

665

the pargana of Basmat 1 as jâgîr in the province of Bîdar, and resided
there. He was much attached to his wife, and left to her the management
of the jâgîr. Owing to the jugglery of fate she died; he lamented much
for her and died four months afterwards. He was a zealous collector
of jewels and armour, but made no use of them. He also accumulated
much cash, and after his death more than half of it was confiscated.
He had no son. The second son was Ihtishâm Khân, who died young.
His son Ihtishâm Khân, II, lived with his uncle Khân 'Alam. He was
married to his daughter. She left a son, who, after much exertion, got
the title of Khân 'Alam and the heredit'ary fief mentioned above. But
by the jugglery of fate he died in early youth.

Ikhlâş Khân Ikhlâş Kesh.

(Vol. I, pp. 350-352.)

He was the son of a Hindu of the Khatrî Balî 2 ( ?) tribe. His real
name was Debî Dâs, and his ancestors \vere qânüngös of the tovvnship
of Kalânaur, whieh is forty kas from Lâhöre. From early youth he
had applied himself to study. He lived in the Capital and by associating
with learned people and with faqîrs he became a cultured man. As he was
a disciple of Mullâ 'Abdullah 8 of Siyâlköt, he by his recommendation
entered the service of Aurangzib and received the name of Ikhlâş Kesh *.
in the 25th year, he had a small appointment and became clerk of the
kitchen. in the 26th year he was, clerk of the Oratory, in the 29th
year clerk of petitions and in the 30th year he was peshdast s (assistant)
of Ruh Ullâh Khân Mir Bakjjshî in* place of Yâr 'Ali Beg. in the 33rd
year, he replaced Sharaf-ud-Dîn as Wâqi' a-navls of the Khân-i-Sâmân'a
office, and aftenvards he was Amin 6 of the capitation-tax in the province
of Bîdar. in the 39th year, he was Amin and faujddr of pargana Andûr 7
in place of Muhammad Kâzim, and in that year his rank was 400 with
350 horse. in the 41st year, he was again peshdast of Rüh Ullâh Khân,
the Khân-i-Sâmân. in the 50th year, he had Muhammad added to his
name, and was made Vakîl of Shâh 'Alam. On the death of Aurangzib,
as 'Azam Shâh was displeased with him on account of this vakilship,
Basâlat Khân Mirza Sultân interceded for him and, as it was shown that
he was blameless, he received a panvâna (order or permission) and
remained in Aurangâbâd. When Bahâdur Shâh became the Sovereign, he
came to the Court and received an appointment of 2,500 with 1,000 horse,
and the title of Ikhlâş Khân. and was appointed to the office of 'Ard
Mukarrar (Reviser of petitions). They say, that when the chief officer 8

1 Nojth-west of Nânder, Haidarâbâd.

2 Vftjjant Nalı.

3 Maötbir-i-'Alamftri, pp. 148, 220. He died in 1094 A.H. (1683 A.D.).

4 Maâ%ir-i-' Âlamgîri, p. 220. The title means sincere in religion.

» Maö&ir-i-'Alamgiri, p. 283. • Loc. cit., p. 380.

7 This ia probably a place in the Deecan, and not AndSrah of the Bârî Düâb.

8 Perhaps Sar-i-Darbâr means here the eubject brought before the darbâr.
The rainkter referred to as the ghân-gbânan was Mun im ^ân who afterwards fell
into disgrace on account of his letting Banda the Sikh leader escape ; see Maödiir-ul-
Umara, Text HI, pp. 667-677, and Sarkar's edition of Irvine's Zafer MughaU, I,
pp. 109-116. The account in the text is taken from ihâfi ^ân, İT, pp. 628, 629,
where Ikhlâş Khân is called Jadûd-ul-lslâm, the new convert to İslâm.

666

IÇHLİŞ KHİN SHAISB ILİHDIYA.

Maöthir

(Sar-i-Darbâr) brought forward the subject of petitions, and as the
Emperor was alsö a man of learning, there used to be long conversations
between them about theological subjects, and a hint was given to the
other officers that they should remain silent, as the questions of com-
mentaries and traditions were being discussed and seoular matters must
be postponed for the time. As both the Emperor and his minister for
the time being had estraordinarüy liberal ideas, scarcely anyone's
petition was rejected. The Khân. who was noted for 'his severity and
keenness in business matters, said to the Khân-Kh&nân "The tree of the
Emperor's universal benevolence will not bear any fruit except by the
oonfisoation of many of the fiefs". Khân-Khânân knew that the
odium of the inquiry would fail on himself, and so he put it on to Ikhlâş
Khân. He too could not bear reproaches of men and withdrew from
service, and Must' id Khân Muhammad Sâqî was appointed to the office.
in the time of Jahândâr Shâh, PJmlfaqâr Khân espanded the office of the
Dîımn-i-Tan * and made Ikhlâş Khân his assistant. in the time of
Farrukh-siyar, when there was much violence, and several officers had
their eye upon him, Qutb-ul-Mulk and Husain 'AH remembered old
friendship and sent him to his home which v/as in the town of Jânsath. 2
Afterwards they represented matters to the Emperor, and sent him
sanads confirming hım in his manşab and jâgîr and summoned him to
the Court. Though, on account of his independent nature, he did not wish
again to take up service, he did so at the insistence öf the two brothers.
He was made Mir Munshi and entrusted with the duty of writing the
reoords of the reign. After Farrukh-siyar was deposed, he obtained a
manşab of 7,000. in the time of Muhammad Shâh he also filled the
same office. He was a tactful man and one who knew the Court. He
never wore anything but white clothes. They say, that even when he
was of low rank the highest officers honoured him. He composed 3
a history of the events of the reign of Muhammad Farrukh-siyar and
called it the Bâdshâhnâma. He died at his appointed time.

I&HLAŞ F£hİN Shai&h Ilâhdiya.

(Vol. I, pp. 198, 199.)

Hewasthesonof Kishwar Khân Shaikh ibrahim, son of Qutb-ud-Din
Khân Shaikh Khüban of whom an account is given separately (Text III,
pp. 66-68). Shaikh ibrahim obtained, in the first year of Jahângir,
the rank of 1,000 with 300 horse and the title of Kishwar Khân. in the
3rd year, he was made governor of Bohtâs. in the 4th year, he came to the
Court and obtained the rank of 2,000 with 2,000 horse, and was made the
faujdâr of Ujjain. in the 7th year, he bravely yielded up his life in the

1 For Dhvân-i-Tan, see Sir Jadunath Sarkar's Mughal Adminiatration, pp. 46—18.

* in the Muzaffamagar district, U.P. Famous as the home of Jânsath Saiyids,
Imperial Oazetteer, XIV, p. 62. it was sacked in Muhammad Shâh's reign ; see
Siyar-ul-Mutd'atthkhirîn, I, p. 296.

8 See Khâfl Khan, II, p. 774. The work does not seem to exist now. Beale
identifies this Ikhlâş Khân with Kishn Chand who wrote the Hamİsha Bahar, see
pp. 176 and 223, and also Bieu, Catalogue, p. 10866. The HamSaha Bahar is described
in Sprenger's Oudh Cat., p. 117, but probably Kishn Chand and DSbî Das are not
the same. This biography is by 'Abdul Hayy.

m I

•ul-Umard.

(SAIYTD) IgHTIŞAŞ SBÂN.

667

service of his master in the battle which Shujâ'at Khân fought with
'Ufjhmân Afghân, who was raising the Standard of arrogance in Orlssa *.
Shaikh Il&hdiya obtained a suitable office, and, in the 8th year of Shâh
Jahân, was appointed to accompany Prince Aurangzîb on the ezpedition
against Jujh&r Singh Bundela. in the 17th year, he was raised to the
rank of 1,500 with 1,000 horse and made governor of Kâlinjar. in the
19th year, he accompanied Kince Murâd Bakhsh in the expedition to
Balkh and Badakhshân, and obtained the rank of 2,000 with 1,000 horse
and the title of Ikhlâş Khân. in the 20th year, he was, at the instance
of Jumlat-ul-Mulk Sa'ad Ullah Khân — ^who hastened off after the return
of Prince Murâd Bakhsh to arrange the affairs of Balkh — favoured with
an increase of 500 horse. in the 21st year, he returned, and by the royal
order was separated from Prince Aurangzîb and attached to the King.
Afterwards he was given a flag. in the 22nd year, he was raised to the
rank of 2,500 with 2,000 horse and sent off to (jandahâr with Prince
Aurangzîb. in the 23rd year, he had ân increase of 500 and in the 29th
year was granted drums, and accompanied for the second time the
above-mentioned Prince. in the 26th year, he went with Prince Dârâ
Shiköh to the same region and received a robe of honour and a horse
with a saddle and silver mountings. From Qandahâr he went with
Rustam Khân to take Büst, and, in the 28th year, he went with Jumlat-ul-
Mulk (Sa'ad Ullâh) to demolish Chittör. in the 30th year, he was
among the auziliaries of the Deccan with Mu'âzzam Khân and ıvent to
join Prince Aurangzîb, the Viceroy. in the war 2 with ' Âdil-Khânls he
behaved bravely and was vrounded in the leg by a spear. Afterwards,
in the 31st year, he was raised to the rank of 3,000 with 1,000 horse.
Nothing more is mentioned about him.

(Saiyid) isHnşiş Khan, or Saiyid FirOz Jang.

(Vol. II, pp. 473-475.)

He was the brother's son and son-in-law of Saiyid Khân Jahân
Bârah of Shâh Jahân's reign. in his uncle's lifetime he attained the
rank of 1,000 with 400 horse, and, after his death he, in the 19th year,
obtained an increase of 500 with 600 horse. in the 20th year, he went
with some officers to Balkh to convey 25 lacs of rupees to Sa'ad Ullâh
Khân. On his return, his rank became 2,000 with 1,000 horse and he
Was presented a flag. in the 22nd year, he received the title of Khân
and went with Prince Aurangzîb on the eıpedition to Qandahâr. On his
return he received a robe of honour and a horse with a silvered saddle.
From there he went with Rustam Khân to help Qulij Khân, and marched
to Büst. He did good service in the battle with the Persians, and was
wounded in the arm by a bullet. in the 25th year, he went for the
second time with the said Prince on the same expedition, and received
a robe of honour, ete. in the 26th year, he went on the same expedition
with Prince Dârâ Shiköh. in the 29th year, he was made faujdâr of

t Apparently the battle was fought in Eastem Bengal; see Blochmann's
translation of the Â'in, I (2nd edn.), p. 587.

2 The reference is apparently to Aurangzib's campaign against the Bîjâpür
ia 1657 ; see Sir Jadunath Sarkar, History of Aurangzib, I, pp. 236-250.

668

ILÂHWARDI KHİN.

Maâthir

Irîj, 1 Bhândair and Shâhz&dapür, which were dependencies of the Capital
and crown-lands (Khâlşa mahaİa) and which had been ruined by the neglect
of Najâbat Khân; the revenue of these was three krors, 40 lacs of dâms.
After the sovereignty came to Aurangzib, he along with the Mîrzâ Râja
Jai Singh — who had left Sulaimân SMköh, and intended to come to the
Court — paid his respects and joined the expedition to Hardwâr under
Shâyista Khân for the purpose of checking the progress of Sulaimân Shiköh.
After the battle with Sultân Shujâ' , he was appointed to Bengâl, and in
the end of the 2nd year, when Firüz Mewâti got the title of Khân, he
received that of Saiyid Ikhtişâş Khân. For a long time he was thânadâr
of Gauhatî in Assam, in the lOth year, when the demon-like Assamese
came with a great body of men, and as help did not arrive the Khân bravely
gave his life in the service of his King in 1077* (1666-67 A.D.).

ILÂHWABDI KhİN.

(Vol. I, pp. 207-215.)

He was descended 3 from the Saljüq family. They say that he
came directly in the line of Sultân Sanjar Saljüqi. He was an honest
and clever man. There are many stories of his youth. They say that
when he went to Europe, he was seized on suspioion of being a
spy. By chance on the day of a festival, he was produced before the
ruler on the occasion of a tent-pegging display (nizabâzî: sport with spears).
He distinguished himself and the ruler made enquiries about him, and,
on being convinced of his innocenoe, sent him ofFto India with ali honour.
For some time he was in Burhânpür and lived by his w its * ( ?). As his
elder brother Mukbliş Khân was in the service of Sultân Parviz, he too
•was introduced to the Sultân and began to prosper. Afterwards, as both
brothers were skilled in hunting, and Jahângir was much given to this
pursuit, they became favourites. Ilâhwardi Khân obtained the title. of
Mu'taqid Khân, and was made QarâwaJ, Beg (Chief huntsman). He became
Jahângir's companion, and was always with him on his hunting eipedi-
tions. The large net which is the chief item in the Çarnargka hunt, and
which is called bâıcar,* was one of his inventions. in the 21st year, it
was made of ropes at a cost of 24,000 rupees and produced before
Jahângir. it is a very strong net and forms a full load for eighty camels.
Its length is 10,000 royal cubits (Dhar'a), its height six, and like a
sarâparda it rests on strong supports. Various kinds of wild animals
are brought within it and hunted. On the death of Jahângir, at the
time of the affair of Shahryâr, he behayed with loyalty and made himself

1 Jarrett's translation of Â'in, II, p. 187.

2 it appears from 'Âlamgirndma, p. 947, that he was also employed in the
lOth year in the expedition to Chittâgong. The account of the attaek on Gauhatî
and of the death of Ikhtişâş Khân, there called Saiyid Fîrûz Khân, is given on
p. 1068. There, as also in the Moâ^ir-ul-Umarâ Gauhatî is described as being in
Bengâl, on the borders of Assam.

3 Literally — The sap {'arq) of his genealogical tree is derived from the truhk
of the Saljüq elan.

4 Ba 'aiyâri u parâzî guzrânlda — Lived by fraud and quackery î There is the
variant farrârt.

b Bâwar is Turki for a rope, P. de Courteille, Dictionaty. See Bâdahâhnâma,
I, p. 311, where it is spelt bâdar. Possibry the word is bhamvar which aocording to
Jahângir is the Hindi name for a kind of net, vide Rogers and Beveridge's translation
of Tüzuk-i-Jahângirî, I, p. 99.

-ul-Umarâ.

ILİHWABDI KHİN-

669

acceptable to Yamîn-ud-Daula and fitted for royal favours. When he,
in company with Aşaf Jâh, waited upon Shâh Jahân, he received a
commission of 2,000 £bât and horse and the title of Hahıvardi Khân. As
he was intimate with Mahâbat Khân, he displayed great energy in the
siege of Parenda. Had the other officers equally exerted themselves
the fortress would have been taken with ease. in the 8th year, with an
inerease of 1,000 with 2,000 horse he was prompted to an ofi&ce of 4,000
with 4,000 horse, and became the govemor of Mahva, in succession to
Khân Daurân. When the King established himself at Daulatâbâd in
the 9th year, an order was issued to Ilâhwardî Khân who had göne with
Shâyista ghân to take the district of Sangamnîr and Junair, to take the
Nizâm-ul-Mulki forts which were situated in the direetion of the forts of
Chândör ! and Dharap. Of these^, there were six held by Sâhü's (Shâhjl's)
men, two held by Bhöjbal Nâyakwârî, and six held by other rebels.
Relying on these strongholds, they were stirring up the dust of dissensıon,
and were oppressing the weak. Hâhwardî Khân 8 came first to Chândör
and invested that strong place, which was on the top of a hill and was
famous for its strength. He took it by making great efforts, and the
other stiff-necked ones, on seeing this, submitted. First, Kanhar Râo »
the governor of Anjarâyi asked for quarter and surrendered that strong
fortress. The Khân, to conciliate the governors of other forts recom-
mended him for the rank of 2,000 and gave him Rs.50,000 in cash from
the treasury. Then he besieged the forts of Kâjna* -and Mâjna, whıch
were conneeted with the fort of Dharap and got possession of both by

Similarly he quickly and easily got possession of forts Röla Jöla,
Ahwant 5 and others ; ali of them were built on the tops of hüls. The fort of
Râjdihar, 6 where many of the relatives of Nizâm Shâh were, and who
made great efforts to defend it, was taken in the course of two months.
He then addressed himself to the taking of Dharap 7 which was noted
for its strength and height. in its strength it is not inferior to Daulatâbâd.
Bhöjbal 8 , the governor of the fort, was so alarmed by the successive
victories of Ilâhwardi Khân that he agreed for a manşdb öf 3,000 and a
lac of rupees to*»urrender this strong fort, which could not have been
taken except with the aid of fortune, and to enter himself among the
servants. in this year many impregnable forts of the country came into
the hands of the imperial servants. Accordingly Tâlib Kalım wrote the

verses :

Verses.

King ! thy fortune has captured the fortune of the world
Thy sword bas taken the land and life and goods from the foe ;
Thou hast seized in one year forty forts,
Of which kings could not have taken one in forty years.

ı in the Nâsik district. .

2 Khâfl Kh&n, I, p. 523 and Bâdahâhnâma, I, pt. 2, p. 138, where ınstead ot
Chândör we have Ohânda. See also p. 146, where it is Chândör.

3 Bâdahâhnâma, I, pt. 2, p. 146. Hamblr Râo in Banarsi Prasad, Hw(ory of
Shahjahan, p. 146.

* Kânjana and Mânjana in Bâdahâhnâma, I, pt. 2, p. 146.
5 gh.âfî Khân, I, p. 524, where the spelling is Hanûnat, but it is Ahwant m
Bâdahâhnâma, I, pt. 2, p. 147.

«,' Râjabir in Bâdahâhnâma, I, pt. 2, pp. 147, 148.
8 Bhojrâj aocording to Banarsi Prasad, op. cit., p. 147.

670

ILlHWABDl KJJİN.

Maâthir

in short the Khân m the lOth year took leave to take up the faujdâri
ol üai8wara ı and Lucknow, and in the beginning of the llth year when
Murshıd QuliKhân faujdâr of Mathurâ died* fromagunshot wound while
attackıng a vülage», Ilâhwardî Khân obtained the fief of that place
and set out to punish the rebels. in the end of the 12th year, he was
raısed to the nıgh rank of 5,000 personal and horse, and became governor
oi Delhi in successiön to Ghairat Khân. When in the 15th year, Dârâ
bhıkon went to Qandahâr with a number of high officers to release that
temtory on reoeıpt of the news of the setting out of Shâh Safî, the King
olPersıa and returned from Afganistan on hearing of the death of the
bnah— who dıed from natural causes in Safr 1052 A.H. (May 1642 AJD )
— Hlâhwardi Khân accompanied * the force. As various traits and
dısposıtıpns appeared in bim which were oontrary to the rules of loyalty
and fidehty, and as to these there was added an ungovemable tongue,
he was deprıved of his fief and his rank and was the subject of censure.
As his good servıces had been established in the King's mind, the pargana
of bankarpur « wıth a rental of thirty-four lakhs of dâms was assigned
to hım for his support. Afterwards,« at the instance of the eldest Prince
he was restored to his former rank, and, in the 18th year," he obtained
the fief of Ihohpür. On the death of the Khân Daurân, the governor of
the Deccan, he was made supreme in Berâr. When islâm Khân came to
the Deccan, they did not get on together. At his own reouest he was
recalled to the Court. in the 21st year, he kissed the threshold, and
received the jâgîr of Gorakhpür. When on account of Qandahâr the
frıendshıp between Shâh 'Abbas II and Shâh Jahân had been interrupted,
and there was a stoppage of mutual embassies, it happened, that in the
2oth year a person named Ghulâm Ridâ» came from Bandar 'Abbâs
wıth seven Iraqi horses to Sürat and brought a writing from the Shâh to
the guardıans of the roads to the effect, that the servant of Ilâhwardî
San Mır Ahsh (Artülery officer) was bringing some horses and directing
that no one should ınterfere with him. From this it was suspected that
the Khan had sent some presents (to the Shâh) along with a letter, and
that thıs was the reply. Though the sending of a letter and presents
to a foreıgner and an enemy was contrary to the rules of loyalty and
deservıng of capıtal punishment, but out of benevolence and generosity
he was (only) deprived again of his rank and jâgîr and censured, and
it was dırected that he should be sent back without delay from Kabul
and he should stay in his own house in Delhi. An order was also issued
to the clerk at Sürat to confiscate the horses and ali the belongings of
Ghulam Rıdâ and to send him in chains to the Court so that he might meet
wıth due pumshment. After he came, inquiry o was made and it was

Loc. cıt., p. 243, Imperial Oazetteer, VI, p. 218. 2 Khâfi Khân, I, p. 552

3 Thıs was in pargana Jadwâr in the Sâmbhal Sarkar. Murshid Oulî was

faujdar of Mathurâ, Mahâban, Kumâon and Pahâri ; vide Bâdshâhnâma II p 7
* gjjâfî Khân, I, p. 589, and pp. 594, 595. Bâdshâhnâma, II, pp. 308, '309. '
» Should be Shakarpur, see Bâdshâhnâma, II, p. 309, and Khgfl Khân, I, p. 595

it was m the Sarkar of Delhi.

ou ., «Bâdshâhnâma, II, p. 378, and Kjjâfl Khân, I, p. 601. The Prince was Dârâ
Shıkoh.

' Bâdshâhnâma, II, p. 387. 8 Rhafj aan> It p . 713 .

8 ine cırcumstances of this ease are described by Khâfi Khân, I, pp. 713, 714.
He states that Ilahwardî Khân asserted his innoeence and eonfirmed it by strong
oaths, and that Fâdil Khân, who inquired into the raatter, reported that Ghulâm

.ul-Umarâ.

ILİHWABDI gg£N.

671

found that he had got the document by sending a forged letter with some
presents to the general of the Shâh of Persia. Accordingly in the 28th
year HAhwardî ^ân was restored at the request of the eldest Prince
(Dârâ Shiköh), and became the recipient of royal favours and received a
mançab of 5,000 and the fief of Jaunpûr in successiön to Mukarram Khân.
Though during this time he was excluded from the Court for two years
and 8 months and lived in retirement, he used to receive for his expenses
70 lacs of dâms a year and at every yearly weighment (of the King) he
received a thousand Ashrafis. Accordingly * up to the time of regaining
his service he had received five thousand Ashrafis. At the end of the reign
he was appointed governor of Bihâr.

When the illness of Shâh Jahân had lasted for a Iong time and various
disasters happened in the kingdom and Shujâ', the second son, behaved
presumptuously in Bengâl and led an army against Patna. Hâhwardî
Khân who was unable to oppose him, came to Benâres and stayed there
tül Shujâ' followed him. The latter had recourse to fawning and deceit
and so prevailed on him, that this eıperieneed greybeard departed from
his position and took the side of that ruined man, and never * ceased to
help him. After continual wanderîngs Shujâ', in the middle of Rajab
1070 A.H. (March, 1660 A.D.), vrished to leave .Akbarnagar (Râj mahal)
and to proceed to Tanda. Tlâhwardl Khân from his experience and know-
ledge (of Astrology ?) foresaw in the future of Shujâ' the approaching
disaster, and perceived that Shujâ' would eventually have to fly to
Arrâcân to escape Aurangzîb'a army. He, therefore, wished to join the
imperial army, and retumed to Akbarnagar. As many of Prince's men
wished to leave him and were of the same mind as Ilâhwardi Khân and as
the latter had a band of his own men, he fortified his residence, and was
prepared to resist if Shujâ' attacked him.

Shujâ' on hearing the news devised a plan, and spread untrue reports
and retumed to Akbarnagar. He appointed men to surround Ufthwardi
Khân's house, and to wait the signal for attaok, and then sent Sirâj-ud-Din
Jâbarî, his Dîvân, to bring him (Ilahwardî Khân) to him by promising
whatever may be necessary. When ön account of the return of Shujâ'
to the city (Akbarnagar) and of his false proclamations, the men who
had joined Hâhwardi Khân grew lukewarm, the latter became helpless
and aocepting the false promises and words set off with his son Saif Ullâh
in company with Sirâj-ud-Dîn. in this oondition ı en of Shujâ' attacked
him and seized him on the road, they bound their (..e. of the father and
son) hands behind their backs as if they were criminals and led them
before Shujâ' outaide Akbarnagar. That wicked man set him upon an
elephant and took him with hım to the city (Akbarnagar) and there s
put him and his son to death, and confiscated ali his property.

Ridâ had been a servant of Ilahwardl £hân, and that after being dismissed he went
to Persia and had obtained the duttak (permit) from the King of Persia by false
representations. Shâh Jahân, however, would not accept this explanation.

1 There were two weighments each year, the solar and the lunar.

2 But see Bernier, who speaks of Allah Verdi Khan's having betrayed ShujS
in the battle with Aurangzlb. Thedate 1070 seems trrong. it should be 1069 A.H.
<1659 A.D.).

* Khâfî Kfeân, U, p. 86. The Riyö4-us-SaJtyn, p. 217, says 'Alivardi Kiân
was the root of ali this mischief, and adds he was put to death at Bâjmahal.
Apparently he deserved his fate. He was put to death in July, 1669 A.D., 1069 A.H.
(Beale, p. 32), but the Maâ&ir gives 1070 A.H. as the date. Beale's year is right.

672

ILİHWABDI KHÂN.

Maâthir

Ilâhwardî Khân had good sons, every one of whom attained high
rank as will be described in the proper place. 1 But none of them acted
along with theiı- father except the youngest, Mîrzâ Saif Ullâh. His
(Saif üllah's) memory was suph that he could repeat everything that he
had heard from the beginning of his childhood. He also composed
poetry. His father was fond of him. Hâhwardî Khân was given t o
jesting and frolic, and indulged in foolish talk. This was so much the
case, that the contagion attacked his sons and relatives and up to the
present day when no traoe of the family remains, they are remembered
for this improper quality. Yet Ilâhwardî Khân was not without devotion
and piety. He delighted in the society of the descendants of the Prophet
— peace be upon him! — and every year gave them presents. And
he set âpart one tenth of the produce of his jâgîr and gave it in charity.
He was the unique öf the time, for friendship. For an aoquaintance of
one day he did the work of a hundred years. 2 He did not believe in
clerks and managed his own business. Every day he entered his
income and expenditure with his own hand. He made a sara, and a
garden at Delhî, and they are known to the people by his name.

Il1hwabdî Khân.

(Vol. I, pp. 229-232.)

He was known as Ilâhwardî Khân ' Âlamgirshâhî and was the eldest
son of Ilahwardi Khân 8 . His name was Ja' far. Though the disposition
of the father and son and of his brothers was naturaUy inclined towards
jesting and bluntness, so that they were ali of one cloth — and even to
this day every member of the family follows the customs of his ancestors
and does not abandon jocosity and laughter— yet Mîrzâ Ja'far from his
eally days was not on good terms with his father. He bound the skirt
of energy round the waist of enterprise and became a separate runner on
the »ourse of life. By good fortune and excellent endeavours he became
a favourite of Shâh Jahân, and, in the 21st year obtained the rank of
1;000 with 200 horse. in the 23rd year he was made Çardtval Beg
(Chief huntsman), which was his hereditary office. Aftenvards he
obtained an increase of rank, and was made faujdâr öf Jânabî ( ?).* After
the defeat of Dârâ Shiköh when the garden of Nûr Manzil B was made
the encampment of Aurangzîb, the first order that was issued from the
royal mind was that Ilâhwardî Khân should be made faujdâr of Mathurâ,

but the month was April. The account in the text is taken from the ' Âlamgîrnâma,
p. 498, ete. Evidently H&hwardı ghân üıtended to desert Shujâ' and so he deserved
his fate. He and his son were put on an elephant and taken back tohis quarters
in Akbarnagar, and then pnt to death — probably, after a trial, see 'Âlamgirnârm,
pp. 500, 601.

ı Ilahwardl &an, Text I, pp. 229-232; Hasan 'Ali |5hân Bahâdur, Text I,
pp. 593-699, Beveridge and Prashad's translation, pp. 617-620.

2 That is, he worked for him as if he had known him for a century.

3 Maât&ir-ul.Umarâ, I, pp. 207-215, and translation, pp. 668-672.

* There is the variant Jatapl. Perhaps Jambüji in Gujarât is rneant. vidt
Jarrett's translation of A'in, II, p. 242.

o Nûr Manzil was near Âgra ; it was named after Jahângir. Khâfi ghâ.n, II,
p. 62.

.ul-Umard.

ILANGTÛSH SM&X BAHİDUB.

673

and have charge of affairs of that Chalcla * and should chastise the
eeditious of that place, whioh was Dârâ Shiköh's fief. Owing to the
dismissal of his men — who had managed the place — the inhabitants had
become disturbed and restless, and the opportunists there had become
seditious. He went off after being presented with a female elephant and
being raised to the rank of 3,000 with 3,000 horse of whom 1,000 were
two-horse and three-horse. Afterwards his rank was inereased, and he
got the title of Hâhwardî Khân 'Âlamgirshâhî. in the 3rd year he was
removed from the faujdâri of Mathurâ and appointed to that of Gorakhpûr
in the 7th year, he appeared at the Court and presented 14 elephants that
he had taken from the Zamindâr of Mörang, and nine which he tendered
as his peshkash. He spent a long time in that estate, and, in the 9th year,
had his rank inereased and a farmân was issued, giving him the faujdâri
of Mor&d&bâd. in the lOth year, his manşab was 4,000 with 3,000 horse,
ineluding two-horse and three-horse (troopers). in succession to
Bahâdur Khân Koka he became governor of Allâhâbâd, and in the 12th
year, 1079 A.H. (1668-69 A.D.) he died. He was distinguished for
courage and energy, and was also very generous. He composed poetry
and was the author of a divân, and this is one of his couplets :

Nothing demands less than a spoon

it suffers a hundred strokes 2 that it may bring a lip to a lip.

in spite of these good qualities he could not get on with his father.
it is notorious that when Ilâhwardl Khân incurred the Sovereign's
displeasure for some reason, and Shâh Jahân ordered in öpen Divân
that he should be seized and turned out, Ja'far jumped and quickly
came out of the crowd and seized his father by the back of the collar
and put him out. His father, who always complained, was very voluble
on this occasion, and Ja'far in excuse said, "As it was impossible to
disobey the King's order, no doubt someone else would have oome
forward to ezecute it. in that case we should not have been able to
show our faceş» and perhaps indignation and shame would have carried
ustoofar" His son was Âmân üllâh. When inthe 12th year hisuncle
Hasan 'Alî Khân was made faujdâr of Mathurâ, he was made faujdâr
of Âgra and was ordered to assist his uncle. After that he got the title
of Khân and in company with Muhammad A' zam Shâh at the battle of
the batteries at Bîjâpür, he, in the 29th year, bravely drank the last
draught.

Ilangtösh^ Khİn Bahâdur.

(Vol. III, pp. 971, 972.)

in the 14th year of Aurangzîb's reign, he was presented with a sword,
a dagger, and a spear. in the 19th year, on the day of his marriage

1 Chakla Mgwât, vide löıâfî ^ân, II, p. 33, and Bâdshâhnâma, II, p. 8.

2 The strokes, literally strokes of the hatehet or pickaxe, seem to refer to the
insertions of a spoon into food and into the mouth. The lip or Jofe is presomably
the edge of the spoon. The spoon meant may however be a wooden spoon, and the
meaning be that it is cut and fashioned by a hatehet merely that it may become a
go-hetween.

3 Ilangtösh means in Tur kî naked breast, and was an epithet originalry given
to a warrior who fought without aroıour. He is several times mentioned in the

'iMİD-TJL-MULK.

Maâthir

feast, he received a robe of honour, and an emerald sarpech (turban-
ornament), a horse with golden trappings, and an elephant with süver
trappings. in the 20th year, his rank became 2,000, 700 horse. in the
25th year, he became Çûrbegi (Superintendent of armoury), on the retire-
ment of Abü Naşr Khân. After that he was censured, but, in the 28th
year, he was reinstated, and on the death of Bakhtawar Khân he was
made Superintendent of the pages. in the 29th year he was again dis-
missed-. His sübsequent career is not known.

'Imİd ul-Mulk 1 .

(Vol. II, pp. 847-856.)

He was the son of Amlr-ul-Umarâ Fîrûz Jang * who was the heir of
Nizâm-ul-Mulk Âşaf Jâh. He was the daughter's son of I'timâd-ul-
Daiıla Qamr-ud-İ>în Hıân. His real name was Mir Shihâb-ud-Din.
When his father was appointed governor of the Deccan and hastened to
that quarter, he was left at the Court as a depııty Mir Bakishî, and was
made över to Safdar Jang the Vazir. Affcerwards, when the news of his
father's death arrived from the Deccan, he took advantage of the time
and so ingratiated himself with Şafdar Jang that he was made Mîr
Bakhshî and got his father's title. Afterwards, when the King's disagree-
ment with Şafdar Jang became acute, ' Imâd-ul-Mulk in oonjunction wıth
his maternal uncle Khân-Khânân entered the fort of Delhi with a force
and turned out Müsavi Hıân who, as the deputy of Şafdar Jang, was,
with 400 men, carrying on the duties of Mir Atish (Ghief of the artillery),
and had the son ff the Khân Daurân appointed to that office. Next day
Şafdar Jang went to the King and complained about the appointment of
the Mir Âtish. But he did not succeed. An order was issued that the
(Müsavi Hıân) could have another appointment. He took the Mir
Bakhshîship from 'Imâd-ul-Mulk and gave it to Sâdât Hıân D_hülfaqâr
Jang. When the King became displeased with Şafdar Jang, ' Imâd-ul-
Mulk contended with the latter for six months and sent for Mulhâr Râo
Hölkar from Mâlwa and Jai Âpâ from Nâgör to help him. But before
they came he made peace with Şafdar Jang. 'Imâd-ul-Mulk, Hölkar and
Jai Âpâ joined together and fell upon Süraj Mal the Jât. Bharatpür,
Kumhner» and Deeg, w)-;ch were three of their strong forts, were
besieged. As cannon werevhe best vreapons for taking forts, 'Imâd-uİ-
Mulk, at the request of the Mah tatta leaders petitioned the King foı
artillery through his agent ' Aqibat Muhmüd Khân Kashmirî. Intizâm-ud-
Daula Vazîr, theson of I'timad-ud-Daula QamT-ud-Dîn, opposed 'Imâd-
ul-Mulk, and urged that the artillery should not be sent. 'Âqibat

MaöOıîr-i-'Alamgirî. See Manueci, Irvine, II, p. 43, where he is described as bejng
the son of a Tartar woman who was sold by the Ozbeg envoys about 1661-62, and
made one of the King's Amazona. Manueci hints that he was a son of Aurangzîb.

ı See the biography in Journ. As. Soc. Bengal for 1879 by Irvine, p. 128 et seq.
'Imâd-ul-Mulk is often called GhâzI-ud-Dîn, which was also his father's name.

2 The biography of Amlr-ul-Umarâ Flrüz Jang is given in Maâ^ir-ul-Umarâ,
I, pp. 361, 362, Beveridge's translation, pp. 592, 593; and of Nüpâm-ul-Mulk
Âşaf Jâh in id. III, pp. 837-848, and also 875-897.

' Kümher viclf Jmperial Oazetteer, XVI, p. 22.

-ul- Umara.

IMAD-UL-MULK.

675

Mahmud Khân won över -many of the manşabddrs and the artillery men
by promising that if 'Imâd-ul-Mulk's time should come, they would get
such and such favours, and wished to carry off Intizâm-ud-Daula. One
day it was arranged that an onslaught should be made on intizâm -ud-
Daula's house and that he should be seized. On that day the enterprise
failed and 'Imâd-ul-Mulk fled towards Dâsna. There he became a robber
and attacked and plundered the royal estates, and the fiefs of the
manşabdârs. At tbis time Süraj Mal Jât, who had escaped in a \rretched
condition from the hands of the besiegers, begged assistance from the
King. The latter came out of Delhi, ostensibly to hunt, and to arrange
the Antarbed (the Düâb), but really to help' the Jât He encamped at
Sikandra, He sent for 'Âqibat Mahmud Khân, who was then making
a disturbance in the neighbourhoöd, and he came alone from Khürja
and waited on tbe King, and then returned to Khürja.

One of the Divine decrees was that Hölkar became impressed with
the idea that Ahmad Shâh was delaying the delivery of the guns. Now
that he had come out, it was fitting that his supplies of food and forage
should be stopped. Also he thought that in this way he might get hold
of the guns. He wished to carry out this plan without any partners,
and so he made a night-march without giving notice to 'Imâd-ul-Mulk
or to Jai Âpâ. He erossed the Jumnâ at the Mathurâ ferry, and on the
night when 'Âqibat Mahmüd Khân had waited on the King and göne
back to Khürja. Hölkar came near Ahmad Shâh's camp and during the
first part of the night diseharged some rockets. People thought that
'Âqibat Mahmud Khân was diseharging them out of mischief on his way
back and did not prepare for battle. Nor did they think of flying.
At the end of the night it became certain that Hölkar had come. They
ali lost their heads and could neither fight nor fly. Ahmad Shâh, his
mother and Şamşâm-ud-Daula the Mir Atish, son of Amîr-uî-Umarâ
Khân Daurân, left their honour and their property and ran away to the
Capital with a few followers. Their inexperience resulted in a
great disaster. Hölkar came and plundered the whole of the royal
property. Malika-i-Zamâniya, the daughter of Muhammad Parruki-siyar
who was the wife of Muhammad Shâh, and other ladies were made
prisoners. Hölkar treated them with honour. When 'Imâd-ul-Mulk
heard about it, he abandoned the siege and hastened to the Capital.
When Jai Âpâ saw that these two leaders had göne, he too abandoned
the siege and went off to Nârnöl. Süraj Mal \vithout effort was freed
from thepressure of the siege. 'Imâd-ul-Mulk by the help of Hölkar and
with the co-operation of the Court officers, especially Şamşâm-ud-Daula
Mir Atish deprived Intizâm-ud-Daula of the Vazârat and appropriated it
: himself, and gave the office of Amîr-ul-Umarâ to Şamşâm-ud-Daula. On
the day he assumed the Vazârat, he, in the morning put on the robe of
honour, and at midday imprisoned Ahmad Shâh and his mother. On lOth
Sha'bân, Sunday, 1167 A.H. (2nd June, 1754 A. D.) he seated'Azîz-ud-Dîn,
the son of Mu'izz-ud-Dîn Jahândâr Shâh upon the throne,. and gave him
the title of 'Âlamgîr II. After a week's imprisonment, he blinded
Ahmad Shâh and his mother — who was the origin of the whole confusion.
After a while he went to Lâhöre to settle the province of the Panjâb,
which after the death of Mu'in-ul-Mulk, had on behalf of the. Shâh
Durrâni come into the possession of Mu'în-ul-Mulk's widow. He left
'Âlamgîr II in Delhî, took with him Alî Göhar for appearance's sake

676

'EHİD-TJIi-MtTLK.

Maâthir

.uUUtnard.

'tmİd-ul-mulk.

677

(batüzaki), and went by way of Hânsi and Hisar to Lâhöre. When ı
he came near the Sutlej, Adinâ Beg Khân sent a foroe under the
charge of Saiyid Jamâl-ud-Din Khân Sipâh Sâlâr and Hakim 'Ubaid
Ullâh Khân Kashmîrî, who was his factotum and had been raised to the
rank of 6,000 and the title of Bahâ'-ud-Daula, by night to Lâhöre. They
proceeded there with great alacrity. Eunuchs were sent into the harem
and they roused the lady who was sleeping there and imprisoned her.
They brought her out and gave her a place in a tent. She was the wifo
of 'Imâd-ul-Mulk. 'Imâd-ul-Mulk gave the government of Lâhöre to
Adinâ Beg Khân and fixed 30 lacs of rupees in lieu of pishkash and re + urned
to Delhi. When Shâh Durrâni heard this news, he was much troubled,
and marched quickly from Qandahâr to Lâhöre. Adinâ Beg Khân fled
from Lâhöre to Hânsî and Hisar. Shâh Durrâni came rapidly within
20 koş of Delhi. 'Imâd-ul-Mulk had no recöurse but to submit and wait
upon the Shâh. At first he was censured, but on the recommendation of
the above-named lady and the exertions of the Vazir (of Shâh Durrâni)
he was saved and was made Vazîr on condition of payment of a peshkash.
When Shâh Durrâni appointed Jahân Khân to take possession of the
forts of Sûraj Mal Jât, 'Imâd-ul-Mulk represented to the Shâh that if a
scion (nüm* a flower?) of the Timûrids and an army of the Durrânians
were given to him he would bring ample gold from the Antarbed (the
area between the Ganges and the Jumnâ). The Shâh summoned from
Delhi two Prinoes— Hidâyat Bakjjsh, son of 'Âlamgir II, and Mirza
Bâbur, son-in-law of 'Azîz-ud-Din the brother of 'Âlamgir II, and sent
them along with Jânbâz Khân, who was one of his Sardârs, with 'Imâd-ul-
Mulk. He with the two Princes and Jânbâz Khân crossed the Jumnâ
without any proper organization and proceeded towards Farrukhâbâd,
the residence of Ahmad Khân son of Muhammad Khân Bangash. Ahmad
Khân came out to meet him and presented tents, furniture, elephants
and horses, ete, as a peshkash to the Princes and 'Imâd-ul-Mulk. The
latter then went on and «rossed the Ganges and came to Oudh.
Shujâ'-ud-Daula the governor of Oudh came out from Lucknow with
the intention of giving battle, and came to the plain of Sândı and Pâli
wbich are on the borders of Oudh. Twice süght engagements took
place between the skirmishes. At last by the mediation of Sa'ad Ullâh
Sân Böhila peace was made on the basis of a payment of five laos of
rupees— a small portion in cash and a promise for the rest. 'Imâd-ul-
Mulk marched off with the Princes, and in 1170 » A.H. he crossed the
Ganges and came to Farrukhâbâd. Shâh Durrâni had come out of
Agra on account of an outbreak of plague and had göne off quickly
towards Afghânistân. On the day that he came near the Capital, ' Âlamgir
II along with Najîb-ud-Daula came to the tank of Maqşüdâbâd, and had
an interview with the Shâh. He spoke much evil of 'Imâd-ul-Mulk.
Accordingly the Shâh gave the office of Amir-ul-Umarâ of India to
Najîb-ud-Daula and went off to Lâhöre. 'Imâd-ul-Mulk proceeded to
Delhi from Farrukjjâbâd on account of his anxiety about Najîb-ud-Daula.
He summoned Raghünâth Râo the half-brother of Balâji Râo, and Hölkar

,~ 1 ,*" . the ^ azSna ' 'Amira it is stated that Imad-ul-Mulk came to Lüdhîâna
(Newal Kıshore Press edn.), p. 52.

■ There is also the readıng naubâuta — new fruit.

• Irvine, loc. cit., p. 124.

from the Decoan with great urgeney, and in conjunetion with them
besieged the city, and for 45 days artülery-fire went on. At last Hölkar
took a heavy bribe from Najib-ud-Daula and laid the foundations of
peace. He brought out Najib-ud-Daula with respect and with his
baggage from the fort, and give him a place near his own tent. He
made över to him the other side of the Jumnâ, viz., Sahâranpür, Bûriyâ 1
and Chândpûr and the whole of the Bârah townships. With the help
of the Mahrattas 'Imâd-ul-Mulk got the management of ali the affairs
of the empire. When Datâ Sardâr, the Mahratta, besieged Najib-ud-
Daula in Shakartâl, he summoned 'Imâd-ul-Mulk to his aid from Delhi.
'Imâd-ul-Mulk was not pleased with 'Âlamgir H, and knew that he
was secretly in correspondence with Shâh Durrâni, and also that he
wished that Najîb-ud-Daula should prevail över Datâ. Accordingly he
put to death the Khân-Khânân (Intizâm-ud-Daula) who had previously
been imprisoned. On the same day,* 8th Rabî' II, Thursday, 1173 A.H.
(29th November, 1759 A.D.), he also made a martyr of 'Âlamgir II, and
raised Mubl-ul-Millat, the son of Mubi-us-Sunnat son of Kâm Bakhsh
son of Aurangzîb, to the throne, and gave him the title of Shâh Jahân.
After 'Âlamgir II and the Khân-Khânan had been killed, Datâ hastened
to his assistance in obedience to a summons. At the same time the
near approach of Shâh Durrâni made a disturbance, and Dat;â removed
from Shakartâl and moved to Sirhind to fight Shâh Durrâni. 'Imâd-ul-
Mulk came to Delhî and when he heard of an encounter between Datâ
and the skirmishers of Shâh Durrâni, he became certain that the latter
would be victorious. Accordingly, he left the new King in Delhî and
went to Sûraj Mal Jât and remained with him for a time. Afterwarüs
when time removed the King, and Najib-ud-Daula made Sultân Jawûn
Bakbt the son of 'Ali Göhar Shâh 'Âlâm Bahâdur pro-forma King and
ruled in the Capital, 'Imâd-ul-Mulk went to Ahmad Khân Bangash in
Farrukhâbâd. Then he went to Shujâ'-ud-Daula to fight with the
English. After the defeat he sought proteetion among the Jâts. in the
year 1187 A.H. he came to the Deccan and the Mahrattas gave him some
land for his support in the provinoe of Mâlwa. As he did not feel
confident about the reigning Sövereign, he went off to the port of Sürat
and snent 3 some time there with the hat-wearers (the Engfish). At the

1 A town in the Ambâla distriot, Imperial Gazetteer, IX, p. 106. Chândpûr is
perhaps the town in the_Bijnaur district.

2 The giazâna-i-'Amira, p. 54, has three days afterwards.

8 Much of this biography has been oopied into the Siyar-ul- M uta'akhkhirin. The
common source is the Sh<^öna-i-'Âmira, pp. 50-54, so that evidently this is one
of the biographies contributed by Gbulâm 'Alî. The biography says nothing of
GunnS Begam the wife of 'Imâd-ul-Mulk. For an account of her see Beale and
especiauy Irvine, Journ. As. Soc. Bengal for 1879, pp. 128-130.

Sir WUliam Jones in his discourse on the Orthography of Asiatie Words,
As. Researchejı I, p. 55, quotes a Hindüstânl love-soııg as being by Gunnâ Begam.
But it appears from a note by Dr. Hunter in As. Researches VI, p. 76, that the
poem is really by one Qamr-ud-Dîn. Gunnâ Begam is buried m Av<rangzîb's
garden, Bâgh Jamâl, in Nurâbâd on the Sank river. From a reference in MüTs
History of India, II, p. 414, note (1817), it appears that 'Imad-nl-Mulk was found
by Colonel Goddard at Sürat in 1780 disguished as a pilgrim and that he was for a
time put into confinement. He did go to Mecca, and returned via Basra and
Oandahâr, and died at Kâlpî on İst December, 1800 iyide Irvine, loc. cit.,
p. 129). For a good general survey of the period of 'Imâd-ul-Mulk see Cambridge
History of India, IV, pp. 434-448.

678

'LNlTAT SBİH.

Maâljıir

-ul-Umarâ.

'Z8İ.YA.T £giN.

679

presen* time he has embarked on a ship with the design of goıng to
Meoca. He knew the Qur'ân by heart and was a student, and a good
penman. He had genius and courage. He also oomposed poetry.
This verse is his :

Ver 8e.

I am inferior even to a stone thrown by a sling,
As you have thrown me away and not kept me revolving round
your head.
He had many sons. One entered the service of Ni?âm-ud-Daula
İsaf Jâh, and by virtue of his relationship obtained the rank of 5,000 and
the title of Hamîd-ud-Daula. He also got an allowanoe in money.

'InIyat Khân.

(Vol. H, pp. 813-818.)

No definite information is avaüable about his origin or his native
country, nor his anoestors, and there is no trace 1 of his descendants.
Ali that is known is that he was from Khawâf. in the end of thelOth
year of Aurangzlb's reign, he was appointed to be Dîımn-i-Khâlşa 2
(Superintendent of the crown-lands). in the 13th year, he reported »
that the expenditure had increased since the time of Shâh Jahân and
now exceeded the receipts by fourteen lacs of rupees. An order was
given that four krors of rupees should be allotted (as the assignment)
for the Khâlşa and that the expenditure should be fixed at the same
amount. The papers regarding the expenditure were examined, and it
was ordered that many items of expense in the establishment of the
King, the Princes and the Begams should be reduced. Here eome
remarks may be made about the greatness and extent of the Tndian
Empire. The revenues of the Princes of other countries do not amount
to what the servants of the Indian government receive. The revenues
of imâm Qulî Khân and Nadhr Muhaminad Khân, who held the whole of
Transoxiana and Türkistan, even to Balkh and Badakhshân, were from
lana revenue and taxes (mâl u sâ'ir) in cash and grain and also from
enhancements and fcithes ( ?) (irtifa' u zaköt) one kror twenty lacs of
Khânls, whioh are equal to thirty lacs of rupees. The assignment
(tankhıvâh) for every officer of 7,000 with 7,000 horse, dû-aspa u sih-aapa
(two-horse and three-horse) * is a kror of dâms (2 lacs and 50,000 rupees),

ı Apparently this must refer to descendants through males, for his daughter
was married to Bâdshâh Quli gh.ân Tahawwur Khân and apparently had issue; see
Bâdshâh Qulî Khân (Maö&ir-ul-UmaTÖ, Test I, pp. 447-453).

* See Sir Jadunath Sarkar's Müghal AdministratUm, pp. 41-46.

a Taken from Maâ&ir-i.'Alamgiri, pp. 99, 100. it is there stated that
Bakhtâwar Khân conveyed the order to the Divana that after the end of the year
they should bring their receipts and expenditure and that on VVednesday they
should bring their boöks to the Qbualkh&na. Thereupon 'Inâvat Khân reported as
in the text. Instead of madad hharaj assistance-expenditure or charitable expendı- -
türe it is kharaj in the MaöAir-i-'Alamgîn. it is said in that work that four kror,
were assigned to the &&öiso^-«pparently, as its expenditure, and that in a sımılat
manner the Emperor exan*ned the papers of the expenaes of other departments, ana
ordered many reductions.

* This conjunction here is apparently wrong and is omitted.

not to mention Yamin-ud-Daula Asaf Khân who each year collected
from his fiefs fifty lacs of rupees. Prince Dârâ Shiköh had in the end
a manşab of 60,000 with 40,000 troopers, two-horse, and three-horse,
with an allowance (in' dm) of 83 krors of dâms, which came to 2 krors,
7 lacs and 50,000 rupees a year.

To investigators it is clear, that in the time of Akbar — who was
the founder and builder of the Caliphate and of world-rule, and the
conritructor of the prinoiples of world-conquest — the expenditure w as not
on the same footing as in former times. As every day new territories
were added, the expenditure also of neoessity increased ; but the income
also increased a hundredfold, and there were accumulations. in the
time of Jahângîr, who was a oareless Prince and paid no attention to
political or financial matters, and who was constitutionally thoughtless
and pompous, the fraudulent officials, in gathering lucre, and hunting
for bribes, paid no attention to the abilities öf men, or to their perform-
ances. The devastation of the country' and the diminution of income
rose to such a height that the revenue of the exchequer-lands fell to 50 lacs
of rupees while the expenditure rose to one kror and fifty lacs, and large
sums were expe»ded out of the general treasury (Khazâna-i- Âmira). in
the beginning öf the prudent reign of Shâh Jahân when a review was
made of the income and expenditure and of the welfare of the country
by the royal officials, that wise ruier ordered that estates to the value
of one kror and fifty lacs of rupees — which, according to an estimate for
the whole twelve months, formed the fifteenth part of the (value of the)
imperial domains — should be made Khâlşa (exchequer or crown-lands).
He upheld the allowance of a kror of rupees for fixed expenditure, and
kept the balance for unforeseen (or contingent) expenses. Gradually,
that Monarch, by good management and good fortune increased the
income from day to day. The expenditure also increased, so that at the
end of the 20th year, out of 880 krors of dâms of revenue, 120 krors were
assigned to the Khâlşa which, for the whole year, comes to three krors
of rupees. in the end the amount was nearly four krors, as has been
stated (above). More estraordinary stili, there were great increases in
gifts and in'dms and outlays upon enterprises and buildings. For
instance, in the first year of the reign a kror and 80 lacs of rupees in cash
and goods and 4 lacs • of blghas of land and the revenues of 120 villages
vvere assigned to the Begams, the Princes, the nobles, officers, Saiyids,
learned men and Shaikhs. At the end of the 20th year, 9 krors, 60 lacs
of rupees were estimated for gifts (in'âms) 1 . in the Badakhshân and
Balkh expeditions, exclusive of 2 krors of rupees for pay and allowances
(maıvâjib) 2 krors of rupees were expended on necessary armaments.
Two krors 50 lacs of rupees were expenâed on buildings. Of this, 50 lacs
were spent on the cemetery (Randa- -the Tâj Mahal) of Mumtâz Mahal,
52 lacs on other buildings in Âgra, 50 lacs on the gardens and buildings of
Lâhöre, 12 on Kabul, 8 on royal vülas (munazzahât) in Kashmîr, 8 in
Qandahâr and 10 on the buüdings of Ahmadâbâd and Ajmer, ete.
Nevertheless the treasuries, which boasted of being full during the fifty-
one years of Akbar's reign, and had now come to the condition of being
without inerease or diminution, raised th^ cry of "Touch not"
Aurangzîb, who possessed moderation and caution, long strove to equalize

1 Based on 'Amal-i-Şâlih (Yazdânî edn.), II, pp. 557, 358.

680

'INİYAT ULLİH KHÂN.

Maâthir

the receipts and expenses, but on account of the "old lameness" 1 of
affairs in the Deccan money was poured out so that even the properties
of the servants * of Dara Shiköh and others were transferred from Upper
India to the Deccan and were included among assignments, and became
a burden additional to that caused by the desolation and diminished
production in the country. Nevertheless, at the end of the King'B life
there were in the fort of Agra ten or twelve krors of rupees. Some of this
was spent in the reign of Bahâdur Shâh, for in his time receipts ceased
and ali was espenditure. Afterwards Muhammad Mu'izz-ud-Din
(Jahândâr Shâh) brought about the ruin (of the exchequer). What
remained was seized by the Saiyids during the disturbance of Nekü-siyar.
At this time, when the receipts of the Empire are confined to BengSl,
the Mahrattas have, for two or three years, introduced confusioû into that
province. but the expenses also have not been as bigh as before. My
pen has rebelled ! Whither have my words wandered !

in short, 'Inâyat Khân was removed in the 14th year from the
Khâlşa Divâni — which was committed to Mîrak Mu'în-ud-Din Amânat
Khân— and was made faujdâri of Chakla Bareilly. in the 18th year
he was made 4 faujdâr of Khair âbâd in sucoession to Muj âhid Khân. After
that when Amânat Khan resigned the Khâlşa Ditvâni, an order was passed
that Kifâyat Khân the Divân-i-Tan should also carry on the duties of the
Khâlşa. in the 20th year, 'Inâyat Khân was again appointed B to the
Khâlşa with the rank of 1,000 with 100 horse. in the 24th year, he,
in Ajmer — when his son-in-law Tahawwur Khân entitled Bâdshâh Qulî
Khân, who by his ignorance had been guiding Prince Muhammad Akbar,
either through evil intention and pretext of apology or at the instanee
of his father-in-law, retired, and expressing devotion and fidelity pre-
sented himself at the doors of the royal palace ; he was punished for his
ungratefulness — was removed from the Khâlşa Diıvâni and put in charge
of the buildings « (Buyûtât) in sucoession to Kâmgar Khân. in the
same year, on the ground that his son-in-law Tahawwur Khân had in the
faujdâri of Ajmer done good service in putting down the Râjpüts, he
begged for this faujdâri and urged that he would use equal exertions in
putting down the arrogant (Râthörs) ; his request was granted. in the
ifith year, 1093 A.H. (1682 A.D.) he died.

'Inâyat UixIh gpiN.

(Vol. II, pp. 828-832.)

He was connected with Saiyid Jamâl of Nlshâpûr. By chance
he came to Kashmir and settled there. His fatherwasMîrzâShukr Ullâh.

ı Kuhna langî, see Vullerg, II, p. 928a, where kuhna lang is explained as the
condition of a person or thing whieh eannot be altered.

2 Several MSS. have the preposition az before Dârâ so that the meaning may
probably be: men's goods from Dârâ Shiköh downwards. The passage is obscure
and the words amıeâl-i-mardum are curious, if landed property is meant. Perhaps
the meaning is that the allowances of men who had formerly served Dâıâ Shiköh
were made an assignment on the Deccan, when they (perhaps as a measure of
policy) were transferred from Upper India to the Deccan.

3 Maâthir-i-'Alamgîn, p. 110. * Loc- <»«■> P- !*£•
6 Loc. cit., p. 159. 6 i«w- «*■• P- 206 -

-vi-Umarâ.

'INİYAT TJLLİH EHAK.

681

His mother was Hâfiza Maryam and was appointed to teftch Ztb-un-Nisft
Bggam, the daughter of Aurangzlb and the full sistor of Muhammad
A zam Shâh. From her Zîb-un-Nisâ learnt to commit to memory the
words of God and the practice of the accomplishments, and petitioned
her father to give an office to 'Inâyat üllâh. He at first had a small
rank and had the appointment of an acoountant ı (ashraf) in the jewel-
room. in the 31st year, his. rank was 400, 60 horse, and next year he
was Khân-ı-Sâmân of the Begam's2 establishment. in the 35th year, when
Rashid ghân Badî'-uz-Zamân daftardâr of the EJtâlsa. went oflf to iîıauire
into some EMlşa estates in Haidarâbâd 'Inâyat Ullfth Khân was his
deputy; he had the 600 rank with 60 horse and the title » of Khân. in the
36th year, he became Divân-i-Tan in sucoession to Amânat Khân Mir
Husain and his rank was 700 with 80 horse. After some days, he had
charge of the Divân-i-Şarf Utâff (the Divânship of special expenditures) and
an increase of 20 horse. in the 42nd year,* he acted as Sadr until the
appointment of another officer, and his rank was 1,000 with 100 horse.
in the 45th year, on the death of Arshad Khân Abül 'Ulâ he was made
Divân of the ghâlfa, and his rank was 1,500 with' 250 horse. in the
46th year, he received the present of an elephant and in the 49th his
rank was 2,000, 250 horse. His companionship with the King became
mtimate and reliance upon him was such that when Asad Khân on account
of age and self-indulgence neglected to sign the papers of the Vasârat,
it was ordered 6 that 'Inâyat üllâh Khân as deputy should sign them.
An account of the great favour which the King showed to 'Inâyat Ullâh
Khân and which the author of the Maâthir-i- Mamgiri has reported may
be read at the end of the biography of Amir-ul-Umarâ Asad Khân (Maâthir-
ul-Umarâ, Text I, pp. 310-321, Beveridge's translation, pp. 270-279).
ou , Afte î! T tne death of Aurangzîb, the gh&n proceeded with A' zam
Shah *o Upper India. When unneoessary baggage was left in Gwâliyâr
Inâyat Ullâh remained there with Asad Khân. in Bahâdur Shâh's reign
he was confirmed in his employments and came to the Court and obtained
leave wıth Asad Khân. His son Hidâyat Ullâh performed his duties at
the Court. After coming to the Deccan, when MukJjtâr Khân, who was the
Hıgh Steward (Ebân-ı-Sârnân),* died, the appointment was given to
Inâyat Ullâh and he was summoned to the Court. in the time of Jahândâr
Shâh, he was appointed governor of Kashmir, and in the beginning of
Muhammad Farrukij-siyar's reign, when his eldest son Sa'ad Ullâh Hidâyat
Ullah was kdled^ ' Inâyat Ullâh Khân went ofif from Kashmir to Mecca. He
returned m the middle of the reign, and had the rank of 4,000 with 2,000
horse. He was Divân-i- Khâlşa and Divân-i-Tan as well as governor*
of Kashmir ; he himself remained at the Court and sent a deputy (to
Kashmir). in the reign of Muhammad Shâh he, after the death of

in the expressıon aahraf-t-janâhir-khâm, ashraf appears to be a lapsus calami
for mushraf, see Maa&tr-t-' Alamgîrt, p. 249. For mushraf, see Wilson, Olossarv of
Revenue Terme, p. 358 and Sır Jadunath Sarkar, MugKal Administration, p. 42
note; he was really an esaminer or auditor of accounts.

* ZInat-un-Nisâ, Maâtfrir-i-' Âlamgiri, p. 314
», « Loc. cü., pp. 345, 393.

* Maâ&ir-i- jülamgiri, p. 390, where it is said that Asad Khân's illness was
the reason of the order. This was in the 41st year.

* See Sir Jadunath Sarkar's Mughal Administration, pp. 48-52.
7 Maâdir-ul-Umarâ, Text II, p. 507.

682

(RÂJA) indabman DHANDfiKA.

Maâihir

J3it es He coüected the orders which were issued throughhm, o the
Princes and officers and gave them the name Abkam-ı. Ahmgırı 1 He
^coUected the notes Ltten by the King and caüed them Kğmat
Tavıfibât* Both works are well known. He had sıx sons. One ıs
s3d TJUâh Khân Hidâyat Khân of vhom an account has been given «
L Hs plate. "The second was Diyâ Ullâh Khân of who ^ a » J^Z^
S/been given * at the beginning of the hves ofhı* sons TJana UMh
Khân and Âmân Ullâh Khân. The third was Kıfayat ™J îf^-
Th?foih Z ' Atit Ullâhlhân, who after his father J deathhad the txtk
of 'Inâvat Ullâh Khân and became the governor of Kashmır İne Mtû
wa 8 'Ûbaid Ullâhliân. The sixth is 'Abdullah Khân who ıs hvmg m
the Capital. He has the title of Manşûr-ud-Daula.

(RÂJA) INDARMAN DHANDfiKA.

(Vol. II, pp. 265, 266.)

He belonged to a branch of the Râjpüts. This branch was connected
with the Bundelas and the Panwârs, and their native country was tne
town of Sahra in the Sarkar of Sârangpür in Mâlwa. in the records it
L described as Sahâr* Bâbâ Hâji. in Akbar's time Râja /ağman»
of Dhandera entered the service, and in the time of Shah Janan the
territorv of Dhandera was given to Siv Ram the brother s son ol Raja
Bethal Dâs Gaur. He (Râja Bethal Dâs) went with a body of men and
forciblv expelled Râja Indarman— who at that time held the zannından—
but he after some time coüected a large force and again took posşessıon
of the country. in the lOth » year, the King sent Mu tamad KJıan and
Râia Bethal Dâs with a suitable force to punish him. They ınyested
Sahra and the Râja asked for quarter and came wıth them to the Court.
in acc'ordance with orders, he was imprisoned in the fort of Junaır. İn
the year » when Aurangzib proceeded from the Deccan to ınquıre arter

l See Cambridge History of India, y>. 583. lfi , „„ M?

* Ivanow, Desoriptive Cat., Persian MSS., As. Soc. Bengal, p. 167, no. 382

3 ' ' Ma&thir-ul-Vmarâ, Text II, pp. 504-508.

* Maöthir-ul-Vmarâ, Text I, p. 506.

s Jarrett's translation of Â'în, II, p. 203. m *nH n ™A

* in Akbarnâma, Text III, p. 751, Beveridge's translatıon, p. 1122, ıs mentıoned
a. Râia Jaeman a Mâİwa landholder.

* ^TjnBİLhâhnâma I, pt. 2, p. 142, Sîv Râm is ment.oned aş bemg ^anted the
fief of Dhandera. On pp. 234, 235 the author mentions Pathal Das (for Bethal Da*),
Mu'tamadasn and other royal servants who had been sent to pumsh the Zamındar
of Dhandera. The name of the fort is given as Shahr Ara.

Tfm 1 A D. According to Sir Jadunath Sarkar, History of Aurangzib,!, p. 344,
the eldest son'of Aurangzib started with the van towards Burhânpur on 5th February
and he himself left Aurangâbâd on 16th February.

•vl-Umarâ.

IRÂDAT EHlN MIR ISHİQ.

683

his father's health, and meditated an expedition to Upper India, he got
the rank of 3,000 with 2,000 horse and advanced with Prinoe Muhammad
Sultân to Upper India. After the battle with Mahârâja Jaswant Singh,
he received a flag and drums, and after the battle with Muhammad
Shujâ' he went off to Bengâl. There he was active in the King's service.
At last he died. 1

Ibadat Kjian Mis Ishâq.

(Vol. I, pp. 203-206.)

He was the third son of A' zam Khân JahângM 2 in the reign of
ShâhJahân he, after his father's death, obtained a commission of 900
with 500 horse and was made Mir Tuzuk. in the 25th year, he received
the title of Irâdat Khân and a commission of 1,500 with 800 horse, and
was made Superintendent of the elephant stables. in the 26th year, he
was made, in succession to Tarbiyat Khân, Master of the horse. in the
same year he was granted a commission of 2,000 with 1,000 horse and
was made 2nd Bakhshl and received a robe of honour. in the 28th year,
he got an increase of 800 horse and was made faujdâr of Sarkar LucknoW
and Baiswâra (in Oudh) in succession to Abmad Beg Khân. in the 29th
year, he came to Court and was appointed to the office of ' Ard Waqâ'i'
(Recorder of petitions). His commission was 2,000 with 2,000 horse. =
in the end of Shâh Jahân's reign he was, for certain reasons, deprived
of office and spent some time in retirement. At the same time ' Âîamgîr
(Aurangzib) succeeded to the throne. Irâdat Khân's brothers, Multafat
Khân and Khân Zaman attached themselves to Aurangzib and risked 8
their lives in tbc first battle with Dârâ Shiköh. When the royal standards
reached the Capital, Irâdat Khân was the recipient * of regal favours and
got an increase of 500 with 500 horse. At the same time the victorious
standards moved from Jgra to Shâhjahânâbâd (Delhi) to- pursue Dârâ
Shiköh and Irâdat Khân was appointed 6 to the Şübadâri. of Oudh and
granted drums and an increase of 500 with 500 horse so that his com-
mission became one of 3,000 with 3,000 horse of which 1,000 troopers
were of the two-horse and three-horse rank.

l in Maöthir-i-'Âlamgiri, p. 161, it is stated that Râja Indarman — he is called
Bundela— died in 1088 A.H. (1677 A.D.). Mr. Silberrad in his account of
W. Bundelkhand (Journ. As. Soc. Bengal for 1902, p. 116) saya that Indarman was
the son of Pahar Singh the brother of Champat and that he died in 1673, leaving
a son, Jaswant Singh. it appears from the 'Alamgirnâma that he afterwards served
in the Sivâliks and in the Deccan ; see pp. 517, 533, and 989.

s For his account, aee Madthir-ul-Umarâ, Text I, pp. 174-180, and Beveridge's
translation, pp. 315-319. His name there is A'?am Ehta Mir Muha m mad Bâqir,
otherwise Irâdat JŞıân.

* The language used would seem to imply that one or both of Irâdat Khfc's
brothers were killed at the battle of Sâmügarh on 8th June, 1658 A.D. (see Sir
Jadunath Sarkar, History of Aurangzib, II, p. 383), but histories ahow that this was
not the case. Perhaps the meaning is that Irâdat JÇhân had distinguished himself
in that battle.

* See 'Alamgirnâma, p. 119, where reference is made to his earlier dismissal,
and t o his being raised to the rank of 2,500, with 1,500 horse.

* 'Alamgirnâma, p. 127. The increase was 1,500 personal with 500 horse.

684

IBİDAT KBlN MIR I8HİQ.

Mad&ir

lnasmuch as it is an old habit with the envious heavens to destroy
aohievements, he had made only a few eteps in the field of success when
he tripped and fell That is, after two months and some days he, in the
month of ûhül Hijjâ, 1068 A.H. (August, 1658 A.D.) passed 1 away
from this transitory world. His first marriage was with a daughter of
Mirza Badî'-uz-Zamân, the son of Aqâ Mullâ, the brother of Aşaf Khân
Ja'far. His second was with the daughter of Zâhîd Khân Koka. His
eldest son by her was Muhammad Ja'far, who was honest and renowned.
He died, and his brother Mir Mubârak Ullâh was maÂefavjdâr of Châkna *
in the 33rd year of ' Âlanıgîr. Afterwards, he received his father's title.
in the 40th year, he was made 8 faujdâr of Aurangâbâd, and had a com-
mission of 700 with 1,000 horse. After that he was made faujdâr of
Mandsür* in Mâlwa, and in the time of Bahâdur Shâh he became a
favourite of the Khân-Khânân Mun'im Khân and his intimate friend. He
was nominated to the faujdârl of the Düâb of Patan Jâlandhar. He
had a taste for various kınds of knowledge and had developed a very
delicate sense for poetic composition. His poetical name was Wâdifr 6
(Evident) and he is the author of a divân.

Verse.

My heart is jealous of nought but the enjoyment of the beloved,
Life received one garment, and that too a shroud.

in the time of Muhammad Farrufeh-siyar he died. 8 His son Mîr
Hidâyat Ullâh. who received the title of Höshdâr Khân and afterwards of
Irâdat Khân was in the time of Bahâdur Shâh faujdâr of Nürmahl in the
Panjâb and was also for a long time faujdâr of Deeg in Mâlwa. in the
6th year of Muhammad Shâh 's reign he came to the Deccan with Aşaf
Jâh, and after the battle with Mubâriz Khân, he for some time was
Divân of the Decoan, in suocession to the deceased Diyânat Khân 7 and
held a commission of 4,000. He lived for a long time at Aurangâbâd,
and at last was appointed the governor of the foıt of Gulbarga. in the
Trichinopoly 8 expedition he accompanied Âşaf Jâh, and died on the
way back near Aurangâbâd in 1157 A.H. (1744 A.D.). He was a skilled
soldier; even in old age he did not lay aside his -vvcapons. He spoke
much and was well known for sword-practice. 9 His poetry was without
distinction. He was much addioted to women and had many children.
His grown-up sons died in his lifetime. At the time of writing his son
Hâliz Khân is the governor of the fort of Gulbarga.

ı ' Alamgirnâma, p. 202.

2 Islâmâbâd Châkna in the Cöncan, Maâ&ir-i-' 'Âlamgiri, p. 331.

3 Mdâ&ir-i-'Âlamgirt, p. 383.

• The Marösör in Jaırett's translation of A'în, II, p. 208, and Mandsor of the
mapa.

6 Rieu, III, p. 938. it is curious that the Maâih.ir-'ul-Umarâ does not menticn
his history which seems to be his most important work. See Elliot, VII, p. 534
and Scott's History of the Deccan.

• Irâdat ghân died in 1128 A.H. (1716 A.D.).
' An ancestor of the author.

8 in March, 1743, aide Cambridge History of India, IV, p. 384.

• Shamshir shinâsi might also mean connoisseurship in swords.

-ul-Umarâ. üuj ZBİS. 685

Îbaj KjjIn.

(Vol. I, pp. 268-272.)

He was the son of Qazalbâsh Khân Afshâr. in his father's lifetime
he became known for his rectitude and ability, and did oourageous
deeds. As the Superintendent of the artillery in the Deccan he acquired
fame by his skill and disinterestedness. When his father, the governor
of the fort of Ahmadnagar, died in the 22nd year of Shâh Jahân's reign
he was raised to the rank of 1,500 with 1.500 horse, the title of Khân,
and the charge of the said fort. As a result of his high spirit
and generosity he did not let his father's men be dispersed, but kept ali
of them as soldiers or servants (shâgird-pesha). He sought fame, and
because of honest-mindedness he tookhis father's debts upon himself
and set himself to support his relations and kindred. in the 24th year,
he had an increase of 500 and on the death of Qazzâq Khân, he became
thânadâr of Pathrî, ih the Deccan. He afterwards came to the Court, and,
in the 25th year, was made Mir Tuzuk. When Prince Dârâ Shiköh was
appointed with a large army to the Qandahâr expedition, îraj Khân was
made BaÇhshi and given a flag. On his return, he was raised to the
faujdâri of Jammfi and Kângra and received a grant of 57 estates in that
hill-oountry. in the 30th year when Prince Aurangzib was made Nâçim
of the Decoan and appointed to chastise 'Alî 'İSdil Shâh and to ravage his
territory, Iraj Khân was sent in company with Mîr Jumla who had been
appointed to assist the Prince with a large army of auxiliaries. After
the Prince had taken the fort of Bîdar he sent Iraj Khân with Nasrat
Khân and Kârtalab Khân to Ahmadnagar as the men of Sîvâ (Shivâjî)
and Manâjî Bhönsle had stirred up strife there. When the incident of
Shâh Jahân's illness oceurred, Dârâ Shiköh, who was lying in wait for his
opportunity and was always intent upon defeating his brothere, but was
unable to carry out his plans, issued strict orders and sent out
sazâıvals * for the presence at the Court of the officers in charge of the
auxiliaries. îraj Khân. who was closely eonnected with Dârâ Shiköh and
styled^himself Dârâshiköhî took the road to Upper India in company with
Mu'taqid Khân, the eldest son of Najâbat Khân. They say that the Prince
(Aurangzîb) had written to Vazir Khân the Nâ'ib at Burhânpür to practise
conciliation upon the two, and to keep an eye upon them, or else to use
deceit and stratagem and to arrest them. When they came near the
city in question the said Khân invited them to a feast, and they wished
to accept, but they oame to know that there was a half-cup 8 (saucer)
under the cup. They immediately set off and from the banks of the
Narbadâ Iraj Khân sent off by the hands of the Prince's couriers this
couplet which evidently was intended for Vazir Khân.

1 For Sazâıvals, see Wilson, Olossary of Revenue Terms, p. 473 and Sir Jadunath
Sarkar, Mughal Administration, p. 42, note.

2 Z£r kasa nîmkâsa hast is a phrase for a trick. See Bahar -i-' A jant lith. edition,
p. 479 ; the metaphor is taken from a wrestling trick.

686

IBAJ SBİN.

Verse.

Maâthir

A hundred thanksgivings that we have forded the Narbadâ,
Centum flatus podieisque tortiones * quia flumen transivimus.

When he câme to the presence (of Shâh Jahân), he was given the
faujdârî of one of the Eastern districts, and in the time of war he, at the
inatance of Dara Shiköh, kept a large body of troops in attendance and
prooeeded towards the Capital. Afterwards when the drum of the
sucoess of 'Alamgir beat high and Dârâ Shiköh traversed the desert of
flight, the said Khân placed the brow of shame on the ground of humilia-
tion, and through the intercession of 'Umadat-ul-Mulk Ja'far Khân was
forgiven his faults, and raade the subject of princely clemency. At the
same time Ja'far Khân was made the governor of the prövinoe of Mâlara,
and îraj Khân went there as one of the ausiliaries. in the beginning of the
3rd year, he was made faujdâr of Bhîlsa in that province, and after
that was made faujdâr of îlichpûr. When in the 9th year, Diler Khân
was appointed to collect the tribute of Chândâ and Deogarh, îraj Khân
went with him. By his good service on this occasion he acquired royal
favour, and was promoted to the rank of 2,500 with 2,000 horse. After -
wards he spent some time in the Deccan, and, in the Î9th year, again
became faujdâr of îlichpûr in suooession to Khân Zaman, in the 24th
year, he was made the governor of Burhânpür, and later of Berâr. On
the 23rd Ramadân, 1096 A.H. (23rd August, 1685 A.D.) he rolled 2 up
the carpet of life and vras buried in his own garden close to the walls of
îlichpûr. He had made a sara and a quarter (püra) near this town
and he had also, opposite the town and on the bank of the river which
traverses it, laid the fouhdation of a dwelling, the remains of vhich
are stili standing. He was of a very pleasant disposition and of
agreeable manners. He was a copious eater of choice foods, and as his
establishments, ete, were greater than his appointments he was ahvays in
debt. At first he w as married to the daughter of Şâdiq Khân MirBakhshî,
and on this account he assumed a higher position than others. She died
ohildless. He had three sons, but none of them rose high. Mir Mü'mîn,
his son, was the best of ali. For some time he acted as_the deputy of
Hasan 'Alî Khân Bahâdur ' Âlamgirshâhi the Şûbadâr of îlichpûr. The
eldest of his son Mirza 'Abd-ur-Ridâ as he had charge of his father's
aooounts became possessed of the sara and quarter without sharing them
mth anyone else. He was childless. His wife known as Bahü s Begam.
was a virtuous matron and lived in becoming fashion tül her death. The
Bource of her livelihood was the income of the said quarter. Another
son Mir Manüchihr died in his youth. He had a son who was of bad
character. Bahü Begam mentioned above adopted as a daughter the
child of her brother and gave her in marriage to him. Some seven or
eight years ago when that matron died ali the property reverted to her
(the adopted daughter). After t wo years she too died and her sons have
the property. The third son, Mîrzâ Muhammad Sa'îd, was chiefly

1 Bish appearg to be a contraction for risha or twisting, but it may mean
pimples. There is a play on nüd which means both ninety and the postrriorg.
Perhaps buttock-sores is the most correct trazadation of nüdrish.

2 Maâthir-i-' dlamgiri, p. 262.

* in the text Babhü, but three lines lower down it is Bahü.

.ul-Umarâ. ibshId khân mIr abül-'al! — 'isi khIn mabIk.

687

employed in service ; he had some knowledge of poetry and language
and was generally well-informed. This verse is by him :

Verse.

Regard not as idle the superseription on a gold coin,
it is an incantation which can evoke a fairy.

He was granted his father's title and was for some time tahsildar
of Chândâ. At last he fell into difficulties and could not get a hold
anywhere. He went off to the Carnâtic and spent some time at
Bâlâghât, Carnâtic, in the company of 'Abd-un-Nabî Khân Mîyâna;
later he went to the Pâyânghât and died there. He had no children.
Even in old age he was not without physical beauty, and 'n'as a friend of
the -writer. May God forgive him !

Ikshâd Kjiİn MIr AbOl-'Alİ.

(Vol. L pp. 290, 291.)

He was the sister's son and son-in-law of Amânat Khân Khawâfi. x
He was for a long time in the Şüba of Kabul, in the 42nd year of
Aurangzîb's reign he came to Court an<1. on the death of Kifâyat Khân
was made Dîvân of the Khâlşa. On account of his honesty and
trustworthiness and his success in affairs he became favourite to such
an extent that he was envied by his contemporaries. As the envious
heavens are not pleased to see anyone prosper and are always throwing
the stone of disturbance at the glasshouses of men's desires, he had not
lived many days in comfort whenin the 45th year, 1112 A.H. (1700-01
A.D.) he died. His eldest son Mîr Ghıılâm Husain had the title of
Kifâyat Khân. Tvvo of his sons survived one Mîr Haidar, ıvho at last got
his father's title, and the second Mîr Saiyid Muhammad who was
granted the title of his grandfather.

'ÎSÂ Kjian MabIn. 2

(Vol. II, pp. 825-828.)

He is also called Manb#h He belonged to a branch of the Ranghîr 8
tribe which regards itself as belonging to a Râjpüt elan. Most of
them live in the Chakla of Sirhind and the Patha * Düâb and carry on
agrioulture and are Iandholders. Nor do they withhold their hands

1 For his life, see Maâthir-ul-Umarâ, Test I, pp. 258-268, and Beveridge's
translation, pp. 221-230.

2 Also written Maîn and Manîn. Khafî Kân, II, p. 767, has Muhmand.

3 The Rangar of Elliot's Supp. Olossary, I, p. 4, and note. They are Kâjpüts
who have been converted to Muhammadanism, But it is stated by Mr. Williams,
Historical Sketches, Calcutta Revieıu Selections, 2nd Series, III, p. 228, that the
word Ranghur means in Sahâranpûr a Râjpüt of any denomination, and not only a
convert to islâm.

4 Patha is evidently wrong. There is the reading Thatha, but probably the
true reading is Etah which is the northernmost district of the Âgra Division, and
lies on the eastern edge of the middle Düâb.

688

'İSİ 5HİH MABİK.

Maâthir

.ıd-Umarâ.

(MUtzi) 'isi TABSHİK.

689

from highway robbery and other kinde of robberies. in former times
'lsâ's ancestors were not reckoned as landholders. His grandfather
Bfilâqî exerted himself and acquired a name. As he advanced in power,
he practised robbery and plunder and attacked caravans. Then he
oollected a force and robbed as far as his arm could reach. Gradually,
by force he took possession of men's lands, and became powerful. in the
battfe with A' zam Shâh (in 1707 A.D.) he, in company with Muhammad
Mu'izz-ud-Dîn fought well and got a name for courage, and was given a
manşab. in the conflicts which took place at Lâhöre between the princes,
he attended on Jahândâr Shâh with a well-equipped force, and, in the
cönfusion, acquired much plunder ; he carried off afl the treasure-carts, and
no one questioned him. After the victory he received the rank of 5.000
and the faujdâri of the Düâb Patha and of Lakhi Jangal, From being a
petty landholder he became an Amir and a confidential cfficer As
opportunism and a careful • study of the situation are the marks of
Zamindârs, particularly of usurpers, who_always indulge in creating
disturbances, so when Jahândâr Shâh fell 'Isâ became altogether a rebel
and plundered everywhere. He attacked the caravans of Delhî and
Lâhöre as if they were his source of revenue, and had frequent fights with
the faujdârs. By cunning and by letters and presents he established an
alliance with Samsâm-ud-Daula Khân Daurân and thereby increased his
presumption and oppression. TÜe Jâgirdârs of the neighbourhood could
not collect a dam of their rents. From the banks of the Biyâs, where
he had made a fort called Bâdresâ, to the town of Thârah in Sirhind
which is on the Sütle j, he was in possession of the entire territory,
and no one had the courage to interfere with him.

As 'Abd-uş-Şamad Diler Jang the governor of Lâhöre was annoyed
by his conduct he, after the affair of the Sikhs had been disposed of,
made Shâhdâd Khân Khweshgî — who was a brave man — favjdâr of that
neighbourhood and commissioned him to extirpate 'îsâ. Though
Husain Khân (Khweshgî) — the lord of the Khân — and the head of the
tiırbulent men of the period — was not willing that 'îsâ shouid be
extirpated, because of the idea that as long as he existed, people would
not trouble ttiemselves about him (Husain Khân) — an idea which was
correct as his biography shows — stili Shâhdâd Khân was bound to carry
out the governor's orders. When in the beginning of the 5th year of
Farrukh-siyar's reign * the armies met near the town of Thârah — which
was 'lsâ's birth-place and where he had been brought up — he joined
battle with 3,000 gallant horse and fought vehemently. 2 Shâhdâd Khân
could not withstand him and turned to flee. By chance a bullet struck
' lsâ's father Daulat Khân — who lived at ease by his son 's fortune (daulat) —
and he was killed. 'Isâ Khân drove his elephant against Shâhdâd Khân
who was riding a small, female elephant, and struck him two or three
times with his sword. Just then a bullet reached him and there was
retribution for his actions. His head was cut off, and by the orders of
the governor it was sent to the Court. After that his zamindâriıeveTteâ to

1 Apparently in 1717, as Farrukh-siyar proclaimed himself as the Emperor in
April, 1712.

2 There occur here the words mardum tâza nigâh daeht. Does this mean that
Shâhdâd's men vrere raw levies ? See M aâthir-ıtl- Umara, Text II, p. 712. Apparently
the words mean : he ('Isâ) saw that the men were raw recruits.

his son, who manages it in the ordinary zamindâri fashion. No one of
the tribe acquired suoh a name as 'Isâ. 1

(MlBZi) 'İsi Tabkbİn.
(Vol. III, pp. 485-488.)

His father was Jân Bâbâ uncle of the father 2 of Mirza Jânî Beg s
the ruler of Sindh. When Mirza Jânî died 'îsâ became agitated by a
desire for rule. Khusrau Khân the Circassian, who was the chief Vakil
of the family, placed Mîrzâ Ghâzî in his father's place, and wished to
imprison 'îsâ. He had the good fortune to escape from that country and
to arrive at the Court. Jahângîr gave him a high rank and appointed him
to the Deccan. When Mirza Ghâzî died as governor of Qandahâr,
Khusrau Khân placed upon the Tarkjjânî masnad 'Abdul 'Alî a member of
the family, and thought that he himself would be the real ruler. As
Jahângîr suspected that 'Abdul 'Ah" might, with the help of Khusrau
Khân, become independent there, he sent a farmân to 'Isâ Khân. When
the latter came to_the Court to pay his respects, some envious people
represented that 'Isâ had Tor a long time put *the horse-shoe in the fire
(»'.e. been plotting) with the wish of becoming the ruler of the country,
and that if he were now confirmed he might join the governors of
Kachh and Mekrân and Hurmuz (Ormuz), who were near at hand and
seek the allianee of Shâh 'Abbâs Şafavî and that it would take a long
time to redress the evils so caused. The King became suspicious and
appointed Mîrzâ Bustam of Qandahâr to the government. By his
exertions the whole plant of the Tarkbâns was uprooted from that country
and Mîrzâ 'Isa was made jagîrdâr of Dhanpûr in Gujarât and appointed
to that province. When Shâh Jahân after his failure left Sindh, and
came* by the Raim 'and the country of Bhâra 8 in Gujarât and returned
to the Deccan, the Mîrzâ had the good luck to present to him money,
stores, horses and camels, and so lay the foundation of good fortune for
himself.

Accordingly, after the death of Jahângîr, the Mîrzâ came to Âgra
and appeared at the Court. He received an increase of 2,000 with 1,300
horse and attained the rank of 4,000 with 2,500 horse, and the government
of Sindh. But afterwards the administration of the country was, of neces-
sity, given to Sher Khwâja vho was styled Khvvâja Bâqî Khân, and the
Mîrzâ had to return from the Court without gaining his object. He received
the fief of Mathurâ, 9 and, in the 5th year, the_number of his troopers was
increased, and he was sent off to the jâgir of îlichpûr. in the 8th year,
he had an increase of i;000 and 1,000 horse and obtained the rank of

1 There is some aceount of 'Isâ in Khâfî ilân, II, p. 767, where he is called
'Isâ Khân Mohmand.

2 That is, he was grand-uncle of Jânî Beg. See Blochmann's translation of
A'in, I (2nd edn.), p. 392, note 2.

3 There was an earlier Mîrzâ 'Isâ Tarkhân son of Mîrzâ 'Abdul 'Alî who died
in 974 A.H., vide Elliot, I, p. 325.

* Barâhzan, but it should be Ramı, i.e. Kann of Cutch.

6 Khâfî Khân, I, p. 383, mentions Shâh Jahân's leaving Sindh for the Deccan.
8 'Isâpür a suburb of Mathurâ is named after him; see Growse, Mathura,
p. 175.

690

(mC'tAMAN-UD-DAULA) I9HİQ KflİN.

Maâthir

5,000 with 4,000 horse, two-horse and three-horse, and was made faujdâr
of the Sarkar of Sörath. in the 15th year, he was made governor of
Gujarât in succession to A'zam Khân. The charge of Sörath was given
to his eldest son 'Inâyat Ullâh who had the rank of 2,000 with 1 ,000
horse. After the Mirza was removed from the government, he received
again charge of Jünâgarh, and, in the 25th 1 year, the defence of that
country was entrusted to his second son Muhammad Şâlih, and the Mîrzâ
was summond to the Court . in Muharram, 1062, he had reached the town
of Sâmbhar where he died 8 . Though he was över 100 years old his
natural force was not abated. He stili had youthful lusts and was much
addicted to pleasure and drinking. He was not without skill in music.
He had many children. 'Inâyat Ullâh, his eldest son, who -was an officer
of high rank, died in the 21st year of the reign. Most of his sons died
in the Mîrzâ 's lifetime. After his death Mîrzâ Muhammad Şâlih who was
the best of them (i.e. of those who survived him) and of whom a separate
aecount (Text III, pp. 560-562) has been given, attained the rank of
2,000 with 1,500 horse. Fath Ullâh attained the rank of 500, and ' Aqil
received a suitable rank.

(Mü'taman-ttd-Daula) IshIq I£#îk.

(Vol. m, pp. 774-776.)

His father came to fndia from Shüstar and settled in Delhi, in
the reign of Mahammad Shâh he entered the service and received the
title of Ghulâm 'Alî Khân. He was made Bakânml (Clerk of the kitchen).
Ishâq Khân was born in India, and, in the time of Muhammad Shâh he
became EMn-i-Sâmân. in the 22nd year, or 1152 8 (17Ş9 A.D.) he died
He composed poetry. This verse is his:

As my small heart was full of thoughts of that rose (beloved),
The flüte of my sleep last night was the whistling nightingale.

He left three sons. The eldest was Mîrzâ Muhammad wno, like his
father, was an intimate of Muhammad Shâh and an object of envy to
his contemporaries. At first he was called Ishâq Khân but later received
the title of Najm-ud-Daula. He was appointed as 4th Bakhshi.
Mahammad Shâh gave his sister 4 in marriage to Shujâ'-ud-Daula the son
of Şafdar Jang. After Muhammad Shâh's death he was retained as
Bakhshi in Ahnıad Shâh's time and appointed Krörî 6 of Delhi. When
Şafdar Jang had his fights with the Bangash Afghâns, who are found
in the northern part of the Delhi Province, and a battle took place
between the towns of Sâjî and Sahâwar , in which Şafdar Jang was defeated

1 On p. 560 of Vol. III of the Test of Ma&ğiir-ul-Umarâ, the year is given as
the 24th.

2 ît is stated in EHiot, I, p. 302, that 'Isâ TarkhSn died at the age of ninet y-fi ve
in 1061 A.H., 1651 A.D. Sâmbhar in Râjput&na, Imperial Gazetteer, XXII,
pp. 21, 22.

8 Muhammad Ishâq Khân Mü'taman-ud-Daula died in April, 1741 (vide Irvine,
Journ. As. Söe. Bengal for 1879, p. 67).

* She was the Bhâo BSgam of Faidâbâd (Irvine, loc. cil., p. 67).

* For Krörî, «ee Sir Jadunath Sarkar, Mughal Administration, pp. 41, 42,
note ; he was " the cöllector of a revenue area yielding one Kror of Dam, i.e., 2 f lakhs
of rupees" ; also pp. 86, 87.

ul-Umarâ.

ISKAKDAB SfilN ÜZBEG.

691

Najm-ud-Daula showed courage and was killed x (1162 A.H., 6th July,
1750 A.D.}, Mü'taman-ud-Daula had two other sons, Mîrzâ 'Alî
Iftikbar-ud-Daula and Mîrzâ Muhammad 'Alî Sâlâr Jang. in the reign of
'Âlamgîr II, they were proceeding from Delhi to Şafdar Jang's camp, but
it chanced that Şafdar Jang died at this time, and the two brothers in 1168
went to Shujâ'-ud-Daula in Oudh. Afterwards Sâlâr Jang was made
Bakhshî by Shâh 'Alam.

ISKANDAB KplN ÜZBEG.

(Vol. I, pp. 84-87.)

He was a descendant of the princes of that tribe. He did good
service under Hümâyûn and obtained the title of Khân at the beginning
of the expedition to India, and after the conquest he was appointed
governor of Âgra. On the occasion of Hemû he left Agra and joined
Tardı Beg Khân in Delhi, and in the battle commanded the left wing.
The imperial vanguard and left wing defeated the right wing of the
enemy and pursued them, and obtained much plunder. 3,000^ of the
enemy were slain. At this juncture Hemü attacked Tardi Beg Khân
and drove him into flight. The victors were astonished when they
returned and had to follow Tardi Beg. Iskandar Khân came to Sirhind
to Akbar, and was appointed to the vanguard of the army against Hemü
along with 'Ali Quli Khân Zaman. After the victory he was despatched
to pursue the fugitives and to protect Delhi from plunderers. He made
haste and killed many and obtained rouoh booty. He was rewarded by
the title of Khân ' Alam.

When Khidr Khwâja Khân, the governor of the Panjâb retreated
before Sikandar Khân Sûr — who had designs against the country — and
set about fortifying Lâhöre, and Sikandar Khân taking advantage of
this opportunity set about collecting revenue from the province, Akbar
instantly gave Iskandar Khân Siyâlköt, ete, in fief, and sent him off to
assist Khidr Khwâja. After that he was rewarded with the fief of
Oudh. As ease and comfort make the turbulent and opportunists
seditious, Iskandar Khân, in the lOth year, left the straight path and
became a rebel. Ashraf Khân was sent from the Court to conciliate him and
to bring him to the Presence. He, after some prevarications, went off
toK^ân Zaman, and they together raised the standard of re. it. Iskandar
Khân in company with Bahâdur Khân Shaibâni fought near Khairâbâd
with Mir Mu'izz-ul-Mulk of Mashhad, who had been deputed by His
Majesty to chastise him. Though in the end Bahâdur Khân obtained the
victory, Iskandar Khân was defeated in the first attack and fled. in
the 12th year when Khân Zaman and Bahâdur Khân again rebelled,
Muhammad Qull Khân Barlâs was sent with a large force against Iskandar
Khân, who was behaving contumaciously in Oudh. There was fighting
between them for a time. When news came of the deaths of Khân Zaman
and Bahâdur Khân, Iskandar Khân had recourse to fraud and stratagem,
and proposed peace. After spending some time in this way he put his
family and belongings into some boats ırhich he had kept ready for this
purpose and erossed the river. He sent a message that he was stili of

ı See Irvine, loc. cü., p. 75.

692

İSLİM KHİN CHI8HTÎ FİK0Q1.

Maâihir

the same mind ana was shortly coming in. As his heart and his tongue
were not in accord, the officers crossed the river and followed him. He
went off to Görakhpür, \rhich was then in the possession of the Afghâns,
and went to Sulaimân Kararanı, the ruler of Bengâl. He marched in
oompany with the latter's son (Bâyazid) to conquer Orîssa. When he
returned, the Afghâns did not think that his presence among them was
proper, and plotted against him. He came to know of it and petitioned
the Khân-Khânân who was in Jaunpûr. The latter consulted His Majesty,
and giving Iskandar Khân hopes sumînoned him. Iskandar Khân came
quickly to the Khân-Khânân. Khân-Khânân in the 17th year, 979 A.H.,
took him with him to the Emperor, and at the intercession of this
officer Iskandar Khân was pardoned, and received the Sarkar of Lucknow
in fief.. Ât the time of departure he received a dress of honour (Chârgab),
a waist-dagger, an ornamented sword and a horse with a gilded saddle,
and was appointed to join the Khân-Khânân. Some time after reaohing
Lucknow he fell ili, and on lOth Jumâda I, 980 A.H. (18th September,
1572 A.D.) he died. He had the rank of 3,000 *.

IslIm KjplN ChishtI FIrüqI.

(Vol. I, pp. 118-120.)

His name was ' Alâ'-ud-Din, and he was a grandson of Shaikh Salim
Fathpûrî. He was endowed with an excellent disposition and abundance
of good qualities and was pre-eminent among his friends and connections.
in virtue of his being connected by fosterage with Jahângîr he held a
royal office and received much honour. The sister of the well-known
'Allâmî Shaikh Abûl Fadl was married to him. When Jahângîr became
the King, he received the title of islâm Khân and an office of 5,000, and was
appointed governor of Bihâr. in the 3rd year, he was made, after the
deatb öf Jahângîr Qulî Khân Lala Beg, the governor of Bengâl. As 2 that
country had from the time of Sher Shâh been in the possession of Afghân
officers, large armies were sent there in Akbar's time under the leadership
of high officials, and for a long time there was much fighting, ete. At
last the Afghâns were extirpated, but remnahts of the tribe continued to
exist on the frontiers. Among them 'Uthmân Khân. the son of Qutlü
Löhânî, became prominent, and several times engaged in battle with the
imperial troops. This was especially so in the time of Râja Mân Singh,
who in spite of his efforts, was unable to uproot the thorn of 'Uthmân
Khftn's rebellion. When islâm Khân's turn came, he arranged an army 8
under the leadership of Shaikh Kabir Suhjâ'at Khân — who was nearly
related to him — and it set out along with auxüiary officers, from Akbar-
nagar (Râjmahal) against 'Uthmân Khân and after achievements which
put the masterpieces of Rustam and Isfandiyâr into oblivion — as has
been fully detailed in the account of that officer (Text II, pp. 630-633) —

1 Apparently this IsKandar Khân was the son of Sa'Id Khân and is the man
mentioned in the Târîlch-iRashîdi, Elias and Ross's translation, p. 340, ete.

* Apparently from Iqbâlnâma-i-Jahânglri, p. 60 el seq.

» Blochmann's translation of A'vn, I (2nd edn.), pp. 586-588. Riyâd-uş-Salâtin
(translation) has an account of the battle on pp. 174-179, but the above is copied
from the Iqbâlnâma, loe. cit.

.ul- Umara.

İSLİM EHİN CHİSHTI FÂRÜQl.

693

'Uthmân Khân was sent to annihilation and his brother (Wali Khân)
made his submission. As a reward for this good service, he, in the 7th
year was promoted to the rank of 6,000. in the 8th vear ı, 1022 A.H.
(1613 A.D.) his life came to an end. His body was conveyed to Fathpûr,
which was his birth place and where his ancestors were buried. His
history is a strange one. His virtue and gravity vvere such that probably,
in ali his life, he never took part in drunkenness or other forbidden things.
Yet in spite of this, ali the saltatory troops in the whole of the proVİnce of
Bengâl consisting of İMİ», hürkanl 2 , kanehnî (dancing-girls) and dömni
(gypsies) were his servants and received from him Rs.80,000 a month,
or nine lacs, sisty thousand a year. Men stood holding trays of jewels
and silken stuffs, and he distributed them in presents. He carried the
customs of high office (tüzuk-i-amârat) to such a piteh that he used the
jharöka * (lattice) for exhibiting himself to high and low, and the private
parlour (OhuslkMna) which are things fitting only for kings *. He also
had ejephant-fights. He was not particular about his dress and wore
a skull-cap (tâqiya) under his turban. He wore a shirt under his
tunic. From the dishes on his table 1,000 poor were abundantly fed, but
first they set before him bread of millet (juwâr and bâjra) and vegetables
(sâg) and dry rice called sathi 5 . His spirit and liberaüty threw the story
of Hatim and Ma' an into oblivion. During his government of Bengâl
he distributed 1,200 elephants to his manşabdârs (officers) and servants.
Altogether he supported 20,000 persons, horse and foot who belonged to
the elan of Shaikhzâdas. His son Ikrâm Khân Hüshang was the child
of Shaikb Abûl Fadl's sister. For a while he held an appointment in the
Deccan. in the end of Jahângîr's reign he became the governor of the
fort of Âsîr. A daughter of Sher Khân Tönvar lived in his house (i.e. was
married to him). He did not get on with her, and her brothers took her
away. I» spite of his descent from such a family he was an oppressor.
in the middle of Shâh Jahân's reign he was, for certain reasons, removed
from his fief and office of 2,000 and 1,000 horse, and made a recipient of
payment in cash (naçdi 6 ). He became a hermit in Fathpûr and had
charge of the shrine of Shaikh Salim. He died in the 24th year. His
half -brother Shaikb Mu'azzam was appointed to the charge of the shrine,
and in the 26th year he was made favjdâr of Fathpûr, and held the rank of
1,800, substantive and with inerements. in the battle of Sâmügarh 7 ,
when he was in the altmish 8 of Dârâ Shiköh's army, he died bravely 9 .

l 5th Bajab, 1022 A.H., 21st August, 1613, see Rogers and Beveridge's transla-
tion of Tûzuk-i-jahângîri, I, p. 257.

» in Haughton's Bengali Dictionary the form is hürkaniyâ and hûrkî, and the
definition is — a woman who refuses to live with her husband.

» Blochmann's translation of A'in, I (2nd edn.), p. 358, note 2. See also «6ü.,
p. 325, where Jahângîr forbade Amira to use the jharöka, and Aurangzlb abolished it
altogether.

* For a detailed account of the Prerogatives of the Emperor, see Sir Jadunath
Sarkar, Mughal Administration, pp. 133-147.

s Sathî rice, so called because it ripens in sisty days after being sown.

« This cash in exchange of Jögîr was better known as 'iva^-i-jâgîr.

i Date of battle was 8th June, 1658. See Sir Jadunath Sarkar, History of
Aurangzib, I, p. 383.

» Advance-guard of the centre, Irvine Army of the Indian MoghuU, p. 226.

» The Dİography of islâm Khân appears to be inaccurate. it is not mentioned
that he removed the headquarterg of the government of Bengâl from Râjmahal to
Dacca, to which he gave the name of Jahângîrnagar. See Blliot, VI, p. 328.

694 islİm khan mashhadI. Maâthir

Islİm Khân MashhadI.

(Vol. I, pp. 162-167.)

He was Mir 'Abd-us-Salâm, and had the title of Ifchtişâş Kj|ân.
He was one of the old servants of Shâh Jahân. At first he did secretary 's
work. in 1030, the 15th year of Jahângir — when the royal standarda
went for the second time to redress the afifairs of the Deocan, the Mir
was made Vakil of the Darbâr (i.e. Shâh Jahân's agent at his father's
Court) with a suitable rank and the title of Ikjjtişâş Khân. At the time
when Jahângir was estranged from the Prince, he was reoalled from the
Court and joined Shâh Jahân and in the troubles that ensued did not try
to part from him. Afterwards, when the fort of Junair was made Shâh
Jahân's residence, he was sent to Bîjâpür to convey tö the heir Muhammad
' Adil Shâh oondolences for the death of ibrahim. ' Adil Shâh. He per-
formed the duty satisfactorily, and when Shâh Jahân beeame the King,
he waited upon him with a valuable present, and was given the rank of
4,000 with 2,000 horse, and the title of islâm Khân, and appointed 2nd x
Bafahshî — a department in which none but oonfidential servents can be
employed. When Shâh Jahân went to the south to put down Khân
Jahân Lödî, he was appointed as the governor of Âgra. When Sher
Khân Tönvar the Nâzım of Gujarât died in the 4th year, islâm Khân
was made a manşabdâr of 5,000 and the governor of that province. in
the end of the 6th year, he beeame Mir 2 Bakhshl ; the words Bakhshl-i-
mumâlik give the date, 1043 A.H. (1633-34 A.D.). in the 8th year, he
was appointed governor of the extensive province of Bengal in
place of A'zam Khân. and there opened wide the gates of victory. He
chastised the Assamese properly and captured the son-in-law of the ruler
of Âssâm, and conquered forts so quiekly that in the space of two s pahars
(6 hours) he took fîfteen forts 4 . He also took Srîghât and Pândû and
estabüshed thânas in the whole of Küch Hâjü. Also, in the llth year,
he captured 500 of their boats. Mânik Râi the brother of the ruler of
the Maghs — who was in possession of Chittâgong — solicited the proteetion
of islâm Khân owing to the ascendeney of the Arracanese, and came to
him in the 12th year, 1048, 1638, in Jahângîrnagar, commonly known
as Dhâka (Dâcca). in the 13th year, islâm Khân was summond to the

There are passing references to islâm Khân in the Tiizuk-i-Jahângîrî. From
these it appears that he was brought up vrith Jahângir and that he was one year his
junior. He was, therefore, born in 1570, and was 43 when he died. He ia buried
at Fathpur Sîkrî where there is a massive monument built över his grave.

1 Bakhshî düwam u 'Ard mukarrar — 2nd Bakhshl and omcer of the Revision
department. As Irvine has shown, 'Ard mukarrar is the Superintendent of
revision; vide Army of the Indian Moghuls, pp. 18, 42.

2 That is, İst Bakhshl. Bâdshâhnâma, I, p. 542.

» Blochmann, Journ. As. Soc. Bengal, XXI, for 1872, p. 61, has "Before noon".

* Bâdshâhnâma, II, p. 85, and Blochmann, Journ. As. Soc. Bengal, XLI, p. 61.
He tranalates the word fort by stoekade. islâm Khân 'a first personal expedition was
in the 1 lth year. For the son-in-law's capture and death, see loc. cit., p. 88. He
was apparently Sang Deo's son-in-law. For capture of the 500 boats, see p. 88.
The account of Âssâm and of the campaign, ete. in the Bâdshâhnâma, II, pp. 64-90,
is very full. Mândû is Pândû in it. Part of the account is translated in Elliot,
VII, p. 65 et seq. The most complete translation is that by Blochmann noticed
above. The campaign oecurred in the autumn and winter of 1637 in the llth
year of Shâh Jahân's reign.

-ul-Umarâ.

ISLAH &HAN MASHHADI.

695

Presence and received oharge of the high office of vazîr. When Khân
Daurân x Naşrat Jang, governor of the Deccan was killed, islâm Khân
at the New Year's feast of the 19th year obtained the rank of 6,000 Dfoât
and horse and the government of that province. His brother, sona and
son-in-law also had suitable inereases and accompanied him.

They say, that when the news came of Khân Daurân's death, Shâh
Jahân told islâm Khân to decide who was fit for that government.
He went home and told his counsellors and well-wishers what the King had
said. After deliberation he mentioned what came into his mind, namely
his own name. They said to him: "How can this be right ? The post
of the Premier and the proximity to the King cannot be staked against
the government of the Deccan." He said, "I agree, but what has oecurred
to the King is that Sa'ad Ullâh Khân — to whom he is partial — should be
made Vazir and he has sent for him under a pretext. I fear that I may
be superseded. Under these circumstances what better can I do ? "
Ali approved of his decision. The same day about the end of the sessions
he, contrary to custom and rule, appeared at the Oourt with his sword
girt on and with his shield. The King asked him the cause of this, and
he replied that an order had been given to choose someone for the Deccan.
No one appeared to him to be suitable except himself. The King
approved and asked as tö who should be made the Deputy Vazîr. He
said there was no better man for this than Sa'ad Ullâh Khân. This was
also approved. When he was arranging for his departure Sa'ad Ullâh
Khân was confirmed in the Vazârat-i-kull (Chief Minister). Ali perceived
the good judgment and right thinking of islâm Khân. İn the 20th year,
he was raised to the high rank of 7,000 with 7,000 horse.

When he came from Burhânpür to Aurangâbâd illness prevailed
över him, and he perceived that it was the time for his last journey. in
acoordance with the advice of Chatr Bhöj , the writer on his estabüshment,
and Khwâja 'Ambar the mutşaddl (clerk) of his jâgîr, he burnt his records
and elandestinely divided 2 his property among his sons and brothers
and other persons of his household and sent a statement of Rs.25 8 lacs
to the King. On 14th Shawwâl of the 21st year, 1057 A.H. (12*İr Novein-
ber, 1647 A.D.) he died, and in accordance with his will he was buried
in Aurangâbâd. The tomb and garden which were made, though old,
remain in good condition to this day. Khwâja 'Ambar remained *
seated at the head of the tomb. Shâh Jahân heard of what had taken
place (about the property), but, in consideration of his long service,
overlooked the oecurrence and promoted every one of his sons in accord-
ance with their deserts and gave them employment. Chatr Bhöj he
made Dîvân of Mahva.

islâm Khân had a full knowledge of the rational and traditionary
sciences and of elegant compositions and of calligraphy. in reference to
royal business he was jealous (Ut. greedy), and did not want that anyone
should have possession of it. He did his work with striotness and severity,
and the men of the Deccan, who had been tormented by Khân Daurân,

1 The second omcer who bore that title. He was assassinated at Lâhöre
(Beale), properly four miles from Lâhöre, and died on 7th Jumâda I, 1055 A.H. or
İst July, 1645 A.D., vide Maâ^ir-ul-Umarâ, Text I, p. T67.

2 Text karda, MS. gufta.

8 Text 25 lacs which is surely wrong. MS. has only Rs.25.
* Apparently the meaning is that he took charge of the tomb.

696

İSLİM gglN MtE DIYİ-UD-DÎN HUSAIN BADAKBSHl. Mdâthİr

did not 1 have their eyes salved (».e., cured or wiped dry). But he exerted
himself to improve the country. He sold the stones of the forts at a
profit and made new arrangements. He had on his establishment a
good supply of horses and elephants, and though he had not the power
to mount on horseback, yet he laboured hard in taking good çare of the
horses. He had six sons. Among them, Aslıraf Khân (Test I, pp. 272-
274), Safî Khân (Text II, pp. 740-742) and 'Abd-ur-Rahîm Khân (Text
II, pp. 812, 813) have been separately notieed. His third son Mir
Muhamınad Sharîf was, after his death, raised to the rank of 1,000 with
200 horse. in the 22nd year of Shâh Jahân's reign he went on the
Oandahâr compaign with Sultân Muhammad Aurangzîb. in the 24th
year, he was made Superintendent (Dârögha) of the jewelled weapons.
Aftervrards he was made Bai&shi and Reporter of the Capital. At last
he was made clerk of the port of Sürat. At the time of Shâh Jahân's
illness, when Sultân Murad Bakjjsh aimed at the sovereignty, he was
seized and imprisoned. The 4th son Mir Muhammad Ghiyâth, after his
father's death, rose to the rank of 500 with 100 horse, and in the 28th
year became Bakhshi and Reporter of Burhânpûr, and Superintendent
of the vrardrobe (Karleirâqkhâna) there. in the time of Aurangzîb he
was again ( ?) appointed cJ«rk of the port of Sürat, and Bai^shi and Re-
porter of Aurangâbâd. in the 22nd year (of Aurangzîb) he died. The
sixth, Mir 'Abd-ur-Rahmân was sent öff in the 16th year of Aurangzîb
as the Chamberlain (Hajâbat) of Haidarâbâd Süba, and for some time
was Bak^ahl and Reporter of Aurangâbâd and also for a time he was
Master of the horse and Dârögba-i- Ard mukarrar or Superintendent of
Revision department.

İSLAM I£hXN MlB DlYİ-UD-DîN HüSAIN BaDAEBSHÎ.

(Vol. I, pp. 217-220.)

He was an old Wâlâ-Shâhl (household-trooper) of Aurangzîb. He
spent his life in his service and always did well. At the time tvhen
Aurangzîb was a prince he was Divân of the Prince 's establishment
(Sarkâr-i-Shâhl). When the influence of Dârâ Shiköh, owing to the
kindness of Shâh Jahân, was so great that whatever he wished done in
the affairs of the Saltanat was carried out, the Prince resolved to set out,
ostensibly to wait upon his father, but really to remove his elder brother
— and in the beginning of Jumâda 1, 1068 A.H. (5th February, 1658 A.D.)
he sent ofiF his eldest son Sultân Muhammad along with Najâbat Khân
as an advance-guard from Aurangâbâd to Burhânpûr, and Mir Dhiyâ-
ud-Dîn who till then had acted as the Divân — was sent with Sultân
Muhammad. Afterwards the Prince himself came to Burhânpûı, and
encamped at the garden Farmânbârî 2 whioh is a mile from the city,
and the Mir received the title of Himmat Khân. After the battle with

1 The text here seems comzpt. By missing the word dâshtand in the text the
meaning becomes clear as: the Deccanis did not have their eyes cured under islâm
Khân, «.e., they stili had to weep, but the prosperity of the country was increased.

* 'Âlamgtmâma,pp. 50,51. Full details of the march are given by Sir Jadunath
Sarkar, History of Aurangzîb, I, pp. 344-347. See also the later chapters for the
details of the struggle for the throne.

İSLİM KHİN MIB DIYA-TJD-DlN HUSAIN BADAKBSHl.

697

.ul-Umarâ.

•„^A +>ip title of islâm Khân. in the battle with Dârâ
Jft8 want he received thetaUeo*^ pu tBahidür Khân Koka toto diffi-
Sbiköh when Rustam ^«f^^ C X right TVİng and fought manfally.
«ulties, the Mir advanced _ mtb the rıg* > wmg e ^ s ^ h

After the victory, when ^^f^ of Islâm^Khân, ™s appointed

SS^th 2,0(K ) hor* >tf£££ff« J^S/and .hen Râja
^ith Shu â' , he was m the ™^™ rf , t ^* and from treachery and
Janmnt, who was m command oi th rıgm T^ a became t he kader
Sousness took the , road of desertton the ^ the nt 8

in his place. it chanced that £ thah«*°» «^JJH^ & rQcket and threw
on which he was ndmg took fnght on benj ^ ^ ^

fedtSSr^t^ Jumla, and other officers

Mu'azzam Khân left islam Khân _ wıth 10.UUU ™™ 8İde of the

Ganges. When on 5th Sha ban rt«u> £ ^g^^to Jahangır-
Shujâ' being opP««ed Jy '™° to ™£ ^ ^ined fortunes to Arracan,
nagar (Dacca) so that b.e mıght ™™7^ W8 ^^ 4 of the general,
Sim Khân in the same month ^ a ^ (1) went off t o the Presence
or because he was dıstressed by hu P»™ he '' W as for a time deptıved
without being f^™f n ° n ı^he 3 rd year, he was restored to \m
of his rank «d ^ n X^h year, Se ^as mide governor of K^hmu m
former rank. İn tne «n y™ ■> , j Tmy pr0 ceedfcd to tüat

Icession to ibrahim B^Jj^^B,^ Vdience to an order,
ever vernal and flowery land pisten ^a^ ^ ^ ^

waited upon the Kmg at ^aushahra, wncn ^ ^ begümmg f

parçana, and the second ^fj^ 6 ^ an mcrea se of 1,000 horse and
Z V year. . His "ftj^^fii, and was made governor of
he had a rmnşah of 5,000 mth^ d ^ > . j t that ^y w hen

Agra . A full ^^^tl^SİE of 1074 AH. (1663 A.D.)-
the messenger of death arnvea ıu » of hİ8 a eat h : .

•^îr , »rîö%is^»- of -— w, ■>

ı aâf) Khân, II, p. 34.

2. a jOıâfi Khân, II, PP- 54, ol.

*lâr» s-SK.-35i=t l «■ - - - — -

below in the test.

698

İSLÂM £BİK BÜHI.

Maâthir

edifioe. His heir was ifimmat Khân Alır Bakhsbl. One of his daughters
was married tö Mır ibrahim, the aon of Mir Nu'mân. The said Mır
went 1 off in the second year to convey to Mecca properties worth six lacs
and 10,000 rupees which Aurangzîb had sent for the holy places, and died
there in the 4th year. Tn short, islâm Khân was not devoid of perfections.
He had a poetio bent of mind. These two verses of his are weu known :

Verse.

Without thee, grief's evening makes a night-attack on my day,
The pupil of my eye is from vreeping drowned in blood.
Make a pleasant place, O desert, for this night,
The army of my sighs will encamp outBİde my heart.

İslâm KBAN RümI.*
(Vol. I, pp. 241-247.)

Husain Pâshâ was the son of 'Alî Pâshâ. Pâshâ in that eountry
(Turkey) means an Amir. He was governor of Basra and was nominally
subject to the Sultân of Turkey. Muhammad, his uncle, was offended
with him and went to Constantinople with the request that his brother's
son should be dişpossessed and that he (Muhammad) should be appointed
in his place. When he did not succeed there in his objeet, he went to
Abshar, the Pâshâ of Aleppo, who had the power of appointing and
removing the governors of some of the cities of Turkey, and represented
the misbehaviour and evil w»ys of his nephew. He aJso asked for an
estate from the produce of which he oould provide for his necessities.
Abshar wrote to Husain Pâshâ to restore to him an estate out of the
dependencies of Basra. When he oame to Basra, Husain Pâshâ acted
according to Abshar's letter and kept Muhammad in comfort in his
company. When Muhammad in concert with his brother exceeded his
authority and began to behave in an unseemly manner, Husain Pâshâ
imprisoned both of them and transported them to India. They cleverly
contrived to get out of the ship on the shores of Lahsâ 8 (Al- Hasa) and
came to Baghdâd to Murtadâ Pâshâ. Muhammad oraftily represented to
him that Husain Pâshâ was in league with the Persians and that he pos-
sessed abundant riches and said, that if Murtadâ would oome with troops
and expel Husain and give the governorship of Basra to him (Muhammad),
ali these riches vould revert to him.

Murtadâ reported these suggestions to the Qaişar (the Sultân of
Turkey) and obtained permission to go to Basra and depose Husain
Pâshâ. When the plan came into operation and he came near Basra,
Husain Pâshâ sent Yahya (John) with an army to fight. When Yahya
perceived that Murtadâ had a large force and that he was unable to resist
him, he yielded and joined Murtadâ. When Husain Pâshâ heard this,

1 in Maâthir -t -'Âlamgirl the amount is 6 lacs worth of goods and Rs.30,000
in cash. Was it not Mir ibrahim the son of Mit Nu'mân who was sent with the
money and who died in Arabia t Cf. ' Âlamgîrnâma, p. 627.

2 Fryer mentiong that he saw him encamped near Sürat. He calls him the
Bassa of Mesopotamia.

' El-Ahsâ or El Hasa in E. Arabia is the name of a district.

-ul-ümarâ.

İSLİM ÇHÂN EÜMI.

699

he was disconcerted and conveyed his family and goods to Bhabhâ 1 ,
which is a dependency of Shîrâz, and turned for assistance to the Persians.
Murtadâ came to Basra, but in spite of ali his search could not find the
treasure that Muhammad had mentioned. On this account he put
Muhammad and his brother and a number of others to death. Some time
afterwards the Arabs of the peninsulas (Mesopotamia.) on being oppressed
by the misbehaviour of Murtadâ rose up against him and defeated him.
Murtadâ fled to Baghdâd, and many of his men were killed. This news
was sent to Husain Pâshâ and he was invited to return to Basra. He
left his family and property at Bhabhâ, and came to Basra, and began
önce more to rule there. He did so for ten or twelve years and always
maintained a friendly intercourse with the great princes of India and sent
them letters and presents. For instance, in the 3rd year of 'Âlamgir
he sent 2 a letter full of congratulations on his accession, together with
some 'Irâqi horses.

in short, when the ruler of Turkey, on account of the troubles and
opposition offered by Husain, ordered that Yahya should be appointed
in his place, Husain was unable to remain there any longer. Nor could
he go to the Sultân ûf Turkey. Being helpless he set off with his family
and a few servants to Persia. When he arrived there he did not meet
with any favour, nor could he gather the flower of kindness. By the
guidance of fortune he determined to migrate to India, and set off. His
arrival was approved of by the Emperor (Aurangzlb) and a robe of
honour, a palanquin and a female elephant were made över to a mace-
bearer to be conveyed to Husain in order that the exile might be comforted
and made hopeful of favours. When he reached Shâhjahânâbâd (Delhi)
in the 12th year on löth Şafr, 1080 AH. (15th July, 1669 A.D.), the
Bakhshi-ul-Mulk Asad Khân and the Şadr-uş-Şudür ' Âbid Khân received
him at the Lâhöre gate of the city wall. Dânishmand Khân Mir Bajğtshl
came forward (to meet him), and Husain Pâshâ was introduced according
to ceremonial and permitted to kiss the throne. By the touch of the
royal hand on his back, his head Tras esalted beyond the sky 8 . He
presented a ruby ynth Rs.20,000 and ten horses. He received a lac of
rupees and other presents and the rank of 5,000 with 5,000 4 horse and
the title of islâm Khân. The house of Rustam Khân Deoeanî — ^which
was a lofty mansion on the bank of the Jumnâ — together with carpets,
ete, and a boat so that he might come by the river to the Court, were given
to him. His eldest son Afrâsiyâb received the rank of 2,000 with 1,000
horse and the title of Khân and his other son 'AH B8g obtained the title
of Khân and the rank of 1,500. After that he ■was granted an inerease of
1,000 with 1,000 horse and Bbtankhvuâh (salary) in money for ten months
and a remission of the charge of the keep of the animals 6 . Later on he

1 Apparently it is the Babahân of the mapa and on the road from Shîrâz to
Baghdâd.

2 gh,âfî Khân, II, p. 124.

3 The deseription of Husain Pâshâ's arrival is taken from the M aöfbir-i-' Âlamgîrî,
p. 85 et seç. The phrase about the head being ezalted above the sky oecurs on
p. 86. The Dânishmand Khân of the text was Bernier's patron. He, as Bakhshl-ul-
Mülk condueted the Pâshâ. as far as the entrance to the OJtuslkhâna.

* Kh.âfi Khân, II, p. 234, has 4,000, but Maâ&ir-iSÂldmgîri 6,000.
5 See Irvine, Army of the Indian Moguls, pp. 17, 20. Few offloers received
the full twelve months' pay. The animals were, it seems, the Emperor's and

700

İSLİM JJHÂN EÜMI.

Maâthir

was made Sûbadâr of Mâlwa. As courage and ability were conspicious
in him, he became a favourite, *>.nd soon was recognized as one of the great
officers of India. Aurangzîb wished that he would send for his family and
settle in the country. As he, for certain reasons, delayed in sending
for his wife and for his third son Mukbtâr Beg, and made evasions, he
was removed from his office and excluded from the Presence ; he took
up his abode in Uj jain. in the * end of the 15th year, at the petition of
TJmdat-ul-Mulk Khân Jahân Bahâdur, Nâzim of the Deccan, he was
restored to his rank and office and appointed to command the vanguard of
the army (of the said Khân). He was frequently engaged against the
armies of 'Adil Shâh and the grandson of Bahlûl of Bîjâpür. in the İ9th
year, llth Rabi' II, 1087 A.H. (23rd June, 1676 A.D.) at the moment of
engaging the enemy (dar 'ain tarâzü büdan-i-jang), and while distributing
(the troops) fire fell into the gunpowder, and islâm Khân's elephant
got out of control 2 and went straight into the enemy's ranks. The foe
surrounded him and cut the ropes of his hovcdah, and when he fell to the
ground they put him and his son 'Ali Beg to the sword.

Verse.

Death headed his path, and he fell before it ;

The game was of itseıf drawn to the net of destruction.

He had great ability, zeal, courage and right mindedness, and did
great deeds. He also had a taste ıor poetry. This quatrain is his :

Verses.

For a while we 8 trod the path of want,

We practised beggary at the sublime gate.

As a present we brought pieces of our liver,

That we might create acquaintance with our friend's dog.

After his death, Afrâsiyâb Khân wa» made anoffioerof 2,500 with 1,600
horse, and Mukbtâr Beg *, who had conte with his father's belongings in
the 18th year to Ujjain and had been giren by proxy (gfaâibâna) a manşab
of 700 with 100 horse, received the rank of 1,000 with 400 horse. The
properties of the deceased Khân. vrhich amounted to three Iacs of rupees
and twenty thousand oshrafîa and which had been confiscated in Ujjain
and Shölâpür, were restored to his sons, and an order was given that they
should meet the claims against their father. Aftervvards Afrâsiyâb
Khân was made faujdör of Dhâmûnî, and in the 24th year was made
faujdâr of Murâdâbâd on the death of Faid Ullâh Khân, and.so gained his

not the officers' own. islâm got 10 months' pay and his sona 8 months'. Also
see Maâ^iir-i-'Âlamgîri, p. 88.

1 MaöOiir-i-'Âlamgiri, pp. 121, 122. islâm Khân had now sent for his family.

2 Maâ&ir-i-'Âlamgin, p. 151, and Khâfi Khân. II, p. 236, who puts the battle
into the 16th year, 1080, but in Sir Jadunath Sarkar's History of Aurangzib, III,
p. 394, it is stated to have been in the 19th year.

s Maâdir-i-'Âlamgîrî, p. 87. We in the verses means he and his sons, while the
sons are later described as pieces of our liver.
* MaâÇhir-i-'Âlamgiri, p. 143.

-ul-Umarâ. ismİ'Il beg düldI — ismi'il sh£n bahIdüe fanI. 701

desire (murâd), and in the same year Mukbtâr Beg was styled Nawâzish J
Khân, and in the 30th year made faujdâr and governor of the fort of
Mandsür (in Mâlwa, now in Gwâhor). in the 37th year, he waa
appointed to the charge of the Cha.Ua of Murâdâbâd. After that he
was made faujdâr of M&ndfl, and later he was appointed governor of
îlichpflr. in the 48th year he. became Sûbadâr of Kashmir.

ISMİ'lL» Bfio DÜLDI.

(Vol. I, pp. 64, 65.)

He was one of Bâbur's officers, and was distinguished for his courage
and oounsels. When Hümâyûn returned from Persia and besieged
Qândahâr, the position of the besieged became difficult, and Mirza
'Askarî's officers deserted and presented themselves before Hümâyûn.
Ismâ'Il Beg was one of t hem, and after Qandahâr was taken he was made
the governor of Zamln Dâwar *. During the siege of Kabul he and
Khidr Khwâja Khân were sent against Sher 'Alî, who had been sent by
Kâmrân to plunder a foreign caravan which had reached Chârîkar *.
Sher 'Alî could not return to Kabul, as the road was blocked by the
imperialists, and so he hastened off towards Ghazni. A battle. took
place in the pass of Sajâwand between him and the imperialists, the
latter were victorious and returned to Hümâyûn with much booty,
and were rewarded. When Qarâcha Khân, who at first had done good
service and had received boundless favours, revolted and seduced a
large body of men and carried them off to Mîrzâ Kâmrân in Badakhshân,
Ismâ'îl Beg was also led away and so he received from Hümâyûn the
nickname of Khirs. . Affcer^ards Hümâyûn went in person to Badakhshân
and on the day of the battle with Kâmrân Ismâ'îl Khân was made a pri-
soner. Hümâyûn spared him at the intercession of Mun'im Khân and
made him över to him. He accompanied Hümâyûn on the ezpedition
to India, and after the taking of Delhi was sent with Shâh Abûl Ma'âli
to Lâhöre. Nothing more is known about him 6 .

İSMİ'IL K^ÂN BaHÂDTJB PANl.

(Vol. 1, pp. 370, 371.)

Sultân Khân, his father, was Ajama'dâr and his (the father's) daughter
was married to Sarmast Khân. the son of ' Azmat 6 Khân who in the battle

1 Maâdiri-'Âlamgirî, p. 1 95.

2 in the first edition, viz. that by Ghulâm 'Ali Azâd, Adham Khân Koka is the
first name. in the 2nd, viz. that now translated, Ismâ'îl Beg's is the first name.

8 Zamln Dawar or more correctly Zamîn-i-Dâwar is a district in the territory of
Ghür in Khurâsân, see Raverty, (pabakât-i-NöHrî, II, Index, p. 273.

* Chârîkarân in the text, but as pointed out in Blochmann's translation of
A'in, I (2nd edn.), p. 423, note 1, "Charikar (lat. 35° long. 69°) which lies northof
Kabul" is the correct reading.

6 He appears in Abül Faijl's list as a commander of 2,000 (Bİochmann, toc. cit. ).
His nickname is considered by Bİochmann to be Khirs a bear, t, e. a rude feIlow.
But it may be the Arabic Khars a wine-jar, Akbarnâma, Beveridge's translation, I,
p. 523, note 1.

6 He ^as 'Iwaçl Khân's chief jama'dâr. The battle in which Di!âwar lüıâıı
was killed, was fought on 23rd May, 1720; see Elliot, VII, p. 496 and Khâfî ffi»n,
İl, p. 879.

702

ISMÂ'IL KHÂN MAKHÂv

Maâthir

vrith Saiyid Dilâwar 'Alî Khân dismounted in front of the elephant of
'Adud-ud-Daula 'Iwad Khân and sacrificed his life. Afterward8 Sarmast
Khân and Sultân Khân obtained jâgîrs. Ismâ'Ü Khân wıth 1,000 horse
was the hereditary servant of Şalâbat Jang, and Nızam-ud-Daula Aşaf
Jâh As his fortune was in the aseendant, he gradually became Naıb
of the Nizâmat, and (had the) management of the estates m Berar As
he had an'old acquaintance with Janöjî Bhönsle, who was then Ta luqdar
of that province on the part of the Mahrattas, he managed the collectıons
on the principle of: slant ı the cup, but don't spill For a long time he
managed affairs there. At last his brain became damaged through the
use of intozicants and he showed marks of presumptıon. This dıspleased
Nizâm-ud-Daula Aşaf Jâh and he determined on his punıshment andın
the year that he went towards Nâgpür to punish the sons of Kaghujı
Bhönsle, though Ismâ'Ü presented himself with a small body of troops
at his câmp, thinking that the killing of Rukn-ud-Daula * the manager
of the establishment of that chief (Aşaf Jâh) had proved an eye-salve
he was not received with favour and heard words of anger. He mshed
to return home. Meanwhüe a force, which had been appomted agaınst
him, made its appearance. He was helpless, but wıth thırty or forty
troopers, who stuck to hini, he attacked and drove off the matchlockmen
and entered the hostile cavalry. As he advanced he wıelded his sword.
When he had received many wounds, he came to the centre ot the army
and fell from his horse, and gave up his life in 1189 A.H. (1775 A.U).
His sons Salâbat Kh.ân and Bahlül Khân became objects of compassıon and
received in jâgir the estates of Bâlâpür», Badanpara-ı-Bihi and Karan]
village in Berâr. They are stili serving, and are comfortable.

Ismâ'Il Kjiİn MakhI. 4

(Vol. T, pp. 291, 292.)

He formerly served with Sihbandl 5 corps in the Carnâtic district
of Haidarâbâd. in the 35th year of Aurangzîb's reign he received
on the recommendation of Dhülfaqâr Khân Bahâdur, a commıssıon ot
5 000 with 5 000 horse and the title of Khân, and was appoınted, m com-
panv with Bbülfaqâr Khân to storm the fort of Gingee «. in the 37th year
as during the siege, the relations between Muhammad Kam Bakhsh

ı That is. the conditions were impossible.

* This is not the Rukn-ud-Daula who was alşo called Lashkar Şan ı and who
at one time replaoed the author of the Maâthir-ul- Umara. He dıed in 1170 A.H.

(175 3 Bâiapür is mentioned in Jarret's translation of A'ln 11 ? . 234, as in the
Sarkar of Narnâlah. Karânja, Badhona and Karânja m Sarkar Gawd are alao
mentıoned^onp. ^^_ ^ Mecca 7) in the text and in the Maâthir-i-'Alamglri,
p 357, ete, but Khâfi Slân, II, p. 416 and elsewhere has lyakka or soUtary ^ampıon
which term is appTied to men of distinguished bravery who combat sıngly. Probably
this was the correct title.

s Local Militia, see Irvine Army of the Indıan Moghuls,p. lbb.

« in the text Khinji, but this is a mistake for Gmgee. it ıs the famous Gingee
in South Arcot whSh Bussy took in 1750. See Hıâfî Bi&n, H, p. 418; Maathxr-x-
■îSrtİ ^ 357Tand Elliot! VII, p. 348. Jinji in Kincaid and Parasanis-H^
of the Maratha People, pp. 23, 100, ete.

-ul-Umarâ.

ISMÂ'IL QULl KHİN DhO-AL-QADB

703

(youngest son of Aurangzîb), and Asad Khân and Chülfaqâr Khân became
strained, Chülfaqâr Khân judged it expedient to withdraw from the siege
and recalled the troops and the guns from the batteries. Ismâ'il Khân
had his battery on the other side of the fort, and could not get away
quickly. Santâ Ghörpare J and others who were waiting for their oppor-
tunity came and joined battle with him. As he had but few men he
was wounded and made prisoner by the Mahrattas and imprisoned for
a year. By the efforts of Acham Nâir — with whom he had acquaintance —
he was released after paying a heavy ransom. in the 38th year, he
appeared at the Court, and was honoured by an inerease of 1,000 Dhât and
the appointment of looking after the roads from Anandı 2 to Murtadâbâd.
in the 41 st year s , he was made faujdâr of Islâmgarh, or Râhîrî in place
of 'Abd-ur-Razzâq Khân Lâri. in the 45th year, he was made faujdâr
of Banishâh Durg 4 . The conelusion of his history does not appear.

Ismİ'il QulI KİIn DhO-al-Qadb.

(Vol. I, pp. 105-107.)

He was the younger brother of Husain Qulî Khân Khân Jahân,
and one of the high officers of Akbar's reign. in the battle of Jâlandhar
when Bairâm Khân was defeated and made to retreat, the imperialists
pursued Ismâ'il Quli Khân and captured him. After his brother was
received into favour, he too was well treated by the Emperor, and per-
formed great deeds in company with his brother. When his brother
died as Şûbadâr of Bengal, Ismâ'il Qulî Khân came to the Court with
his (brother's) goods and chattels, and was favourably received. in the
30th 6 year, he was sent to chastise the Balüchis, who had become rebel-
lious and did not submit to authority. When he came to Balüchistân,
the people were first contumacious, but soon sued for peace. Their
eniefs, Ghâzî Khân Wajîh and ibrahim Khân Daulat, accepted service,
and their country was restored tothem by the Emperor. in the 3 İst 6
year, when Râja Bhagwânt Dâs was recalled owing to insanity from the
government of Zâbulistân (Afghânistân), Ismâ'il Qulî Khân was appointed
in his place, but he exhibited improper traits and fell out of favour.
An order was given that he should be put into a boat and sent to Mecca

1 Khörpura in the text. See Hıâfî Khân, II, pp. 415, 416, Maâthir-i-'Âlamgirî,
p. 357; and Elliot, VII, p. 346. it is the Ghorepuray of Grant-Duff, History of the
Mahrattas (1921), I, p. 70, who states that according to the family legend the
Ghorepurays were originally Bhonslay and got their present name owing to an
ancestor's having beeıı the first to scale a fort, deemed impregnable, by
fastening a cord round the body of a ghorepur or iguana (the lizard kuown in Bengal
as goh samp). Santâ, or Suntâjee Ghorepuray was aftersvards murdered by another
Mahratta, Grant-Duff, op. cit., p. 295. He is the Santâjî Ghörpare of the Cambridge
History of India, IV, p. 291, ete., and Santaji Ghorpade of Kincaid and Parasanis.

* Maâthir-i-' Alamgîri, p. 369, has Aindl. Murtadâbâd is anotheı name for
Mirich, Elliot, VII, p. 364.

3 Maâthir-i-' Alamgîri, p. 387.

4 Maâthir-i-' Âlamgiri, p. 440, has Nabî, but Khâfi Khân. II, p. 495, has Banî.
See Elliot, VII, p. 371. it is another name for Panhâla.

6 Akbarnâma, Text III, p. 475, Beveridge's translation, III, pp. 716, 717.

6 Akbarnâma, Text III, pp. 491, 492, Beveridge's translation, III, pp. 742-745.
For the various spellings of the name of Râja Bhagwant Das, see Blochmann's
translation of the Â'in, I (2nd edn.), p. 353.

704

i'TIBİB SHİN SBWAJASABA.

Maâthir

-ul-UmarS. i'tibâe Kgto naztjr — i'timâd eean gujabİtI.

706

by the -ray of Bhakkar. He had recourse to entreaties, and though his
requests were granted, he was removed from where he was and appointed
to chastise the Yüsufza'îs. Suddenly various kinds of diseases resulting
from the obnosious atmosphere broke out in the hill-country of Sawâd
(Swât) and Bajaur. The chiefe of their own aecord came before Ism&'il
Quli Khân and submitted. When Zain Khân, the governor of Zâbulistân
had pressed hard upon Jalâla Raushani and made him leave TIrah for
the hill-country of the Yüsufza'îs, Zain Khân, to wipe out the disgrace which
he had incurred in the affair of Bir Bar, entered the hill-country. Ş§diq
Khân also was sent fron the Court so that he might take post in Savâd,
and that Jalâla might be caught whichever way he turned. Ismâ'il Qulî
Khân, who was thânadâr of that country, took umbrage at Şâdiq Khân's
coming, and leaving the passes öpen went off to the Court. Suddenly
Jalâla got his opportunity and came out. For this reason Ismâ' a Qulî
Khân was for some time under censure, but, in the 33rd year, was
appointed to the government of Gujarât. When in the 36th year,
Prince Sultân Murâd was appointed to the government of Mâlwa, Ismâ'il
Qulî.Kıân was made his Vakil, but he did not act properly as Murâd's
guardian. in the 38th year, Şâdiq Khân was appointed in hİB place,
and Ismâ* il Qulî Hıân was recalled to the Court. in the 39th year, he was
allowed to go to Kalpı, which was his fief, so that he migbt develop the
property. in the 42nd year, 1005 A.H. (1596-97 A.D.), he was raised
to the rank of 4,000. They say, he was much given to pleasure and
displajed great kmıry in food and clothing, and in carpets and other
furniture. He had 1,200 women, and when he went to the Court he used
to have seals put on the strings of their drawers. At last they aü got
annoyed and joined together and poisoned 1 him. His sons, ibrahim
Quli, Salim Quli, and Khalil Qulî obtained suitable appointments in the
time of Akbar.

I'TIBİB SbAN KpWAJASARA.

(Vol. I, pp. 134, 135.)

He was one of the confidants of Jahângîr, and from very early years
was his attendarit. When Khusrau was arrested after his flight and
brought to the Court, and the King moved from Lâhöre to Kabul, Sharif
Khân Amir-ul-Umarâ, to whose charge Khusrau had been committed *,
remained in Lâhöre on account of ülness, and ghusrau was put under the ;
charge of I'tibâr Khân. He had at first a suitable rank, and in the 2nd
year the district {^atoelt) of Qwâliyâr was assigned* to him as his
tanl&voah (salary). in the Öth year, he got a manşeti of 4,000 with'î

» See his life in Blochmann's translation of the A'in, I (2nd edn.), pp. 388, 389.

2 According to the Index to ghâfî Khân, II, p. 983, I'tibâr Khân was one of the ,'
conspirators who proposed to release Khusrau and kili Jahângîr, but this is a mistake. <r
The Hindu who joined in the conspiracy wa8 not I'tibâr Khân, but his manager
Şâhibmadâr ; see Khâf i Khân, 1, p. 258, and also the account of the conspiracy in
Iqbölnâma-i-Jahângin, pp. 28, 29, where it is stated that it was a Hindu belonging
to I'tibâr Khân, and who looked after his servantg. The Hindu was executed.

' Though Gwâlijâr was assigned to him for his maintenance (Rogers and
Beveridge's translation of Tüzuk-i-JahângîH, I, p. 113) he was not sent there, at least
not immediately, for we find him afterwards in Afganistan and in charge of Khusrau.
Perhaps Khusrau was later to be removed to Gwâliyâr and so I'tibâr Khân got hii
jâgir there.

1,000 horse, and in the 8th year, one of 5,000 with 2,000 horse. in the
lOth year, his rank was inereased by 1,000 horse and in the 17th year
he had the rank of 5,000 with 4,000 horse. When he was very old,
he received charge of the province of the Capital (Âgra) and of the fort
and the treasury. in the 18th year, when Prince Shâh Jahân marehed
from Mândû with the intention of waiting upon his father, and the flames
of discord shot up betyreen them, the Prince came to Fathpûr and halted
there. When the royal troops arrived, he retreated. After that. when
the royal cortege came near Agra, I'tibâr ghân, as he had rendered good
service in proteeting the city, received the rank of 6,000 with 5,000 horse,
and the gift of a robe of honour, a jewelled sword, a horse and an elephant.
At the appointed time he departed to th other world.

I'tibIe üIn Niznt.ı

{Vol. I, p. 65.)

His name was Hjwâja 'Ambar. He was a eunuoh, and a oonfi-
dential servant of Bâbur. in the year when Hümâyûn went ofT to 'Irâq
from near Qandahâr 2 , I'tibâr Khân and others were appointed to look
after Maryam Makâni s. He did good service on this occaskm. in
952 A.H. (1545 A.D.) he waited on Hümâyûn at Kabul and was appointed
to serve Akbar. After the death of Hümâyûn, Akbar sent him to Kabul
to bring his mother, and in the 2nd year of the reign he returned in her
train. After some time he was made the governor of Delhi and died
there.

I'timAd KüAn GujakAtI.

(Vol. I, pp. 93-100.)

He was one of the Hindu * slaves of Sultân Mabmüd the ruler of
Gujarât. As the Sultân had full confidence in him he appointed him in
his_ harem and assigned to him the adorning of the women. i'timâd
Sân as a precaution ate camphor and so made himself inpotent. As he
possessed ability, steadiness of conduet, and the appearance of integrity
he rose to a high rank. When in 961 A.H. (1553-54 A.D.) the Sultân
after reignıng for eighteen years was killed by the treachery of a servant
named Burhan, the latter put to death twelve of the principal officers
by pretendmg that the Sultân had summoned them, but i'timâd Khân
had the foresight not to attend. He gathered together helpers, fought
and killed Burhan. As the Sultân had no son, i'timâd Khân, to extinguish

1 Also known as ^wâja 'Ambar Nâ?ir— see Akbarnâma, Text I, p. 224, and
Hevendge's translation I, p. 451.

Nâtir was a revision officer and assistant to the Dîvmn, see Ibn Hasan—
Central Slructure of Mughal Bmpire, p. 239. "»»"

fc,w,!j^ P ? arent T y J ™ eaning that Hümâyûn started for Persia after he had been
forced to leave India in 1543 A.D.

T ~ 3 ,„ Ham ' da r BS ^ lu ' mot her of Akbar— see Beveridge's translation of AkbarnOma
ı. p. 33, note, for her tıtle of Maryam Makâni.

Mıröt-t-Sikandarî ealls him 'Abdul Karim (Bombay üth. edn., p. 293).

706

i'TIMlD KgiN GUJABİTI.

Madthir

.nl-Umarâ.

i'TIMÂD ÜBİN GtTJABİTl.

707

the flames of sedition, raised to the throne a boy named Radî-ul-Mulk x
of the family of Sultân Abmad the founder of Ahmadâbâd, and gave him
the name of Sultân Ahmad Shâh. I'tim&d Khân. however, kept ali the
power in his own hands and left him nothing but the title of Kiı.g.

After fi ve years the Sultân came from Ahmadâbâd and joined
Saiyid Mubârak Bokjjârî, who 'was one of the great officers. After
a battle in which he was defeated by I'timâd Khân he had to take flight.
When he again joined I'timâd Khân, the latter aeted as before. The
Sultân from want of sense plotted with his associates to kili I'timâd Khân.
but he anticipated the Sultân and killed him. in the year 969 2 A.H.,
he brought forward a child called Nanhü 8 , who did not belong to the
royal family, and swore upon the Qur'ân before the officers, ' This is the
begotten son of Sultân Mahmüd. His mother was pregnant and the
Sultân made her över to me to produce abortion, but, as she was then
five months göne with child, I did not do so ". The officers were helpless
and accepted the statement and raised the boy to the thıone under the
name of Sultân Muzaffar. I'timâd Khân became the Prime Minister as
before. But the territories were divided among the officers, and ali of
them were confirmed in their offices. They fell out with one another and
were either victorious or vanquished.

When I'timâd Khân kept the Sultân under surveülance and in his
power, Chengiz Khân, the son of I'timâd-ul-Mulk, a Turkish slave,
asserted himself and opposed I'timâd Khân, urging that if Sultân Muzaffar
were really the son of Sultân Mahmüd, why was he not allowed a free
h^ud. At last with the assistance of the rebel Mîrzâs, who had fled
from Akbar, he led an army against I'timâd Khân. The latter offered
no resistance, but left the Sultân and fled to Düngarpür. After some time
Alf Khân and Jujhâr Khân, who were Abyssinian Amirs, brought the
Sultân and made him över to I'timâd Khân. They chen separately
went off and joined Chengiz Khân in Ahmadâbâd. Without any eause
becoming suspicious of him they killed him. I'timâd Khân learnt of
this and taking the Sultân returned with him to Ahmadâbâd. When
the officers quarrelled wiibh one another, the rebellious Mîrzâs came from
Mâlwa and took possession of Broach and Sürat. The Sultân too,
who was looking for an opportunity, came out of Ahmadâbâd one day
and joined Sher Khân Fülâdî who had a strong following. I'timâd Khân
wrote to Sher Khân that Nanhü was not the son of Sultân Mahmüd, and
that he was sending for the Mîrzâs and going to make them the sovereign.
The officers, who were in league with Sher Khân said, that I'timâd Khân
had in their presence sworn upon the Qu'rân (that Muzaffar was the son),
and what he was now saying was the result of enmity. Sher Khân then
led an army against Ahmadâbâd. I'timâd Khân sheltered himself
there and solicited the help of the Mîrzâs. There was a great disturbance .
When this had lasted a long time, I'timâd Khân saw that things were not
improving and that the amelioration of the distracted country was beyond

1 This account is incorrect. Badl-ul-Mulk was the name of the man who
fetched the boy; see Bayley's History of öujarat, p. 454, and De and Prashad's
translation of Tabagât-i-Akbart, III, p. 394, not* 4.

* A.t the end of the year in Tabaqöt-i-Akbarl, and therefore correspondiııg to
1562 A.D.

s Variant Natbü. See TabaqSt-i-Ahbari, loc. ait., p. 397.

uia nower He had recourse to Akbar and petitioned him to conquer
?£ P cWry in the 17th year, 980 A.H. (1572-73 A.D^ when the
Km^ame to Pattan, a stone of disunion fell among Sher E^ân's party,
^tC Mîrzâs also went to Broach. Sultân Muzaffar who had become
and ttelto also_ wen wanderi ng about in the neighbourhood

Châmpânîr and Sürat were gr * nte ^ ash f f S + t L i ^^- When the King
officers, and they undertook to e^pate the Mrrz- ^ ^ ^ ^g
went to vxsıt the seasıde the Gujarat omcers wn ma king

on the pretext of makmg arrangj*^^^

eX cuses had erpired-perceıved ^ hat n o W °^ d co ^ du t P ° SS I ^ tiy â r . u ı.Mulk
tyrannise as /™r - ft nd though f lo ^S h ad nofabsconded

İmade över to the charge of ^bâ^an ™^£S£SS

who had long been desırous of vısıtıng the noıy pı^ot- ,

Teave. On h!s return, Pattan Gujarât was î ^ed §**£**. ^

in the 28th year, he on the d^^/^^^rf^tingutahed
vasappomtedasthegovernorofGujarat ^ * ted th J when

officers were sent wıth hun. Some courtıers p ^

I'timâd Khân was m full vıgour & ?\ h * d *^f^"£ and that now
been able to manage the turbulent elements uı G»]*»J- * ^ ^ ^
when he was declining and had no supporters, rt ^ ^ c f ght
him there; their remonstrances ^^I^Sk-Sto Ahmad
When I'timâd föıân came to Ahmadâbâd, branab ™ ~ V

preparîdtogototheCourt. &™fâ™^'t£g£$t££
mercenarvmotive S hadlaınmwaıttokdlthe 1 rmaster^utDy

temporising the affair had been şmoofched över separat *d from

that Shihâb-ud-Din had abandoned the ^£ officers oT the auziüary
vants) and W as going off to the Court, and ^ at H th X™tances ^t appeai
force had not yet arrived, and th^t, under tJÇ^^lSSSJÎl-*
proper to restrain him from departure. They also «JJ°
the jâglrs should be given back to hım for a tmıe, or ■ ^at some j

should be expended and so end the uproar, or as the rebeteh^
yet matured their plans, they might be suppressed by quıcJme M

Novwnber 20, 1572 A.D., see Beveridge's translation

of Akbarnâma, III. P- 11 -

708

i'TIMÂD JIBİN EBWUA8ABİ.

Maâğ^ir

-ul-Umarâ.

l'TIQİD ggÂN FABBUBB-SHlHl-

709

akili. But I'timâd Khân accepted none of these proposals and said * :
it is his servants who are at the bottom of the disturbance, he wül have
to settle it, or be responsible for the consequeııces. When Sultân Muzaffar
joined the rebels and the fire of sedition burst forth, I'timâd Khân was
compelled to hasten to Shihâb-ud-Dîn — who had göne off to Kari*
twenty kos from Ahmadâbâd — to induce him t o tum back. Though
vell-vishers said that he was making an easy task difficult by leaving
Ahmadâbâd when the enemy was within twelve kos of it, their words
■were of no avail.

When Sultân Muzaffar learnt that the city was undefended, he
came post haste and took possession of it. He collected a force and
prepared for battle. Before the engagement took place, most of Shihâb-
ud-Din 's men turned unfaithful and there was a great confusion. I'timâd
Khân and Shihâb-ud-Dîn hastened to Pattan and took shelter there,
and wished to leave the country. Suddenly some auxiliaries arrived
as also some men who had separated from the enemy. I'timâd Khân
learnt a lesson from what had happened, and distributing money among
the officers and men made them attend zealously to their duties. He
and Shihâb-ud-Dîn remained on guard and men were sent under the
conımand of his (I'timâd Khân's) sop Sher Khân to fight against Sher
Khân Fülâdî. They were sucoessful. At this time Mirza Khân 'Abd-ur-
Rahim — who had been appointed with a proper force to chastise Sultân
Muzaffar and the Gujarâtî rebels — arrived. He left I'timâd Khân in
Pattan and went forward with Shihâb-ud-Dîn. I'timâd Khân was for
a time governor of the area tül he died in 995 A.H. (1587 A.D.). He
held the rank of 2,500, though the author of the fdbagât-i-Akbarî *
makes him of the rank of 4,000.

Shaikjj Abül Fadl says that the Gujarâtis are a pest composed of
cowardjce, deceit and dishonesty, but ha ve eertain qualities such as order,
simplicity and humility, and that I'timâd Khân may be regarded as the
prime example of this class.

I'timİd K^İn K,pw1jasabA.

(Vol. I, pp. 88-90.)

His name w»,s Phül Malik, in the reign of Salim Shâh he, on
account of his honesty, received the title of Muhammad Khân. When
the Afghâns fell from power, he was enrolled 4 among the servants of
Akbar, and did good service, in consequence of the public clerks,
from fraudulent. or negligent motives working to increase their own
fortunes and neglecting to cöllect and develop the imperial revenues,
Akbar began personally to look into matters of finance in the 7th year
after the eatastrophic murder of Shams-ud-Dîn Khân Atka, ant'

1 This account is taken from the Akbarnâma, Text III, pp. 410, 41 1 ; Beveridge's
translation III, pp. 608-611.

2 Gadhl in the text.

3 Tabaqöt-i-Akbari (De's edition), Text II, p. 436, Translation II, p. 663.

* Thisis apparently based on the detailed account by Abül Fadl in Akbarnâma,
Text II, pp. 178, 179 ; Beveridge's translation II, pp. 276, 277.

Muhammad Khân 1 by his ability in this matter acquired the Emperor's
confidence and improved the collections. He, therefore, received the
title of I'timâd Khân, and the rank of 1,000, and had the entire work
of the exchequer entrusted to him. in a short time he carried out the
Emperor's ideas, and brought the affairs of the treasury into proper order.
in the 9th year, after the arrival of the royal cortege at Mândü, Mîrân
Mübarak Shâh, the ruler of Khândes (Khândesh), sent ambassadors with
presents, and solicited that his daughter may be admitted into the royal
seraglio. His request was granted, and I'timâd Khân was entrusted
with the arrangements. When he approached the fort of Asir, Mîrân
Mübârak Shâh brought him into the fort with ali honour, and sent off his
daughter with a number of nobles. I'timâd Khân did homage at the
first stage out from Mândü during Akbar's return journey to Agra.
After that he was, for a time, appointed to Bengâl along with Khân-
Khânan Mun'im Khân and Khân Jahân Turkmân, and did escellent service,
in the 22nd year, 984 A.H., be went off from Dipâlpür in Mâlwa to
take charge of Bhakkar on the death of Saiyid Muhammad Mir 'Adal.
He, by his energy, led a force to Sehwân and was victorious. He returned
after having concluded a peace.

Success makes most men lose the thread of reason, especially in the
case of those who are congenitally bad, and experienced sages have
observed that castration softens the character of ali living creatures
except men, and in the case of the latter increases their fierceness. So
I'timâd Khân's arrogance increased, and he had no regard for the weak
and made no attempt whatever to conciliate them. He behaved badly
to the inhabitants and to his servants, and used to treat them with harsh-
ness. He regarded craft as sagacity and did not act justly towards them.
in the 23rd year, 986 A.H., when Akbar was proceeding to the Panjâb,
I'timâd Khân wished that his soldiers should present themselves at the
Court for the branding of their horses. in his blindness he thought of
calling in the loans which he had advanced to the men. Though they
pleaded poverty, he paid no heed, and did not act with justioe. One
moming Maqşüd 'AH, a servant, who was blind in one eye, joined with
some miscreants, and killed this careless wretch. Some say, that when
Maqşüd 'Alî explained his circumstances, I'timâd became angry and said
that he deserved to have urine poured into his blind eye; and that
the man immediately drew his dagger, and stabbed him so hard in the
( belly that he did not breathe again. I'timâd Khân founded rtimâdpûr
at a distance of six kos from Âgra. He also made a large tank there and
ereoted buildings including his own tomb. He was buried there 2 .

I'tiq1d SbIn Farkukb-ShIhî.
(Vol. I, pp. 339-346.)

His real name was Muhammad Murâd Kashmîri. in the time of
Bahâdur Shâh he became Vakil of Jahândâr Shâh, and had the rank of

1 Phül Malik was given the name Muhammad gh,an in the days of Salim Shâh
Sur son of Sher Shâh, vide Akbarnâma, Text II, p. 178 ; Beveridge's translation

* See also Blochmann's translation of Hin, I (2nd edn.), p. 13, note, and p. 473
for his life.

710

i'tiqId sbAn FAKBUKB-SHlHl.

Maâthir

1 ,000 and the title of Vakâlat Khân. in the time of Jahândâr Shâh he
was promoted, and when the tura of Muhammad Farrukh-siyar arrived,
he was included in the list of those to he killed. But his old relationship
with the Saiyids saved him, and he obtained the rank of 1 ,500 and the
title of Muhammad Murâd Khân. and was entered among the yasâwals
of the Tüzük (State messengers). When Muhammad Amin Khân the
2nd Bakhshî was appointed to Mâlwa— «o that he might perhaps prove
an impediment to Amîr-ul-Umara's leaving the Deccan — he delayed
in marching. Muhammad Murâd was appointed as 8azdwal * but with
ali his outspokenness and long tongue he oould achieve nothing. He
came to the council-cbamber (Sar-i-Dîvân) and said, "He has no obedience
in his brain and so sazâmalshrp has no effect on him." The Emperor
made no reply. Again he said without any circumlocution, " If this time
you pass it över, nothing will remain." The Emperor said, "What is
to be done ? " He said, " Let an order be given to your slave to go and say
'March immediately, othervrise you must give up your office oiBakJıshi '."
Farrukh-siyar said, " Go and teli him so." He went and spoke so vehe-
mently that he marched that very day. His boldness and loyalty
pleased the Emperor, and he made him a Privy Counsellor. His favour
also increased owing to his being a countryman of 8âfyiba-i-Niswân (the
mistress of women), the Emperor's mother. The Emperor was worried
and vexed on account of his disagreements with the Saiyids of Bârah
and their predominanoe, he was every day making new plans and holding
new consultations about extirpating them, but from stupidity and
want of courage these came to nothing. One day Vakâlat Khân got
his opportunity and threw such a glamour över things, and built such
castles 2 in the air, saying "unless it comes to a fight with the oppo-
sition, the net-work of their power will spread on every side in a shoıt
time " that Farrukh-siyar — the light of whose intelligence and discretion
had become extinct — did not see the real issue and was deceived by him,
and in a short time raised him to the rank of 7,000 with 10,000 horse
and in every undertaking made him his confidant and intimate friend
and gave him the lofty title of Ruknud-Daula I'tiqâd Khân Bahâdur
Farrukh-Shâhît. There was not a day that he did not present him pre-
cious jewels and other valuable things. He made Sarkar Murâdâbâd
a province, and gave it the name of Ruknâbâd and made it his fief. At
his advice he, for the purpose of destroying the Saiyids, summoned
Sarbuland Khân from Patna, Nizâm-ul-Mulk Bahâdur Fath Jang from
Murâdâbâd and Mahârâja Ajît singh from Jödhpür, and every day held
consultations with them. If anyone said that if the robe of the Vazârat
is given to someone, Qutb-ul-Mulk's power would diminish, and his
position greatly weakened, the Emperor would say " There is no better
man for this post than I'tiqâd Khân ". The officers (who were already
grieved at the advancement of a man of no family, who was notorious
for foolish talk and immoralities) could not stand his being made the
Vazir and retired. And, in f act , what a mad idea it vr&s ! (They thought )
troubles and dangers-, and loss of life must be undertaken by us, while
the Vazârat and dominion are to be the portion of another.

1 Bailiff or Agent, see Sir Jadunath Sarkar, Mughal Administration, p. 42.

2 Literally : arrayed such verdant gardens.

-vl-Umarâ.

I*TIQİD KHİN FAEBUSB-SHİHl.

Verse.

711

I'm the lover and the beloved is at the beck of others
As İst Shawwâl 1 isthe 'id of Ramadân.

Stranger stili, while ali these great deeds were in contemplation,
the Emperor deprived many of the officers of their fiefs and appointments,
and made them discontented, while Qutb-ul-Mulk regarded them as his
spoils and soothed and conciliated each one of them, and drew them into
his own party. The Emperor's schemes and consultations were without
profit.

Verse. 2

How can a secret be kept when it is discussed in assemblies.

When the details reached Qutb-ul-Mulk he, to protect his honour,
began by keeping a watchful eye (över the Emperor) and wrote to Husain
'Ali Khân, the Amîr-ul Umara that things had got out of hand, and that
he should return quickly from the Deccan. When the Emperor became
aware of the Amir-ul-Umarâ's intentions, he again attempted conciliation
and sent I'tiqâd Khân and Khân Daurân to the house of Qutb-ul-Mulk
and renewed his promises and oaths. Both sides agreed to amend the
past. A month had not passed when the Emperor, in his childishness
and folly, forgot ali these arrangements for peace, and state of things
became more troubled than before. Several experienced officers with-
drew thinking that thus they would save their honour. When the Amir-
ul-Umarâ arrived from the Deccan, he, after confirmation of agreements
and condıtions, did homage, but, on seeing the King's disposition and
the prevailing confusion, he abandoned the idea of amending matters
and began to think. On 8th Rabi' II (27th Febraary, 1719 »), on the
pretext of a second visit he sent Qutb-ul-Mulk and Ajît Singh to the
fort to bring about a settlement. None of the King's men was in the
fort except I' tiqâd Khân. Qutb-ul-Mulk began to complain to the Emperor
and mentıoned his unkindnesses. Mahammad Farrukjj-siyar also got
angry and made rejoinders. At last they came tö high tfords. I'tiqâd
Khân sought by deceptive m>rds* to plav the part of a mediator. When
both had lost their self-control ' Saiyid 'Abdullah Khân used an oppro-
brıous epıthet to hım aüd ordered that he should be turned out of the
fort. The Emperor retired to the female apartments and I'tiqâd Khân
thought it advısable to save his life and went to his home. Qutb-ul-Mulk
spent the mght in the fort jn watchfulness, and on the morning of the
9th Rabı II he ımprisoned the Emperor. Tül then no one knew what
had taken place in the fort. The general report was that 'Abdullah
Khan had been killed. I'tiqâd Khân protested his devotion and having
coUected his men and mounting his horse he made a vain attack (k£ar

ı Shawwâl foUows the month of Bamadân, and the feast of the 'id is on İst
Shawwal though o»lled the 'Id^i-Ramadân.

* This is the adaptation of the second half of a verse from Hafi?, the first half
being: ^ ±JÜ ^U^ i, ^ J^ 3 ^ ^ .

o 3 ,? U o, se ? Sİr Jadunath Sarkar's edition of Irvine'e The Later MughaU, I,
pp. 376-381 from where it wiU be seen that the possession of the fort was taken
by Qutb-ul-Mulk and Ajît Singh on 4 Rabi' II, and on 8 Rabi' Ûutb-ul-Mulk entered
the palace, replaoed the guards, and later the interview took place.

712

i'tkjâd ebAn fabbusb-shâhi.

Maâihir

ifamla 1 ) on the Amîr-ul-Umarâ's troops in the Sa'adat Ullâh Khân
bâzâr, and waa making a useless disturbanoe when music announced the
accesaion of Raff-ud-Darajât. He was arrested with great indignity
and his house oonfiscated. The precious jewels which had been presented
to him, and many of which he had disposed of, were resumed and he was
esposed to contempt and misery. Farrukh-siyar was deposed after a
reign of six years and four months, not counting the eleven months of
Jahândâr Shâh's rule whioh were inoluded in his reign. He was confined
on the top of the Tirpöliya' * in the fort in a dark and narrow room.
He was blinded and guarded with great severity. They say, tbat his
eyesight was not entirely destroyed.

A trustworthy person who was nearly associated with the Saiyids
has been heard to state, that when it was decided that Farrukh-siyar
should be blinded, Qutb-ul-Mulk without mentioning the circumstance
to anyone (else) gave his own antimony-box (surmadân) in öpen Divân
to Najm-ud-Dîn 'Alî Khân, saying it was the King's (Bafî'-ud-Darajât's^
order; and that he went and blinded Farrukh-siyar. Farrukh-siyar
offered much resistance and so they were obliged to throw him down.
Aftenvards when he perceived that his sight had not been injured, he
endeavoured to conceal the fact, and whenever he wanted anything he
would say "Have pity on this 8 sightless oiıe ". Qutb-ul-Muİk and the
Amir-ul-Ümarâ would smile and say "He thinks ire don't know ". Any-
how he"; in his simplicity, tried to induce his guards by promises to take
him away to Râja Jai Singh Siwâ'I. When the brothers heard of this,
they, for political reasöns, twice tried to poison him. Owing to his
tenacity of life this had no effect. At last they conducted him to annihila-
tion by thong-pulling (tasma-kashi *■), which was his own first invention.
On the day that they were conveying his bier to tomb of Hümâyûn
Bâdshâh there was a general riot. Two to three thousand men and women
of the oity, especially the rabble and faqîrs of the market, assembled and
accompanied the bier. They flung stones at the Saiyids' men and
abused them. For three days they assembled at his tomb and recited
funeral prayers. 6

Good God ! Men in this affair have become Haidarîs 8 and Ni'mat
Allâhis. One said :

Ver8ea.

You saw what they did to the mighty King
They committed a hundred violences on him,
When I sought the date from Wisdom, she answered :
Södât 7 baıoai nimak-Jjarâmi kardand (the Saiyids behaved
disloyally to him).

1 Kbar-hamla means a foolish attack. a Literally three arches.

3 in the text -juaj başvr, vision, but the true reading must be be başir, without
vision.

* Also spelt taama. See Elliot, VII, pp. 444, 445, for an account of the murders
committed at Farrukh-siyar's accession; also see Sir Jadunath Sarkar's edition of
Irvine's Loter Mughals, I, pp. 275-281, and the account of Farrukh-siyar's
reign in the same work, pp. 244-403.

s Cf. Khâfl Sân, II, p. 820.

6 Theae are the two rival seets which have an ttnrm ^l fight in Persia during
Muharram, see Malcolm' s Hiatory of Pertia (ed. 1815), 11,'p. 593.

T Tlıe words yield 1131.

-ul-Umarâ.

i'tiq!d khİn fabbukh-shIhI.

713

Another said :

Verees.

They did what was right with the siok King,
They did ali the physician should do,

One wise as Hippocrates wrote the prescription qf the date, 1
Sâddt* dawâsh âncheh bâyad kardand (the Saiyids gave him
the right treatment).

But it is quite evident that in oonsideting the claims of kings, ancient
and modern, which are fixed and definite with respect to the hereditary
servants of their houses, and more particularly the claims in regard to
these two brothers in the service to their master, it is not absolutely
correct that the occurrence of thif shameful business was due to them,
and that each of them behaved with thoroııgh baseness and ingratitude.
The real case is quite othenvise. Rather they too performed the duties
of service. They failed not in erposing their lives and properties, and
made Farrukh-siyar the Emperor of Hindûstân. True, in the eyes of
justice this did not create a claim, and was rather the performance of
a duty, and What should be expected from loyalty. But what does the
spirit of self-interest say ? And what does farsighted practical reason com-
mand ? Is it wrong to checkmate wiokedness before it is successful ?
Self-interest is innate in man ! If they had not anticipated matters,
they would have lost their lives and their honour ! in the beginning they
might have obtained deliverance from these calamities, by withdra'Wİng
at the commencement from Cotırt service, and contenting themselves
with their high posts in the provinces. The love of glory and of power,
which are the worst of faults, did not let them do this. And at this time
would other claimants have left them in peace ? Anyhow, if we look at
the real state of things, Muhammad Farrukh-siyar was himself the cause
of the rebellion against his sovereignty. From inexperience and folly he
made mistakes. in the first pl&ce he should not have conferred on
the Saiyids the great office of Vazir to which the Saiyids of Barah
had no claim. For from the time of Akbar up to that of Aurangzîb —
which represents the beginning and end of the regulations for the sove-
reignty of India — though the Saiyids of Bârah were promoted to high
ofifices, yet they did not evenreceive the low ranksof Divâna of provinces
or of managers for the King's sons . If from regard to their claim and from
appreciation of their merits it was proper that the reins of the Caliphate
should be put into their' hands, he should not have listened to the words
of self-interested intriguers — ^who under the veil of loyalty do the work
of thousands of ül-wishers — about this type of faithful servants who
spared neither their lives nor their property for him, and from whom no
danger was to be apprehended in the future unless cause for this was
given to them. What happened was the result of his own doing, and what-
ever resulted was due to himself! My pen has göne gallopping. Where
has it göne ? May God efface it !

1 Or the dated prescription.

* The words yield 1131. See Sir Jadunath Sarkar's edition of Irvine's
Loter Mughals, I, p. 385, where it is stated that the first quatrnin was by MIrzâ
'Abdul Q&dir Bedit and the rejoinder by İfir 'Afmat Ullâh BilgramI B*U>abar.

714

l'TIQlD KflİN MlBZİ SHİPÜB.

Maâthir

After his property and his reputatkm had been given to the winds
I'tiq8d Khân for a long time remained shut up in his house. Whenthe
Amîr-ul-Umarâ was killed by the sword of vengeance, <^tb-m-Mulk
prooeeded to Delhi and oonciliated many of the old and new officers
who had left the world and were living in retirement. Among them,
he pleased I'tiqâd ghân by confirming him in his mansab, and givıng hım
a sum of money for his expenses and the oharge of a risâla (cavalry).
But the scheme, as he designed it, did not suoceed. He only
accompanied him a few kos and then returned to Delhi, and lived in
retirement until he died a natural death. Though he was notonous for
his feeble intellect and meanness yet he had abundant knowledge, and
in a short time made his fortune. Yet ali men speak ül of him.

Ob8ervation.
Suooess does not wipe out faults.

Verse.

Suocess in the world's riches does not lessen one'e sins,
For gold does not remove blackness from the touohstone.

Rather it makes them oonspicuous.

Verse.

How can a defect be hid under a garb of gold

When the new moon puts on her robe, its spots become visıble. 1

I'TIQİD £hİn MlBZİ Shİpüb,

(Vol. I, pp. 180-182.)

He was the son of I'tim&d-ud-Daula and brother of Aaaf ghân. For
pleasantness, brightness, polished manners, taste in dress and food, ete,
he was one of the foremost leaders<of the age. They say, that during
that period Yamin-ud-Daula, Mirza Abû Sa* id and Bâqir Khân Najm Tbânî
were famous as epicures, but I'tiqâd Khân in tbis respect was superıor
to ali three of them. in the 17th year * of Jahângîr's reign, he was made
governor of Kashmîr and ruled there for a long time. During this penod
hımüd 8 (lotus) rioe and pân hangin used to be sent to him from Burhân-

ı 'üryan lit. naked. Apparently the meaning is that when the new moon
waxes, the spots on the surface become more marked. For a detaüed aecount of
I'tiqâd &ân, or as he is styled Muhammad Murfid, see Sir Jadunath Sarkar s edıtıon
of Irvine's Later Mughals, I, pp. 340-345, 381, 401, 406.

2 Tûxuk-i-Jahömgirl, Rogers and Beveridge's translatıon II, p. 215.

' The text has ij^a muküd which seems uninteUigible though there is an
Arabic word mahüd which means abounding in milk. The word appears to have
boen ijj kumüd, which means lotus, and also white water lily in Sanskrit and
Bengali. See also Ifeafl Khân, I, p. 562. in Jarrett's translation of Âln, II,
p. 223, it is stated that in Dandes, t.e. ghândesh, of which Burhânpûr was the capıtal,

^the rioe is of fine quality and betel leaves are in abundance '. See also Anatte

Mincellany, reprint of 1787, p. 148, where it is stated that "Khandes rioe oaUed m
Hindustan pattny chawal which is the only species brought from that province ıs
generally used by the higher elasses. it is a long and small-graıned noe .

-ul-Umarâ.

l'TIQİD gHİN MIKZİ SHİPÜB,.

715

pür. During his government Habîb Chak and Ahmad Chak, who were
the leaders of that quarrelsome people, laid claims to the chiefship, and
stirred up great dissensionş, and at last went off nıined to Tibet. I'tiqâd
Khân, who held the rank of 5,000 Dhât and horse , was removed from Kashmîr
in the öth year of Shah Jahân, and in the beginning of the 6th year came
to the Court. He brought with him and presented the rarities of Kashmîr,
such as plumes made of the feather» of the vdld goose vhich surpass x
the musky hairs of the Yak, and varieties of shawls such as jömaıvâr,
kamarbands, embroidered gösfıpech (ear-covers) and especially woolen
garments from the Tûs 2 and fur (hark) from a vild animal, whose flesh
is edible and which is found in Qarâ ( ?) Tibet, also oarpets which seli
a hundred rupees a yard and compared to vrhich the oarpets of Kirman
are like saok-cloth (palas), in the same year, he was on 17th Sha'bân
appointed to the governorship of the province of Delhi in succession to
Lashkar Khân. in the 16th year, he was made Şûbadâr of Bihâr in
succession to Shâyista Khân. As the Zamindâr of Palâ'ün 8 (Palâmau)
relying on the extensive forests in that province became rebellioue,
I'tiqâd Khân sent, in the 17th year, Zabardast Khân with an army against
him. He travetsed passes and jungles and put the rebels to the sword.
Pratâp, a Zamindâr of the area submitted and by the instrumentality of
the aforesaid Khân presented a lac of rupees as peshkash and waited upon
I'tiqad Khân in Patna every year. At I'tiqad Khân's request Pratâp
obtained the rank of 1,000 d£ât and horse, and Palâmau was giren to
him as his fief at a rental of one kror of dâms. in the 20th year, when
Prince Muhammad Shüjâ' was recalled from Bengâl, the government of
that province, which for populatian, extent and abundance of produce
is equal to a elime (iqUm), was entrusted to I'tiqâd Khân. When Bengâl
was again made över to Shâh Shujâ', I'tiqâd Khân returned to the Court.
He had not arrived when the government of Oudh was made över to him,
and an order was issued that he should go off on this duty from whatever
place he had reached. in the 23rd year, 1060 A.H. (1650 A.D.) he left
Bhraich and came to the Court, and died. They say, that the first
persons to build netr lıouses in 5gra vere three in number, viz. Khwâja
Jahân Jahângîri, Khwâja Waisi the Dîvân of Sultân Parwîz, and I'tiqâd
Khân ; the best and most artistic of the three was Ttîqâd Khân's mansion.
As it was admired by Shâh Jahân, he presented it to him as peshkash,
and in the 16th year Shâh Jahân presented it to 'Alî Mardan Khân Amir-
ul-Umarâ.

1 The literal translation of the passage seems to be : Plumes made of the feathers
of the goose which are such that musky tresses would shrivel up from envy on
beholding them as hairs do when exposed to the fire, and various shawls such as
jâmaıvâr (gowns), kamarbands (waistbands), embroidered göshpech (ear-covers)
and especially woollen garments from the Tûs and fur from a wıld animal whose
flesh is edible and is found in Qarâ Tibet, and woven carpets which feteh a hundred
rupees a yard and compared with which the carpets of Kirman are like sack-eloth
(palas), it looks as if the author thought that hark the Turkish name for fur was
the name of an animal. Fossibly he read it as gurg, a wolf.

2 So in text, but in the Â'in, I (Blochmann's translation, 2nd edn.), p. 97,
the animal is called Tûs. Kark is a Turkish word for fur. Qarâ or Tibet means
apparently Black Tibet. Perhaps it should be Qar, «'.e. white or sno-vry Tibet, but
it is clear from Bernier that "Tus" came from Great Tibet.

8 PaJâmün in Bâdshahnâma, II, pp. 248 and 366. Palâmau is in Löhardâga,
Chöta Nâgpûr.

716 'IWAD KgiN QlQSHÂL— 'iZZAT &BİN 8JWİJA BİBİ. Md&thir

*IWAD KjIİN QI<JSHIL. 1

(Vol. II, pp. 776-777.)

His name was 'Iwad Beg, and he was one of the officers of the Şüba
of Kabul. When in the 2nd year of Shâh Jahân's reign the thûna of
Duh&k* was recovered from the hands of Üzbegs, he vas granted the
rank of 1,000, 600 horse, and appointed as the thâttadâr of that area. in
the 6th * year he was given an increase of 200 horse, and in the 7th
year *, he was esalted by a rise to the rank, substantive and vırith in-
crements, of 1 ,000 with 500 horse. in the lOth 6 year he was suocessful in
receiving an increase of 200 horse, and in the llth • year of 300 horse.
And in the incident. whioh occurred in connection with 'Alî Mardan
Khân 7 handing över the fort of Qandahâr to the royal servants, he
('Iwad ^ân), vfao was already waiting in Ghazni, at the instance of
Sa'id Khân 8 , the governor of Kabul, went to that place with one thousand
cavalry and took possession of the fort. And in the battle which Sa'îd
Khân had to fight with Siyâwash and the Qazalbâsh army, he formed the
vanguard, and his honour vas raised to the skies by the bestowal of a
Çhü'at and a jewelled dagger, and promotion to the rank, substantive
and with increments, of 2,500 with 2,000 horse and the grant of drums and
a horse and an elephant ». And having hurried with Râja Jagat Singh
to conquer the fort of Zamîn Dâwar, he rendered valuable servioes in
the capture of the fort of Sârbân and the siege of Zamin Dâwar 10 . And
f or a time he was in charge of Qalât . in the 16th year " he was appointed
governor of Ohaznl in place of Kbânazfid ghân. Since through prolonged
ülness, frailty and weakness went on increasing, he was dismissed 12 .
in the 4th year corresponding to 1050 A.H. he died.

'Izzat KfİN &PWÂJA BİBİ.

(Vol. H, pp. 775, 776.)

it appears that he was related to 'Abdullah Ihan Fîrüz Jang. in
Jahângîr's reign he obtained the rank of 1,000 with 700 horse. After
the ooronation of Shâh Jahân he came from Lâhöre with Yamin-ud-
Daula and paid his respects and was confirmed in his rank. in the 3rd
year, he attained the rank of 1,600 with 1,000 horse and accompanied
'Abdullah Khân Bahfidur who was sent in pursuit of Khân Jahân Lödi.
in the 4th year, his rank was increased to 2,000 with 1,000 horse and he

ı For Q&qshiu > ne Blochmann's tranalation of Â'in, I (2nd edn.), p. 399, note 1 .

2 Bödahahnâma, I, pt. 1, p. 261. The fortress of Puhâk is situated in B&miyân
at the extreme end of a defile on one of the two routes from Kabul to Bâmiyan,
see Raverty's tranalation of !fabakâti-Nâfiri, II, p. 1025.

» Bödahahnâma, I, pt. 1, p. 451. ' * id., pt. 2, p. 13.

5 id., p. 242. * id., II, p. 5.

' id., p. 32. » id., p. 33.

» id., p. 48.

ıo id., pp. 54-59. Zamîn Dâwar is a district in the territory of Ghûr in
Khurâsân, see Baverty, op. cit., I, p. 324, note. For a detailed account of ShSh
Jahân's campaigns in Trane-0xiarıa, see Banarsi Praahad, Higtory o] Shahjahan,
pp. 188-209.
« id., p. 173.
12 id., p. 200, his successor was Pürdil Bin.

•vl-Umarâ.

JİDÜ BÂO KİNTlH.

717

was granted the title of 'Izzat Skân, and he was presented with a fiag
and an elephant and made faujdâr of Bhakkar. in the 6th year, 1042
A.H. (1632-33 A.D.) he died there.

JlDü Rio KântIh. 1
(Vol. I, pp. 520-523.)

He belonged to the Jâdwân (or Jâdün) tribe to which Kishn (Krishna)
belonged. He was one of the nobles of Nizâm Shâh. When in the 16th
year of Jahângîr's reign the heir-apparent, Shâh Jahân, addressed him-
self for the seoond time to the task of chastising the rulers of the Deccan,
who had withdrawn their heads from obedience and had stretched out
their arms to seize the imperial lands, Jâdû Râo, who was the leader
of the armies of the Deccan paid homage to the Prince and was made a
Panjhazâri *, both personal (Dhât) and in the number of horse. Together
witn his sons and grandsons and other relatives he held offices of 24,000
with 15,000 horse. He held the choicest jögirs in the Deccan, and
rendered great assistance to the governors of the oountry, and always
furthered the imperial cause ; himself living in great comfort and
affluence.

When in the 3rd year of the reign of Shâh Jahân, Burhânpûr became
by the shadow of the world-conquering standarda an abode of peace and
seeurity, Jâdü Râo the wicked, out of jngratitude and thanklessness
turned away from the path of submission to the threshold of the Caliphate,
and with his sons and 8ons-in-law joined Nizâm Shâh. As the latter
knew that faithlessness was irinate in this badjHuit, and that treacherous
doings were part of his nature, he designed to get hold of him and to
imprison him for a time. For this purpose he summoned him to his
presence, and as the time of retribution for his disloyalty had arrived,
he, in his ignorance, hastened to come with ali his tribe. Suddenly a
troop came out of ambush and prooeeded to bind them. They did not
yield, but drew their swords, and the two parties fought with one another.
Jâdü Râo and his two_sons Uchlâ 8 and Râghü. and his grandson and
successor * (jânasMn) Iswant 6 (Baswant ?) Râi were killed The re-
mainder, along with Karjâyî • his (Jâdü's) wife, who was the manager
of his affairs, fied from Daulatâbâd to their own country Sindkher 7 ,
which is a pargana of Mahkar Berâr near Jâlnapür — where Jâdü Râo
had built a fort — and took protection there. Though Nizâm Shâh
tried to conciliate them, they did not give heed and turned, with a

1 Kâith in BâdshShnâma. Probably Kaith or Kâyath is the reading. See
VVilson's glossary, under Jadon and Kayastha.
« BâdshShnâma, I, p. 182.

3 Variant Üjlâ.

4 Ferhaps jânashîn is rhetorical, meaning only the continuers of the family.

5 Baswant in Bâdshâhnâma, I, p. 309.

6 Apparently Girija, the mountain born, a name of Pârvatl.

"' The Singhar oı Elphinstone and Sindghar of Elliot, VII, p. 11, Sinhgarh
in Cambridge History of India, p. 267, note 1, and Sinhgad in Kincaid and Parasnis,
History of the Maratha People, p. 25, the Sinhgarh of imperial Oazetteer XXIII,
p. 12.

718

JÂDÜ EİO kANTÎH.

Maâthir.

thousand expressions of penitence, to the imperial Court. Inasmuch
as the forgiveness of offences is a trait of mighty princes, the great
offences of the tribe were pardoned and they were received into service.
A gracious order was issued to A'zam Khân, the governor of the Deccan,
who was in the Bâlâghât intent upon uprooting Khân Jahân Lödî. He
through the instrumentality of Danatji 1 , who had been Jâdü Râo's
manager, received them honourably, and decided upon suitable appoint-
ments for every one of them. Offices and gifts were issued to them from
the Court to the value of Rs. 1,30,000 for their erpenses, and they received
good tanfs&ıoahs (assignments) in the Deccan, Berâr, Khândesh, and the
estates of Jâdü Râo were restored to them. When they paid their
respects at the Court, in the 4th year, Bahâdur, the son of Jâdü Râo *,
received the rank of 5,000 with 5,000 horse and a flag and drums. Jagdeo
the brother of Jâdü Rao received the rank of 4,000 personalty and cavalry
and a flag and drums, and Patang (?) Râo was exalted by receiving the
rank of 3,000 personalty and 1,500 cavalry which had formerly been
held by his brother îswant (or Baswant) Râo who had been slain, and
the grant of the title of Jâdü Râî, which had been his grandfather's.
Betüjî was granted the rank of 2,000 with 1,000 horse which had been
the rank of his father Uchlâ. in the 5th year Jagdeo Râo died, and,
when in the 8th year, Bahâdurj! died, Datâji, his son, got the rank of
3,000 with 1,000 horse. When he was killed 8 in Aurangzlb's reign in
a battle with the Mahrattas, when accompanying Diler Khân. his son
wa» honoured by the title of Jagdeo Rai and a high rank (manşdb).
Aftenvards, Mân Singh, one of his sons, took çare, with a small force, of
the defence of Aurangâbâd in the time of the government of Manşür
Khân Rözbahâni. He built a house upon the side of a tank (?). Anotheı
brother, Râghü went to Jagdeo Râi. Shâhûji* Bhönsle, the father of
the notorious Sivâ (Shivâjî) obtained a name in the Nizâm Shâhî terri-
tories by becoming the son-in-law of Jâdü Râi, and since then there has
been a connection 5 between the families. The sister • of the present
Râja Shâhüjr was married to Jagdeo Râo. He in the 6th year of
Muhammad Shâh's reign, 1136 A.H. (1724 A.D.) was present at the
battle 7 between Nizâm-ul-Mulk Âsaf Jâhand Mubâriz Khân the governor
of Haidarâbâd whioh took place at his fief of Shakarkhera 8 . He left

1 Dîhetîin Bâdshöhnâmcı, I, p. 310.

2 Taken from Bâdshâhnama, I, p. 310, but the figures, ete, areglightly diflerent.
There Patang is Tilang and Betü is BSthü.

3 ' Âlamgirnâma, pp. 1009, 1010. Diler Khân was not killed.

* There is an aceount of Shivâjl's descent in Scott's Hiatory of the Deccan, II.
He was descended by his mother's side from the Râjpüts of Udaipür, though it was
through the son of a coneubine. See also Kincaid and Parasnia, op. cit., pp. 5-14;
the names of the father and son are given there as Shfthajl and Shivâjî Bhonsle.

5 Text in susala râ pâ darmiyân evidently means that Jadü Râo's family was
oonuected with Shivâjî's from the time of his father's marriage. The phrase pâ
darmiyân bâshad also oecurs in Khâfi Khân, II, p. 777.

6 There is the variant bhwâharzâda' — sister's daughter.

7 The battle was fought on 23rd Muharram, 1137 A.H. (llth October, 1724),
Maöthir-ul-Umarâ, Text III, p. 843. it is there stated that Shakarkhera is sixty
kos from Aurangâbâd. See also Siyar-i-Muta'akhkkirin, I, p. 247, and Elliot, VII,
p. 526.

s Shakarkhelda in Berâr, 20°13'N., 76° 27' E., later named Fathkhelda ; for
details of the battle- see Irvine's Later Mughals (Sarkar edn.), II, pp. 144-150.

-ul-Umarâ.

(mü'taman-ül-mtok) ja'fab khân.

719

Aşaf Jâh and joined Mubâriz Khân. and was killed in the melee. From
that day no one of the family has held an office or an estate. His son
Mân Singh, who is the sister's son of Râja Singh, subsists, with his
paternal uncle's sons in Sindkher (or Sindkhera) on the zamindarî fees
(rasûm) of Sarkar Daulatâbâd which was from old times associated with
his ancestors, and on aceount of his attaehment to his native country
he does not leave it. At the present time, on aceount of straitened
circumstances he has become helpless and göne away. This Sindkhera
is a pargana yielding thirty krors and belongs to Aurangâbâd and is in
the Sarkar of Mahkar and the province of Berâr. it was the real native
country and the ancient residence of Jâdü Râo. Six or seven kos from
the town (qaşba) there is a village of the pargana which is known as
Devalgâon Râja. Jâdü Râo built a strong fort there and set himself
to bring the place into cultivation. At this time also it has a large
population while the town near it is lying waste.

(Mü'taman-ul-Mulk) Ja'far Spls.

(Vol. III, pp. 751-755.)

Originally he was a Brahman boy. Hâjî Shafî' of Isfahan bought
him and called him Muhammad Hâdî, and brought him up like his own
son. He accompanied Hâjî Shafî' to Persia, but on the death of the
latter he returned: to the Deccan and became an inferior servant of Hâjî
'Abdullah of Khurâsân, who was the Divân of Berâr. Afterwards he
became a royal servant and in the reign of Aurangzîb he obtained a
suitable rank and the title of Kârtalab Khân (the labourJoving Khân),
and was employed in the Deccan. For a time he was the Dîvân of
Haidarâbâd. Aftenvards 1 he became Dîvân of Bengâl in succession
to Diyâ Ullâh Khân, and received the title of Murshid Quli Khân. When
Muljammad Farrukb-siyar proceeded towards Âgra to contend with
his uncle Jahândâr Shâh, he sent Haidar Beg with a force to
Bengâl to collect the revenue. Murshid Qulî opposed him and defeated
him. When Farrukjj-siyar became Emperor, he appointed Rashîd
Khân 2 , the brother of Afrâsiyâb Khân Mirza Ajmerî as the governor of
Bengâl. A battle ensued and Rashîd Khân was killed. Murshid Qulî
was enabled by Jagat Seth Sâhü 8 , who was one of the wealthy men of
the province, to expend lavishly and so he obtained the governorship,
the rank of 7,000 with 7,000 horse and the title of Mü'taman-ul-Mulk
'Alâ-ud-Daula Ja'far Khân Bahâdur Asad Jang *. After ruling there

1 in 1113 A.H., 1701 A.D., see Stewart, History of Benzol, p. 352. iri Riyâd-
vs-Salötin, Text, p. 252, Translation, p. 254, it is stated that he was previously the
Divân of Orissa; this appears to be correct for in MaâQıir-i- Alamgîrî, p. 483, it is
also stated that Murshid Qull was Haris or Governor of Orissa.

2 See Riyö^-us-Salâfln, Text,'p. 268, Translation, p. 269. Rashîd Khân is
stated to have been the elder brother of Afrâsiyâb Khân. Apparently he invaded
Bengâl before Farrulsh-siyar defeated Jahândâr Shâh. For Afrâsiyâb Khân, see
Irvine, Journ. As. Soc. Bengâl (ot 1898, p. 154, note 1 ; he was famous for his personal
strength.

3 <&*a~> in the text is a lopsun calami for <t#I' , - ' .

4 The text has the word nâmıvari after the titles. But it seems that this is a
mistake for Naşiri, see Irviıie, loc. cit., p. 157. Nârmoari or fame would be without
any meaning.

720

(mü'taman-tjl-mtjlk) ja'far sban.

Maâthir

for many years he died in 1138 * A.H. (1725-1926 A.D.). He lounded
Murshidâbâd. They say, he was a most accomplished Colleotor ('Amal-
dâr). He made a pit full of nastiness and gave it the name of Baikunth.
in it he imprisoned the landholders. Baikunth is the Indian name for
paradise, where, according to their belief, the righteous dead find a
place.

He was sucoeeded by his sou-in-law Shujâ'-ud-Dîn Muhammad
Khân Bahâdur, who was also oalled Mîrzâ Deccanî. He was a Burhânpür
man and his father was Nür-ud-Dîn, who belonged to the Afshâr family,
andone of his ancestors was 'Ali Yâr Sultân, who in Shâh Tahmâsp's
time was the governor of Farâh near Khurâsân. Shujâ'-ud-Din was
for a time in charge of îlkandal, which is a dependency of the province
of Farkhandabunyâd (Haidarâbâd). in the time of Ja'far Khân's
governorship he was the governor of Orîssa, and later proceeded rapidly
to Murshidâbâd. From Muhammad Shâh he received a high rank and
the title of Mü'taman-ud-Daula Shujâ'-ud-Daula Bahâdur Asad Khân.
He abolished Baikunth and released the landholders. He ruled for
thirteen years and died in 1152 A.H. 2 The date of his death is Raunaq
az Bangâla raft : glory has departed from Bengâl (1152).

After him his son 'Alâ'-uçUDaula Sarfarâz Khân Bahâdur Haidar
Jang, who was called Mirza Asad-ud-Din, sucoeeded him. After ten
months he was killed in 1153 AJL by 'Alivardi Khân, who had been
promoted by his father. Murshid Quli Khân Bahâdur Rustam Jang
was the brother-inTİav of Sarfarâz Khân. His name vas Lutf Ullah.
His father Hâjî Shukr Ullâh of Tabriz came to India and settled in
Sürat. Lutf Ullâh was born there. When he reached the years of
discretion, he studied the sciences, and went to Bengâl as a trader.
Shujâ'-ud-Daula perceived his merit and gave him his daughter in
marriage. His first title was Lutf 'Alî Khân and after Ja'far Khân's
death he was given the title of Murshid Qulî Khân. At that time he was
the governor of Orîssa. When 'Alivardi Khân after the murder of
Sarfarâz Khân went to that province, he collected a force and opposed
him. He wâs defeated and went to the Deccan. in 1154 A.H. he
returned s with a foroe to Orîssa, and made Sa'Id Muhammad Khân son
of Hâjî Muhammad the nephew of 'Alivardi Khân, who was the Nâ'ib
of Orîssa, a prisoner. 'Alivardi Khân proceeded post haste to Orîssa
and defeated him. Then he returned to the Deccan. The Ni?âm-ul-
Mulk Âşaf Jâh Bahâdur was kind to him, gave him a fief and made him
his companion. He died in 1164 A.H. (1751 A.D.). He wrote poetry
and his pen-name was Makhmür. The following verse is by him :

* Riyöd-us-Salâfin, Text, p. 287, gives 1139 as the date and has the ehrono-
gram "zi dâral&hilâfat jidâr üftâd." The tranalator of the Eiyâd (p. 285) has altered
jidâr into javoâr. But the instruction in the text is to deduct jidâr from döral-
kjküâfat to get the date of death, and this yields 1139 and agree with the statement
that 1139 was the date of death. Jawâr would give 1137. The translation of the
ehronogram would be : the wall of the Capital has fallen or the wall has fallen from
the abode of the Caliphate.

2 Hereallydiedon 13DhülHljja, 1151 A.H. or 24 Maroh, 1739 A.D. SeeRigâd-
us-Salâtin, Text, p. 307. If z is read in place of az the ehronogram becomes correet.

3 He did not return. it was his son-in-law Mîrzâ Baqirwho did. See Stevrart,
op. cit., p. 451.

.ul-ümarâ.

JA'FAB &BİN TAKLU.

Verse.

721

Do not faney that weaklings are unable to perform hard tasks,
Because even a mountain can be painted by a brush 1 (painting*
brush).

His wife knovn as Mihmân Begam lived a long time. She died
in Haidarâbâd in a house which her husband had bought. Her son
Yahya Khân was for a time governor of Khânpüra in Farkhundabunyâd
(Haidarâbâd). He left it a few years before this biography was written.

Ja'fab KplN TaklO

(Vol. I, pp. 507-509.)

He was the son of Qazâq Khân whose father Muhammad Khân
Sharaf-ud-Dîn Üghlî was governor of Herât and guardian of Sultan
Muhammad Mirza eldest son of Shâh Tahmâsp Şafavi at the time of
Humâyün's visit to Persia The Shâh 's f arman — which is a code of
ıegulations for the polite and generous — was addressed to him in reference
to the hospitality to be shown to Hümâyûn.» Sharaf-ud-Dîn behaved
as was proper, and earned encomiums by performing fitting service in
receiving so valued a guest. After his death Qazâq Khân became the
guardian of the Mîrzâ, and the governor of Khurâsân, and growing
presumptuous did not behave with proper respect to the Shâh. in 972
A.H., the Shâh sent an army against him under the command of Ma'şüm
Beg Şafavî— who was the Vakü of the kingdom. it chanced that at tnıs
timeQazâq Khân was attacked by dropsy, and his following dispersed.
He was compelled to shut himself up with Sultân Muhammad in the fort
of Ikhtiyâr-ud-Dîn. The Shâh's troops entered Herât and Qazâq
Khân was induoed'to surrender by agreements and proınises. in that
condition he died. His properties came into the possession of Ma'şûm
Beg. After this catastrophe, Ja'far Beg— who for his straightforward
nature and courage was held in respect by his father — took refuge with
Akbar, and was favourably reoeived. in 973 A.H. he was attached to
Akbar's stirrupe in the pursuit of Khân Zaman Shaibânî. After that,
when 'Alî Qu5 Khân's oflFences were condoned, on condition that so
long as Akbar was in those parts he would not eross the Ganges, and
Akbar went off to visit the fort of Chunâr, Khân Zaman ignorantly and
foolishly erossed the river. Akbar on receipt of this news made a rapid
march against him, and Ja'far Beg quickly came to Ghâzipür, and distin-
guished himself by taking hold of some boats which contained Khân
Zamân's goods«ınd chattels. He was promoted to the rank of 1,000 and
granted the title of Khân 2 .

» &bâma-i-mü'i literally a pen of hair. The variant is ^âna-i-mör which
would mean the nest of an ant.

2 See Blochmann's translation of Â'in, I (2nd Edn.), p. 471, and Akütmdma,
Text II, p. 265, Beveridge's translation, p. 395. From the latter it appears that
^ân Zamân's boats were not seized at Ghâzipür, but further on at Sarwâr, and it
does not seem that Ja'far gh.ân did anything speoial about them. Bloohmann
points out that Ja'far ghân afterwards served uıider Hueain Tukrîya in the aieg»
of Nagarköt. in -Çabagât-i-Akbari, De's edition, Text II, p. 451, and translation
II, p. 679, it is stated that Qazâq gh,ân (wrongly Qarâq a»» in the transıation)
was put to death, but his son Ja'far ghân died a natural death.

722 ja'fab kbIn 'tjmdat-ul-mulk. Madthir

Ja'fab KjıiN 'Umdat-ul-Mulk. j

(Vol. I, pp. 531-536.)

î£İ İ £" ( ~ WeSh) °f Yamîn -ud-I>aula Aşaf Khân. His wife was
±arzana » Begam commonly known as Bibi Jîu. From his early years
he was an object of royal favour, and was always distinguished for

Uh£S n a ° d A g °° d T*"- men ^ father died . the Emperor (Shâh
Jahan) sent Aurangzib to oondole with him, and having put his mind

rWW "S?*? *° r ° yal faV0Urs t0 brin 8 fc and hii brothers to
tne Umrt When he appeared, he received an increase of 1,000 with 500
horse, and W aş raised to the position of 4,000 with 2,000 horse. In-
asmuch as real kmdness does not * require an oocasion or a pretext,
vpİ „ı Hİ? V î le T n t hea JÎ 8eeks for a «»bterihge, the Emperor in the 7th
*?? î> ^ 8 bou8e fc y ***4 i*, and hfbecame ditin-
f ^ I r!İ ? « ^»"»P?»- I" *te 10th year, Ja'far presented jewels
and rare stuffs. Out of graoiousness to a servant, goods to theValue

S>h% mn ıf UpeeB Tl Fe received and ** was raised to the rank of 5,000

™£T OTSe - J AfteI . that he was > fOT 80me reason, a subject of

favZs VtTNo^' bU * . agaİn became the reci P ient of boundless

thTS of th. ^? yea l' he WaS . made goveraor of the Ean J ab - **
tne end of the 20th year, he was raised to the office of Mir Bakhshi in

KES BÜK* ÜUah ,^ Sn - ^ the 23rd y™> « ö» d ^ of
SSrlffcJ 6 ^? made governor of the province of Shâhjahânâbâd
TîSS. w ^ ^ year ' he Wto a PP 0İnted governor of the province of

tn £ ri Î2 H£ 8UC ° esslon to Sa'H Sân. in the 30th yea?, he came
r*£f T ??' v^™ ""T" aân was removed from the high office of
fW M* '? ^Z* 8 6XaIted ' ** the 3l8t vear > *o the high office of the
ShSSrf T*^ the OTname » ted "*«t a » d - After the battle
l£l) Kf^S Wİ T ^™ n 8« n > was encamped at Bâgh Nür (near
ffiL ı S v? , ^ h ° £** remained in Shâh Jahân's service, did
men^l ^ 7*1 *?° otb <V 0yal 8ervants - ^ tbe *«* enthrone-
ow1h«T^ P °-^ PİaCe a * B&8h A ' zâbâd > ^ M ' Aurangzib prooeeded
vaftfSLİ J Panjab m pursuit of Dârâ Shiköh, who to the end made
vam efforts there, and the usual ceremonies of ac^ssion were put off tül
Malwa and l^ 01 ^' Ja ! far ^ân was given the govemorship of
S* J. - ^ y u receıvm g an increase of 1,000 horse, both dû-aspd and
to öS ffi-İSS t nd ^"S?»" tr ° 0perS) - ^ ^^ was^S
KashmS Z i&^Slİ™"' men Fâdİ1 S* 511 the chief m ™n died in
Kashmır m the 6th year, an order was issued summoning Ja'far

S PanîSt Z ^nTlt m ? ashmîr P aid ^ res P ect « to.the Emperor
S.WhW^iİ? A.H and W as made Grand Foalr. As the hrase,
whıch he had begun on the banksof the Jumnâ, was now finished the

-vl-Umarâ.

JA'FAB EflİN UMDAT-UL-MULK.

723

8 |*y|?d. Ju fdat-nl-Mulk in Mamir-i.' Âlamgiri, p. 103.

3 ^^S, ,r 'M: C;OTOr0 "• T f?* l h PP" 729 ~ 731 - Badshâhnâma, I, p. 538.

u ^r e ^ k x n r= r^ ssarcs and that the meaning

King repeatedly honoured him in the 8th and 9th years by visiting him,
and Ja'far Khan tendered rich and rare presents. in the 13th year,
1081 A.H. (1670 A.D.) he died 1 in Shâhjahânâbâd after a long and
severe Ulness. During this time, Aurangzib twice visited him, onoe to
inquire after his health, and the second time to condole with him. The
Princes Muhammad A'zam and Muhammad Akbar were ordered to
proceed to the house of his sons Nâmdâr Khân and Kâmgâr Khân to
express regret and sympathy, and also to comfort their mother Farzâna
Begam. A special robe of honour was given to each of the sons, and to
thsir mother was sent a tora 2 suitable to her condition. Afterwards
Prince Muhammad Akbar brought both brothers out of their mourning
and presented them at the Court. Each received an ornamented dagger
with pearl appendages, as well as various favours. Mourning robes
were also sent to the other relatives.

Ja'far Khân was distinguished among the later officers for goodness
and rightmindednesB, and was conspicuous for his excellent manners,
ete. Every one praised his highmindednesa They say, that he was
very fond of ezpensive -white eloth. The Qâdi of Dhâr 8 iu the province
of Mâhva^-having heard of this — had fine cotton pieces specially
prepared and embroidered carefully with flowers *, so that clothes
(ihdnhâ) worth fifty rupees were inferior to their linen finish (gumaâh).
He then presented these as a rarity. He was called in to pay his respects,
but Ja'far Khân frowned and said, "it is very coarse and had better be
ehanged ". The Qödi respectfully represented, "I ventured to tender
these as 6 hangings for the doorways into the courtyard. " Ja'far Khân
was much pleased and ordered that these should replace the curtains.

Stories are also told of the exquisiteness of his powers of smell and
his palate. They say that one day they brought a melon to him wbich
was ful] of sweetness and flavour •'. He was pleased and said : "I ha ve
never eaten a better melon than this one, büt it has a fishy smell." On
enquiry it was found that it was a melon from the Könkan, and that in
that couhtry they mix bits of fish with earth for manuring the melon-
beds.

1 Maâthir-i-' Âlamgiri, p. 103. For an account of Ja'far Kfthn, gee Sir Jadunath
Sarkar's History of Aurangzib, III, pp. 65-67. He was appointed Vazîr A'zam
on 30th December, 1663, and died on 6th May, 1670.

2 Tora meang regulation, and perhaps here meang that guitsble provision was
made for her, vide AfoötAtr-*-' Âlamgtri, p. 103. Perhaps the woıd is the Hindûstânl
tora a purse, but more probably the passage means that clothes suitable for a widow
were sent.

3 Jarrett's translation of the Â'in, II, pp. 197, 206.

4 Jâmatvâr — a flowered sheet or shawl, vide Steingass.

5 Bâbfarsh ehândni — Chândnl is a white eloth spread över a carpet, but Chândnl
also means a canopy and the use of the word 6ö6 seems to inıply that the eloth was
intended as a hangin g or purdah for a doorway. The words in Ja'far ^&n's
remark are sarf taıvân kard which pregumably mean that you çan change the present,
or take it back. But there is the variant sarf natamön shud whieh would mean : I
cannot use it, or, wear it, and imply that he thought the eloth was presented to
him as wearing apparel or as a principal carpet. The Qâ4l's reply was that he meant
it merely as hangings över the doorways.

o See the story in Eh&fl g^an, II, p. 234. The word there, and which is doubtless
the correct one, is aügandag — fragrance. The fishy smell was only deteeted at the
time of eating. Shikarumdigi in the text is not so appropriate, though it might
refer to the softness of the melon.

724 jagan NATH. Maâthir

Jagak NATH.*

(Vol. I, pp. 514-616.)

He was the son of Râja Bihârâ Mal of whom a separate account s
has been given. The Râja placed him with two of his nepbews (brother's
sona) as hostages with Mirza Sharaf-ud-Din Husain, who during the time-
of his government of Ajmer had «et a price 3 on the Râjâ's head. After-
wards when the Râja obtained an introduction to Akbar and received
glorious favours, Jagan Nâth, in view of repeated commands from the
Emperor, was released from the handa of the Mirza. After that he was
recipient of boundless favours, and sometimes in attendance on the royal
stirrupe, and sometimes in company with his brother's son Kunwar
Mân Singh performed valuable services. in the 21 st year, when Rânâ
Pratâp the üjamindâr of Mewâr confronted the royal army, some leading
officers gave way, but Jagan Nâth stood firm and behaved bravely.
Ram Dâs the son of Jaimal, who was one of the noted foes, was killed
by him. in the 23rd year he obtained a fief in the Panjâb and went
off there. in the 25th year, when there were signs of Mirza Hakim 's
coming from Kabul to the Panjâb, and, an imperial expedition having
been decided upon, a force was sent on in advance, Jagan Nâth also
was appointed to this service, in the 29th year, he was appointed with
a large force to chastise the Rânâ who had become presumptuous, and
his residenoe was plundered. After that he went to Kashmir with
Mirza Yûsuf Khân. When the affairs in that area were arranged, he came
to the Presence and paid his respects. After that, in the 34th year,
he was sent with Prince Murâd to Kabul, and, in the 36th year, when
Prince Murâd was appointed to Mâlwa, he accompanied him and achieved
fame. After that, he accompanied the Prince to the Deccan. in the
43rd year *, he obtained leave from the Prince and went to his home.
From there he came to the Court, but as he had come without orders
he was for some time not granted an audience. When the Emperor
returned from the Deccan, and halted at Rantambhör, Jagan Nâth in
obedience to summons arrived there in advance. Aa the fort was a
part of his fief, one day when the Emperor was visiting it, he, according
to the rules of devoted servants, scattered money, ete, and in consequence
was möre highly honoured. Afterwards he again went to the Deccan.
in the first year of Jahângîr's reign he wafr appointed to accompany
Prince Sultân Parvîz in the affair of the Rânâ. When the Prince in
consequence of Khusrau's rebellion took Bâgha B , the Rânâ's son, with

1 in the text it is Jagnâth, but more correctly Jagan Nâth.

* MaS^ir-ul-Umarâ, Text II, pp. 111-113, Beveridge's translation,
pp. 409-411.

* Akbarnöma, Text II, p. 155, Beveridge's translatioıı II, p. 241 : the name of
the Râja is given there as Bihâri Mal. Probably the meaning is not that Sharaf-
ud-Dîn set a priee upon the Bâja's head, but that he levied a contribution upon
him and took his son and nephews as hostages for the payment.

* Akbarnöma, Test III, p. 743, Beveridge's translatioıı III, p. 1110.

E Bâgha or Bâkha iö mentioned in the Bâdshâhnâma I, p. 173, and in Rogera
and Beveridge's translation of Tûzuk.i-Jahângwi, I, p. 74. He was apparently a

younger son of Amar Singh Bâja of Udaipür and a grandson of the famous Pratâp. '

The Râja offered him to Prince Parvîz ıs a hostage, but the latter refused and saki >

he must either havo the Râja himself or his son Karan. But when the news of |

Khusrau's rebellion vas received, Parvîz had to content himself with Bâgha. !

-ul-Umarâ.

(künwar) jagat singh.

725

him and proceeded to Âgra, Jagan Nâth was left in the area with the
whole of the army. in the same year he was appointed to put down
Dalpat of Bîkânîr who was creating a disturbance in Nâgör. in the
4th year, he was made 1 a Panjhazâri with 3,000 horse, and his son
Râm Chand 8 received the rank of 2,000 with 1,500 horse, and was sent
to the Deccan. Râja Manrûp, one of his sons, at the time of the confusion
was attached to the stirrups of Shâh Jahân. After the accession of the
latter he received the rank of 3,000 with 2,000 horse and the gift of a
flag and a horse with a silver (plated) saddle and an elephant, and
Rs.25,00. in the 3rd year, he went with Râja Gaj Singh to devastate
the country of Nizâm-ul-Mulk Deccanî, and in the same year he died.
His son Gopâl Singh 8 received a suitable rank.

(Kunwab) Jagat Singh.

(Vol. HI, pp. 149, 150.)

He was the eldest son of Râja Mân Singh Kachwâha, and was dis-
tinguished in Akbar's reign for leadership, and did good service, in
the 42nd year, he was sent as an ausdliary to Mirza Ja'far Âşaf Khân.
who had been direeted to chastise Râja Bâsü the land-holder of Ma'u
and Pathân, but oould not succeed on account of the discord among the
officers. in the 44th year, 1008 A.H., the King's standards were unfurled
in the direetion of Mâlwa for the conquest of the Deccan, and Prince
Sultân Salim was sent to extirpate Rânâ Amar Singh. Râja Mân
Singh, who had become tired of settling Bengâl and had come to the
Court, was appointed to accompany the Prince. And the guardianship
of the extenşive provinoe of Bengâl was entrusted to Jagat Singh as his
father's deputy. He was stili near Âgra and engaged in making prepa-
rations for his journey when he died suddenly in the prime of youth
through excessive * drinMng. Tbe Kacbwâha tribe was pkınged into
great grief, and Akbar out of his excessive kindness sent his young son
Mahâ Singh in his place. The sedition-mongers and some Afghâns —
who had accepted service — took no notice of Mahâ Singh on account
of his youth and rose in rebellion. He, from inexperience, thought
the affair an easy one and went forward to fight. in the township of
Bhadrak (in Orissa) a hot engagement took place 6 in the 45th year,
and the imperialists were defeated. The rebels took possession of some
places. Râja Mân Singh left the Prince and went quickly to Bengâl,
and did great deeds in retrieval of the disaster. Mahâ Singh, like his

* He was made a Panjhazâri by Akbar (Akbarnöma, Text III, p. 786, Beveridge's
translation III, p. 1178). This was in the 46th year. in the Â'ln, Blochmann's
translation I (2nd edn.), p. 421, he is ineluded among the coırimanders of 2,500.

2 Blochmann, op. cit., p. 422.
8 Blochmann, ibid., p. 423.

* Jagat Singh was addieted to drink, but Abül Fadl in recounting his death
(Akbamâma, Text III, p. 763, Beveridge's translation III, p. 1141) does not aseribe
his death to drinking. He died on 26 Mihr, 1008 A.H. (October, 1599 A.D.).

* The battle took place on 18 Ardibihisht, 1008 (May, 1600 A.D.). Mahâ Singh
was living in the lOth year of Jahânglr, and his death is reoorded in Tüzuk-i- Jahân -
girî, Rogers and Beveridge's translation I, p. 377, and it is stated there that both
fatheı and son died at the age of 32 and of drink.

726

(bIja) jagat singh.

Madthir

father, became addicted to wine in his youth and brought disgrace to
the family, and played away his sweet life for bitter liquor.

(Rİja) Jagat Sbjgh.

(Vol. II, pp. 238-241.)

He was the son of Râja Bâsü. When his elder brother Râja Süraj
Mal 1 , after his father's death, became an object of Jahânglr's favour,
he was granted the ancestral property. As Jagat Singh did not get on
with his brother, he received a small office and went to Bengâl. in
the 13th year, when Süraj Mal behaved badly, the King hastily sum-
moned Jagat Singh from Bengâl and gave him the rank of 1,000 with
500 horse and the title of Râja, and Rs.20,000 as also a jewelled dagger,
a horse and an elephant, and sent him to Râja Bikramâjît Sundar Dâs,
who was in active pursuit of Süraj Mal. At the end of the reign of
Jahângîr, Jagat Singh had the rank of 3,000 with 2,000 horse. in
the İst year of Shâh Jahân's reign he was confirmed in his rank, and, in
the 7th year, when the King went to the Panjâb, he came and did homage.
in the 8th year, after the return of the King from Kashmîr, he was
appointed to the thânâdâri of Lower Bangash and to the chastisement
of the tribe of Khang who lived in that area. in the lOth year, he was
removed and was made one of the Kabul aıuriharies. He did good service
in arresting Karim Dâd son of Jalâla' Târiki (Raushanî). in the llth
year, when 'Ali Mardan Khân made över Qandahâr to the imperial
officers, and Sa'id Khân went off with the Kabul ausdliaries to put down
the Persians who had come there, Jagat Singh was in the vanguard.
He was sent to Zamîn Dâwar. He took the fort of Sârbân and proceeded
to besiege Zamîn Dâwar. After taking it, he did good service in the
sıege of Büst. in the 12th year, when the Emperor was in residenee at
Lâhöre, he came and did homage, and received a robe of honour, and a
pearl necklace. in the same year he was made faujdâr of Upper and
Lower Bangash. in the 14th year, when he asked for the faujdâri of
the Dâman-i-köh of Kângra in succession to his son Râjrüp and the
collection of the tributes of the hill Râjas with an offer of 4 Iacs, his
request was granted, and he received a robe of honour and a horse with
a silver saddle . When he showed signs of rebelliousness, he was removed,
and summoned to the Presence. As he delayed in coming, the Ki"g
sent three armies under the commands of Ehân Jahân Bârah, Sa'id
Khân Zafr Jang, and Aşâlat Ehân; while Prinee Murâd Bakhsh with
another army was deputed in their support with a view to taking Ma'u
and Nürgarh, and Târâgarh, which were strong forts of the territory.
At that time he had worked hard in strengthening them. Jagat Singh
did his utmost in contending with the royal forces.

When Ma'u and Nürpür came into the hands of the imperialists,
and Taragrah was nearly lost, he was obliged to apply to the Prinee
for pardon through Saiyid Khân Jahân. After his pardon came from
the King, and he agreed to demolish Târâgarh and Ma'u, he, in the lfîth
year, came to the Court with his sons with favtas (tunics) round their necks
and did homage. The King forgave him and confirmed him in his former

1 Tüzuk-i-Jahângiri, Rogers and Beveridge's translation I, p. 283.

■ul-Umarâ.

JAGMÂL JAGBİJ .

727

rank. in the same year he went to Qandahâr -with Prinee Dârâ Shiköh.
He was entrusted with the fort of Qalât in the province of Qandahâr.
in the 17th year, when Sa'id Khân Zafr Jang became the governor of the
province, and as there veas not a good understanding between him and
the Râja, he was removed from Qalât. in the 18th year, he received a
robe of honour and a sword with golden and enamelled armour and a
horse \cith a silver saddle and was sent to assist the Amir-ul-UmarS in
the taking of Badakhshân. He, out of his zeal, kept a larger contingent
t han his rank reojuired, and was made happy by receiving their pay from
government and entered Badakhshân by the route of Tül. When the
men of Kfaöst submitted and came to see him, he, at their advice, built
a strong fort of timber between Sarâb and Andarâb, and fought three
times with the Üzbegs and Almânân, whom Nadhr Mubammad, the
ruler of Balkh had sent, and put them to flight. Having put a strong
thâna in the above-mentioned fort, he retumed to Peshâwar. in the
19th year, corresponding to 1055 A.H. (1645 A.I>.) he died there ı.
Shâh Jahân oomforted his son Râjrüp — of whom a separate account z
has been given.

Jagmâl.

(Vol. I, pp. 510, 511.)

He was the younger brother of Râja Bihârâ Mal *. When the Râja
attained success through good fortune, every one of his relatives achieved
relative degrees of success; Jagmâl became, in the 8th year, the guardian
of the fort of Mîrtha. in the 18th year, when Akbar made a rapid
ezpedition to Gujarât, Jagmâl was put in oharge of the great camp,
and obtained the rank of 1,000. His son Khangâr*, who was living
in Âgra with his uncle Râja Bihârâ Mal, was sent by the Râja to Delhî
at the time of the disturbance of ibrahim Husain Mîrzâ. in the 18th
year, before the royal erpedition to Gujarât, he (».e. Khangâr) got leave
and joined the royal camp in Pattan, in the 21st year, he went with
Kunwar Mân Singh to punish Rânâ Pratâp, and afterwards \vas appointed
to Bengâl, and in company with Shâhbâz Khân distinguished himself
in the King's service. When Shâhbâz Khân retreated without achieving
success from Bhâti (Lower Eastern Bengâl) and took the route to Tanda,
Khangâr 6 on the march with some others fell in with a body of rebels
who were returning from plunderinig, and a battle ensued between them.
On this occasion Naurüz Beg Qâqshâl, one of the rebels, was killed, and
the others fled.

JageIj, also known as Btkrama.tIt.

(Vol. I, pp. 526, 527.)

He was the son of Râja Jujhâr Singh Bundela. in the first year
of Shâh Jahân's reign he received the rank of 1,000 vrith 1,000 horse.

1 Bâdshahnâma, II, p. 481.

2 Maö&ir-ul-Umarâ, Text II, pp. 277-281.

3 Also written Bihârî Mal, see note 3, p. 724.

* So also Alcbarnâma, Text III, p. 439, Beveridge's translation III, p. 660.
5 See Beveridge, op. cit., p. 660, note 1, in reference to the construction and
meaning of the gentence.

728

JAHİNGlR QÜLI KB*N.

Maâthir

When a year later Khân Jahân Lödî fled from Âgra and travelling by un-
known paths in the Bundela country came to Deogarh and so entered 1 the
territories of the Nizâm-ul-Mulk, and the imperial troops — whioh had
been deputed to follow him — failed to follow, the Emperor began to
suspect that Khân Jahân's easy passage through (his country) and the
failure of the royal forces in following up, were the results of the guidance
and misdirection of Jagrâj. in the 4th year, when Khân Jahân Lödî
hastened to Mâlwa from the Deccan in oompany with Daryâ Khân
Röhila, and in great confusion entered the Bundela territory, with the
intention of proceeding to Kâlpî, Jagrâj, to make amends for his disgrace,
and to obliterate his father's shame, girded up his löins and pursûed
him. He reached the rear-guard, vhich was commanded by Daryâ
Khân, and a battle ensued. During the course of the fighting a bullet
struck Daryâ Khân and he was killed. The Bundela men thought
Daryâ Khân was Khân Jahân and fell upon the body, and Bikramâjît
cut off the head and started for the Court. The past was atoned for,
and, as a reward, he obtained the rank of 2,000 with 2,000 horse 2 and the
title of Jagrâj and the gift of a role of honour, an ornamented sword
as also a flag, and drums. Afterwards he came to the Deccan as a
substitute for his father, and, in company with Khân-Khânân and Khân
Zaman, did great deeds in battles, sometimes on the right wing and some-
times in the rear-guard. He also hazarded his life in the sieges of Daula-
tâbâd and Parenda in defending the batteries and in single combats.
in the 8th year, he went home on receiving a letter from his father who
was in disgrace with the Emperor on account of the killing 8 of Bhîm
Narâyan the Zamindâr of Chûrâgarh. When Khân Daurân the governor
of Burhânpûr heard of his flight, he hastened after him with a body
of troops, and killed some. Jagrâj was wounded, but went off by
unknown paths and joined his father. After the royal forces came up,
he and his father fled, bat he was killed in 1044 A.H. (1634-35 A.D.)
under circumstances stated in the account of Jujhâr Singh. Durjan
Sâl, his son, was made prisoner at the time of the pursuit.

JahIngIk QitlI KplN.

(Vol. I, pp. 512-Öİ4.)

His name was Lala Beg Kâbuli. He was one of the slave-born
servants of Mîrzâ Hakim. His father Nizâm Qalmâq was the lamp-
lighter {chirögfahi) of the Mîrzâ's banquets. Lala Beg became a favourite
with the Mîrzâ on account of his zeal, and did good service. When the
Mîrzâ died, he entered the service of Akbar who made him över to the
Prince- Royal Sultân Salim. As he had a high spirit and did good work,
the Prince favoured him and gave him the title of Bâz Bahâdur. in a
few days he became the owner of drums and an equipage. When the
Prince succeeded to the throne, he was raised to the high rank of 5,000
and received the title of Jahângîr Quli Khân, and the governorship

ı Bddshâhnâma, I, p. 289.

2 Op. ait., p. 339.

3 Jujhâr Singh put Bhîm, or Pim Narâyan to death after inducing him to come
out of Chûrâgarh, Bödahahnâma, I, pt. 2, p. 95. The story is also told in the Maâtjiir-
ul-Umarâ, Text Tl, pp. 214-218, in the notice of Râja Jujhâr Singh Bundela.

■ul-Umarâ

JAHİNGlR <JULl KflAN.

729

of Patna and Bihâr. When a royal order was passed that whichever
of the fiefholders in the province should be disobedient to Jahângîr
Qulî, might be slain by the latter, the prestige and power of Jahângîr
Qull became impressed on people's hearts. Râja Sangc&m 1 , the land-
holder of Kharakpûr — who was one of the greatest laadholders in that
area, and who from Akbar's time had ahtays been om good terms and
obedient to the imperial officers, so much so that Râja* Tödar Mal made
him his adopted son — could not brook Jahângîr Qulî's sway and prepared
for war. The latter marched against him with a suitable force and
»iter a hard contest Sangrâm was wounded by a bullet and killed, and
the Khân triumphed. in the 2nd year, 1016 A.H., on the death of Qutb-
ud-Dîn Khân Koka, who was slain at the hands of Sher Afgan Istâjlü (Nür
Jahân's first husband), Jahângîr Qulî was raised to the high oflîce of the
governorship of Bengâl After his arrival there, he made various
administrative arrangements, but had 2 ' not made much progress when
the army of death attacked him. He died in the 3rd year, 1017 A.H.
(1608 A.D.). "He was famous for his fan behef in the Faith and his
w>rship of the trutE, and strove hard to obtain spiritual rewards. He
employed one hundred Hâfiz who, vhether he was travelling or halting,
finished several readjngs of the holy Qur'ân, and gave him the merit
accruing therefrom. He too recited many prayers and passages of the
Qur'ân. But with ali this devotion and piety he was hard of heart.
He possessed neither a soft heart nor pity . in the very time of his prayers
and rosaries he did not refrain from making signals for the scourgings
and hangings of guilty persons. He had a hundred trumpeters in his
service who, whenever there was a fight », sounded ali their trumpets
at önce and thus clove the gall-bladders of rustics and villagers. He
also had one hundred Kashmir pellet-bowmen, who were so expert that
a bird could not fly över their heads without . eing struck by a pellet.

Jahİngîb Qtrxl Kpİn *.

(Vol. I, pp. 524, 525.)

He was Shams-ud-Dîn known as Mîrzâ Shamsî and the eldest son
of the Khân A'zam Mîrzâ 'Aziz Kökaltâsh. During the time when
Mîrzâ Koka was the governor of Gujarât, he, on account of suspioions
of long standing, embarked in the ship İlâhî at the port of Balâwal 6 ,
which is near Sömnât (Sömnâth) and went off to the Hijâz ; he took with
him his sons and household, .with the exceptions of Shamsî and Shâdmân.
Akbar, out of his unbounded graciousness, raised Shams-ud-Dîn to the
rank of 1,000, and, as he was distinguished from his brothers by wisdom
and prud'ence and other excellent qualities, he was always in favour

ı See Blochmann's translation of Â'in, I (2nd edn.), p. 494, note 2, for an account

2 Pardâbhta, but apparently the variant na pardâtbta is right. He had not
arranged matters when he died. His rule in Bengâl only lasted for a year and
some months, vide Riyöd-us-Salâpin, Text, p. 174, Translation, pp. 172, 173.

3 There are references to Jahângîr Qull in Iqbalndma-i-Jahângir%, p. 33, and
Tüzuk-i-Jahânğiri, Bogers and Beveridge's translation 1, pp. 144, 153, ete.

* Blochmann's translation of Â'in, I (2nd edn.), p. 499.

6 See Blochmann, op. cü., p. 345, for further details, and Akbarnâma, Text
III, p. 638, and Beveridge's translation III, pp. 979-981.

730

(bIja) jai bâm badgüjae.

Maâthir

-ul-Umarâ.

from the time of Akbar to that of Shâh Jahân and lived a good life with
a good name. During Akbar's time he attained the rank of 2,000.
When in the 3rd year of Jahânglr's reign the pro vince of Gujarât was
taken from Murtadâ Khân Bokbârî (Shaikb Farld) and given in fief to
the Khân A'zam, and as the Emperor was somewhat put out (andaki
kab&dagi dösht) with the Khân, and did not trust him on aceount of his
being a partizan of Khusrau. he resolved that the Khân should remain at
the Court, and that Jahângir Qulî Khân — who was an honest house-born
servant and one of good discretion in whcm he had full confidenee —
should manage the province as his father's deputy.

it is notorious that Mîrzâ Koka could not control his tongue, and
that he was wont to use extravagant language. Especially, he could
not restrain himself when be was angry, so that he svould not respect
even the presence of the King. One day it so happened that Jahângir
said to Jahângir Qulî Khân, "Will you stand surety for your father ? "
Jahângir Quli replied, "I will be surety for his life and property, but I
oannot be responsible for his tongue. " After that he vfas raised to the
rank of 3,000 with 3,000 horse, and received the government of Jaunpûr.
At the same time Prince Shâh Jahân took possession of Bengâl and
proceeded towards Patna. 'Abdullah Khân Rrüz Jang went off to
Allahâbâd as a vanguard, along with Râja Bhim. When he came to the
Chausa ferry, Jahângir Quli Khân perceived that resistance was beyond
his povrer, and proceeded hastily from Jaunpûr and joined at Allahâbâd
Mirza Eustam ŞafavI, the governor of the area. Later he was put in
charge of Allahâbâd *, and on the accession of Shâh Jahân, though he v/as
removed from Allahâbâd he was kept in his former rank. in succession
to Beglar Khân. the son of Sa'id Khân. ne was made governor of Sörath
and Jûnâgarh. in the 5th year, 1041 A.H. (1631-32 A.D.), he died
there. Shâh Jahân out of kindness to a house-born servant (Khânazöd)
raised his son and he.ir Bahrâm 2 to the rank of 2,000 with 2,000 horse,
and appointed him in the room of his father. He vras a brave and
capable yoııng man, and founded Bahrâmpüra in Gujarât after his own
name.

(PvIja) Jai RIm Badgüjae.

(Vol. II, pp. 241, 242.)

He was the son of Râja Anüp Singh 8 , who was also knovm as Anî
Râi Singhdilan. During the lifetime of his father, he * was honoured
with a manşab and appointed to various offiees. After his (father's)
death in the llth year of the reign of Shâh Jahân he was granted a
Khil'at, the title of Râja, and the rank, substantive and with increments,

1 Kewal Râm aays he was made governor of Bihâr in succession to ibrahim
Khân in the 12th year of Jahângir's reign and was removed in the 14th year on the
ground that his collectors oppressed the ryots. After that he was appointed to the
Deccan.

2 Bahrâm died in the 18th year of Shâh Jahân's reign, see Bâdshâhnâma,
II, p. 733.

3 For his biography see Maâthir-ıd-Umarâ, Text II, pp. 220-223, and Beveridge's
translation, pp. 261-263.

4 Details of the increases in rank and his explöits are based on Bâdshâhnâma,
I, II.

(MIRZİ RAJA) JAİ SIHGH KACHWİHA.

731

an kTeJ?İfS W S îe S ^ *? *" 8 ~ ful » ™***
Prince Murâd BaS wlo wl ^f"' h - 7°? 8en * m ^endance oS
ordered to Kâbuî in the 14^^ h?^*^ t0 M§ra ' but later
Prince to Kabul in the lfith ZT'£ ^T aceom I»™ed the same
and 500 horse, and he was Îeİt^n k^ ^.^^^nced by 1,500
Balkb and BadakbshâVS Since uJ^TJ™ ? h ? 0On ^ est of
was taken, he wa7de™te^ with Ka^^fn*^ ^ d after Balkb
pursuit of Nad_har MubammS^fh" S TlĞT f^°\%Z
year he by successive degrees attained Se rank of 2^^?^ ^
in the neıghbourhood of Balkb he oerformed U»ıwT7 ■ 5 °° hoF8e -
with the chastisement of üzr^aS lunânt * t ^ 1°™*™
corresponding to 1057 A H Ü647 ATR\ trf- j *Y. he 21st y ear '

on receipt ofthis news txal'r«İ hi 1' ^ there - The Emperor,
and increase of SjS t^r^- 8 ^^ hİm the tİtle oİ W
equals. f ' and thereb y r8Ked ^ P°«ition amongst his

(MtBZl Rij A ) j AI SlNGH ! KachwİHA

(Vol. III, pp . 568-577.)

Hewas the son pf Râja Mahâ Singh. When his father Hi~ı ı.-
m obedıence to the summons, came to lit upon J^ngü and İ tfc
12th year, at the age of twelve received the rank of 1 OM Mrftîmr^

memat

sTn Si D^° m d th6re t ° ame t0 tL S ° U " ^ ^etTtfe att

Si™

rfMafc-V^^ he WaS 8ent ° ff to chastİ8e ö» sedXn-JSrs 3

of 1,000 horse and thetntofiZtltmto^

ot A zam Khan s forces was entrusted to Jai Singh. He did good See

of Tûzuk-İ.Jahângm, I, p 376 *'' VuU R ° gelf> and Beveridge's translation

2 Bâdshâhnâma, I, p. 120.
I ^f^^rna. I, p. 196 and pp. 204, 205.
* Badahahnama, I, p. 296.

732

(MlBZA BIJA) JAI SİNGH KACHWİHA.

Maâthir

in the battle of Bhâtürî ı, and in the attack upon the pettah (suburb)
and town of Parenda *. in the 4th year, he served along wıth Yamın-
ud-Daula, who had been directed to devastate the country ot Adıl
Shâh; he was stationed in the left wing of the reserve. He came wıth
him afterwards and did homage. Afterwards he had leave to go to his
home in the 6th year, he came to the Court and on the day of the
elephant fights when an elephant attacked Aurangzlb, the Râja spurred
his horse against it and flung his spear from the right side ». At the
end of the same year he was seril off with Sultân Shujâ' to the Deccan
in the 7th year, he was appointed with Khân Zaman to ravage the crops *
and to take Parenda. During the siege of this fort and in brmgıng in
forage there were constant fights with the enemy and the Râ]a stood
firm and did good service. When in the 8th year, the ŞübaMrî of the
Bâlâghât, which is another name for the Sarkara of Daulatâbâd, Ahmad-
nagar, ete, was made över to the Khân Zaman, Jai Singh was appointed
to assist him. in the same year, he had an inerease of 1,000 and his
rank became 5,000 with 4,000 horse. Afterwards he came to the Court
and did homage. in the 9th year, he was sent off with Khân Daurân
Bahâdur to chastise Sâhü Bhönsle. in the lOth year he came to the
Court, and, as he had done good service in the Deccan, the King gave
him a robe of honour and leave to go to his country of Amber so that he
might rest for a while. in the llth year he again came to the Court,
and was attached to Sultân Shujâ' who, after 'Ali Mardan Khân had
made över Qandahâr, and as there was a likelihood of Shah Şafî's coming,
had been sent off there. in the 12th year he was summoned to the Court,
and received a pearl necklace and an elephant and the title * of Mirza
Râja. in the 13th year he had leave to go to his home. in the 14th
year he was appointed to Kabul in attendance on Prince Murâd Bakjjsh,
and. in the following year he was sent with Sa'îd Khân to take the fort
of Ma'u which belonged to the rebel Râja Jagat Singh, the son of Râja
Bâsü. When he reached there and the siege was protracted, and an
order was given for taking 6 aetive measures, Râja Jai Singh behayed
better than the others. As a revard he received the rank of 5,000 with
5,000 horse of which 2,000 were two-horse and three-horse. The custody
of the fort was entrusted to him. Afterwards, when Râja Jagat Singh 's
sins ıvere purged, Râja Jai Singh came to the Court and received a robe
of honour, a decorated dagger, a horse with gold trappings and an
elephant, and went t o Qandahâr along with Prince Dârâ Shiköh. in the
16th year he came to the Court, and was then allowed to go home. in

1 in the Ahmadnagar territory. There was battle there in the 19th year of
Jahângir, seo Maâthir-ul-Umorâ, Test I, p. 518, but this cannot-be the one now
referred to. Apparently the word Bhâtürî must be wrong.

2 Bâdshâhnâma, I, p. 357. Elliot, VII, p. 22.

a in Bâdshâhnâma, I, p. 492, it ia stated that Jai Singh a horse would not face
the elephant and ao Jai Singh had to attack from the right flank.

4 There does not appear to be any fort of the name of Kâr, and it seems that
the idea was to ravage the eropa. The expedition referred to is degoribed in the
Bâdshâhnâma., I, pt. 2, pp. 35, 36. it is there referred to the 6th year.

5 Bâdshâhnâma, II, p. 145, where it ia stated that Jai Singh's great-grandfather
Mân Singh had thia title from Akbar.

6 Bâdshâhnâma, II, p. 271.

.ıd-Umarâ.

(MİBZÂ BİJA) jai singh KA0HWİHA.

733

the 17th year he, in Ajmer, produced before the King 6,000 horse of
his own troops. in the 18th year, when the government of the Deccan
was entrusted to Khân Daurân, and he was summoned to the Court to
receive instruetions, Râja Jai Singh was directed to proceçd to the Deccan
and to guard that country till Khân Daurân arrived.

When Khân Daurân died at Lâhöre a confirmatory robe of honour
was sent to the Râja, and in the 20th year he was summoned to the
Court. After that he was attached to Prinoe Aurangzib on the Bal ki
espedition. When in accordance with orders that province was made
över to Nadiar Muhammad Khân, the Râja had charge of the left wing
during the return journey. in the 2nd year his contingent was inereased
by 1,000 two-horse and three-horse troopers, and bis rank raised to 5,000
with 5,000 horse of which 3,000 were two-horse and three-horse, and he
Werit with Prince Aurangzib on the Qandahâr expedition. The right
wing was assigned to him. When Ojandahâr was not taken, and Prince
Aurangzib was summoned to the Court, Jai Singh came with him in the
23rd year. in the end of the same year he had leave to go home and was
appointed 1 to chastise the turbulent men of Kâmân Pahârî which is
between Âgra and Delhi. When it was reported that after going home
the Râja had colleeted nearly 4,000 horse and 6,000 musketeers and
arehers, and göne to the pargana in question and after cutting down the
jungle had küled and made prisoners of many of the rebels and had got
possession of much cattle, 1,000 more of his troops were made two-
horse and three-horse and his rank was inereased to 5,000 with 5,000 horse
of which 4,000 were two-horse and tnree-horse troopers, and pargana Hâl
Kaliyâna (Châl Kalânah) of which the revenue was 70 lacs of dâms, was
assigned for their support in the 25th year he came to the Court, and
•was attached to Prince Aurangzib for the Ojandahâr expedition, and had
charge of the vanguârd. He received a special robe of honour and a
horse with a gilded saddle, and an elephant from the royal stables.

When the taking of Qandahâr was delayed, Jai Singh waited on
the King at Kabul in the 26th year, and in the same year was attached
to Sultân Sulaimân Shiköh who had charge of Kabul. Afterwards he
was attached to Prince Dârâ Shiköh for the Ojandahâr expedition, and
when that was unsucoessful, he came to the Court and took leave to go
home. in the 28th year Sa'd üllâh Khân the Jumlat-ul-Mulk was
appointed to demolish the fort of Chittör, and Jai Singh accompanied
him. in the 3 İst year, when there was a report of Sultân Shujâ' s having
göne astray and of his having laid hold of many of the exchequer-lands,
Jai Singh was sent as a guardian of Sulaimân Shiköh to oppose Sultân
Shujâ' , and had an inerease of 4,000 horse and 1,000 two-horse and three-
horse. After Sultân Shujâ' was defeated, he was promoted, in his absence
at the instance of Prince Dârâ Shiköh, to 7,000 with 7,000 horse of which
5,000 were two-horse and three-horse, and in accordance with the orders
of the Prince started for the Court. When Aurangzîb's army moved

1 Khâfi Khân. I, p. 701, saya that in the 24th year the Râja's son Kesarî Singh
was appointed to chastise the Mewâtîa and that pargana Kâmân Pahârî waa given
to him as a reward. See Maâthir-ul-Umarâ, Text III, pp. 156-158, for an account
of Kesarî Singh who is there called Kîrat Singh. Kâmah and Pahârî are mentioned
in Jarrett's translation of Â'in, II, p. 195. The pargana Hâl Kaliyâna of te.xt
should be Châl Kalânah, see Jarrett, op. cit., p. 194.

734

(MEtZl BÂJA) JAI STNGH KACHWİHA.

Maâthir

from the Deocan, and after defeating Dârâ Shiköh and Jaswant Singh
came to Âgra and from there advanced to Delhi, Jai Singh left Sulaimân
Shiköh prudently (sher fikrî x ?) and entered Aurangzib's service. He
was rewarded by an estate worth a kror of dâms, and in the İst year of
Aurangzib's reign was sent off to support Khalil Ullâh Khân who had göne
in pursuit of Dârâ Shiköh.

When Dârâ Shiköh proceeded to Multân, Jai Singh halted, according
to orders, at Lâhöre, and waited on the King. As he had long been
absent from home and had undergone the fatigues of successive campaigns,
he received permission to go home. After the battle with Shujâ' he came
to the Court, and did good service in the battle with Dârâ Shiköh near
Ajmer. Later he was appointed with a force to pursue Dârâ Shiköh
and, in the 4th year he received an estate mth a revenue of a kror of
dâms. in the 7th year, he was appointed to chastise Sivâ (Shivâjl)
Bhönsle who was behaving presumptuously and practising highway
robbery on account of his possession of strong förts, such as Pürindhar
(Pürandhar), which he had held from tbe time of the Nizâm-Shâhîs,
and was also associated with the sea-pirates. He besieged Pürindhar
and so pressed Sivâ that he became alarmed and oame t o interview the
Râja. He took 23 forts and when this news reached the Emperor, he
was granted an increase of 2,000 horse two-horse and three-horse, and
his rank became 7,000 with 7,000 two-horse and three-horse troopers.
in the 8th year, he was appointed to devastate the country of '5dil Shâh
who had delayed to pay the fixed tribute. He advanced as far as Bîjâpür
and took possession of many places. When there was a scarcity of corn
he turned back and entered the royal domains. He had frequent en-
counters with the Deccanî troops who fought in a guerilla-fashion. . The
Râja personally exerted himself and fought bravely and discreetly.
When the rainy season arrived, and an order was re/)eived to encamp at
Aurangâbâd, he came there and was summoned from thence to the
Presence, in the lOth year, 1077 A.H., he died 2 at Burhânpür. He
was famed for his good judgment and powers of administration and he
was also fully conversant \vith müitary technique. He had much tact,
and it was iue to this fact that from the beginning of his career to the
end of his life he lived with a good reputation and continually got promo-
tions. His sons were Râja Râm Singh and Kirat Singh, separate accounts
of both of whom have been given 8 . There is an area outside of Aurang-
âbâd and to its west which is named after him 4 .

1 Sher fikrî is a mistake for sair fikri, see Maâthir -ul-Umarâ, Text III, p. 769,
4th line from bottom, where the words sair fibr occur and appear to mean prudent.
The expression is not given in any of the dictionaries.

2 According to the Maâ%ir-i- Âlamgirî, p. 62, he died on 28 Muharram,
1078 A.H. (20 July, 1667 A.D.).

3 Maöthir-ul-ümarâ, Text II, pp. 301-303 and Test III, pp. 156-158.

* According to Rajputana Oazetteer, II, p. 136, Jai Singh the İst was poisoned
by one of his sons. On the aame page there is an account of Jai Singh II, i.e. Jai
Singh Sawâ'î, the aatronomer, who was Mîrzâ Râja Jai Singh's great great-grandson.

The notice hardly does justice to Mirza Râja. it was he who gecured Shivâjî
and sent hini to Aurangzlb. Manucci was in the service of Jai Singh, and has a
good deal to say about him, see vol. II, p. 120 et seq. At p. 152 he repeats the
fable about Jai Singh's having been poisoned ; see Sir Jadunath Sarkar, History of
Aurangzib, IV, p. 129.

-ul-Umarâ.

(DHÎBAJ RÂJA) JAI STNGH SAWÂ'l.

735

(DhZrİj 1 RUa) Jai Singh Sawİ'I.

(Vol. II, pp. 81-83.)

His father was Bishan Singh the great-grandson of Mirza Râja Jai
Singh. His name -waa Bijai Singh. After his father's death, Aurangzîb,
in the 44th year of his reign, gave him the rank of 1,500 with 1,000 horse,
and the title of Râja Jai Singh, while his brother was called Bijai Singh.
in the. 45th year, he was appointed to accompany Asad Khân in taking
the fort of Sakjjarun-nâ alias Khalna. in taking this fort, he, on the
day of the assault, distinguished himself, and in reward he was promoted
to the rank of 2,000 with 2,000 horse. After Aurangzib's death he came
to Upper India from the Deccan along with Mub.a-mmad A'zam Shâh,
and on the day of the battle with Bahâdur Shâh he was on the left wing
of the reserve. They say, that on the same day he entered the army of
Bahâdur Shâh. On this account he lost respect in the eyes of the people.
His brother Bijai Singh, who had chosen Bahâdur Shâh's side was raised
to the rank of 3,000 and disputed vrith him the possession of Amber.
The King, who liked to please everybody, and did not want to dishearten
anyone, connscated Amber and appointed Saiyid Husain Khân Bârah
as its faujdâr. When he went to the Deccan to encounter Kâm Bakbsh,
Jai Singh left him on the march on a pretext of hunting, and taking
with him his neoessaries and Ieaving his tents and porters went off with
Râja Ajit Singh to his native country. There he had a dispute with
Husain Khân Bârah and fought several battles. At last the Khân was
kılled. When Bahâdur Shâh returned from the Deccan, Jai Singh made
the Khân-Khânân his intercessor and waited upon Bahâdur Shâh on the
march. He obtained leave on the promise that after two months he
would present himself. in the time of Farrukjj-siyar he got the title
of Dhîrâj, and in the 5th year, he was appointed to chastise Chûrâman
Jât 2 . Afterwards, Saiyid Khân Jahân Bârah, the maternal uncle of
Qutb-ul-Mulk and Husain 'Ah" (the Bârah Saiyids), was appointed to
this service with a separate army. The affair of Chûrâman was disposed
of by the intervention of Saiyid Hıân Jahân, and Chûrâman waited
upon the King. in this matter the Râja was not consulted, and though
he kept quiet, he was displeased, and as he took the King's side, the
Saiyids became annoyed and disliked him. in the end of the reign,
when he was at the Court, the Saiyids were at pains to conciliate him,
and he, thinking tiıe opportunity a good one, went to Amber in accordance
with orders. in the affair of Nekü-siyar he was suspected of siding
with the latter, but at last he reconciled himself with the Saiyids. After-
wards when the affairs of the Saiyids fell into confûsion, this feeling
did not remain and in the beginning of Muhammad Shâb's reign he came
to the Court and received various favours 3 . Afterwards, he was ap-
pointed to proceed against Chûrâman Jât, and engaged himself in turning
him out and in taking his thânas. in 1145 A.H. he was appointed
governor of Mahva in succession to Muhammad Khân Bangash, and
in 1148 A.H-, at his request the province in question was, through the

1 Properly A dhîrâj, t.e. Supreme Râja. Sawâ'i in Text is Sewâ'I.

2 Maâthir -ul-Vmarü, Test I, pp. 540-548, Beveridge's translation, pp. 436-442.
8 Beale states that he received the title of Saw6'I from Muhammad Shâh.

736

JALİL KİKAB.

Maâİhir

intervention of Khân Daurân, made över to BâjI Bâo Mahratta. He
lived for a long time and then died (in 1743 A.D.).

They say, he was fail of plans, and was acquainted with mathematics.
Near Amber he built a new city and called it Jainagar (Jaipür). it is
remarkable for the goodness of its shops, and the width of its streets.
Gutside of the city and also near Delbl,'he at great ezpense built obser-
vatories 1 . As thirty years were required for the completion of observa-
tions — this being the period of the orbit of Satum — and as the lamp
of his Ûfe was extinguished before that, his observations remained in-
complete. He was succeeded by his son îshwar Singh. After him, in
the time of his son Prithî Singh some estates were taken possession of
by the Mahrattas, and some imperial properties also fell into their hands.
At the time of writing Partâb Singh, the brother of Prithi Singh, is in
possession of the territories.

JALİL KiKAB. 2

(Vol. I, pp. 530, 531.)

He was the second son of DÜâwar Khân. He was appointed to the
province of Kabul. Up to the end of Jahângir's reign, he held the rank
of 1,000 with 600 horse. On the accession of Shâh Jahân he received an
increase of 500 with 100 horse. in the 3rd year, he along with Sa'id Khân
did good service in the affair 8 of Kamâl-ud-Dîn, the son of Rukn-ud-Din
Röhila. in the 12th year, when the Capital was adorned by the presence
of the Emperor, he received a robe of honour and the office,of faujdâr
of Jammü in succession to Shâh Quli Khân. in the 13th year, when
Sultân Murâd Bakhsh was appointed with a force tö remain at Bhera,
he Vas made one of the Prince's officers. in the 14th year, he was
granted an increase of 300 horse and the present of a horse, and was
appointed to the auxiüary forces of the Deccan. in the 18th year, his
rank was 2,000 with 1,500 horse. After spending a long time in the
Deccan, he, in the 30th year, went off with Mîrzâ Khân Manüchehr to
realise the balance of the tribute of Köknâ the ZamvnMr of Deogarh 4 .
Later, at the request of Sultan Aurangzîb Bahâdur he was made faujdâr
and fiefholder of Naşîrâbâd 6 , ete, in ghândesh. After Aurangzib's acces-
sion, he. in the 4th year, attained the rank of 3,000 ırith 2,000 horse and
was made faujdâr of Höshangâbâd in Mâlwa.

1 He also built an observatory at Mathurâ, but the buildings have been pulled
down ; see Grouse, Mathura, p. 141. There is an account of Jai Singh'g astronomical
work in Asiat. Researches V, p. 177 et seç., by Dr. W. Hunter. Tieffenthaler, I,
p. 307, mentions that Jai Singh sent for Father Boudier from Bengal in 1733, and
in 1736 Father Antony Gabelsperguer and Andrew Strobl. from Germany, paying
them their expensee. On p. 366, Tieffenthaler gives a pedigree of the Jaipur family
from Besohan (Vishnu î) and Brahma down to Siwai Jai Singh who was No. 119 in
descent.

2 An Afghân tribe.

a it was an attempt of the Af ghân tribes to take ]?e«ıhâwar ; see Bâdahâhnöma,

I, p. 311.

* in Mâlwa: iride Jarrett's translation of A'in, II, p. 200.
6 Vide Jarrett, op. cit., p. 225.

-ul-Umarâ. jalâl shİn qOeohI — (mIb saiyid) jalAl sadb. 737

JALİL KjtİK QÜBOBl.

(Vol. I, pp. 509, 510.)

He was an unrivalled companion and an intimate courtier of Akbar.
He held the rank of 500. in the 5th 1 year he was sent to bring Tânsen
Kalânwat who in reciting poetry and in singing (Döharpad *) was at the
head of the cognosoenti of the art of musio, and who was at the Court
of Râm Chand Baghela, the Pvâja of Bhath. Jalâl Khân took with him
a letter to the Râja, and the latter sent Tânsen along with presents. in
the llth year, when it was reported, that Jalâl Khân was infatuated with
a beautiful youth, the Emperor was displeased and took away the youth
from him. Jalâl Khân became quite excited and ran away at night
taking the youth with him. When this was reported, Mîrzâ Yûsuf
Khân Radavî was sent after him with a body of troops, and he was brought
back. For a long time he was kept in the Jüauj&âna 8 and subjected to
the kieks of high and low. After that he was received into favour again.
in ali expeditions he was attached to Akbar's stirrups, and afterwards
was sent off to assist the force that was employed in taking the fort of
Siwâna in Ajmer. in the 20th year he came there and did good serrice.
Chandar S6n the Râja of Mâroâr retired in örder to escape from the
imperial forces. At this time a man came forward, and sepresented
himself as Devî Dâs -»'ho had been slaughtered in the battle 'with
Mîrzâ Sharaf-ud-Dîn Husain near Mîrtha in Ajmer. He wished through
the Khân's instrumentality to be introduced at the Court. As at that
time search was being made everywhere for Chandar Sen this impostor
one day represented that Chandar Sen was hidden in the jâgir of Kalâ r
the son of Râm Râi and his (i.e. Chandar's) brother's son. Accordingly
a force was sent against Kala. Kala denied this and arranged with
Shimâl Khân Qûrchî to put an end to the impostor. He (t. e. Shimâl Khân),
brought the impostor one day to his house and was preparing to arrest
him. He by the strength of his arms escaped, and then, having revenge
in his heart, one day, mistaking Jalâl Khân's quarters for Shimâl
Khân's attacked him with some others. Jalâl Khân though unprepared
fought bravely, but was killed in the year 983* A.H. (November, 1575
A.D.).

(Mm Saiyid) Jalâl Şadb.

(Vol. III, pp. 447-451.)

He was the direct heir of Mir Saiyid Muhamınad Bokbârî Radavî,
who was separated by five generations from Shâh 'Alam 6 , who is buried
in Rasülâbâd in the neighbourhood of Ahmadâbâd. Shâh 'Alam was

1 But it was in the 7th year, see Akbarnâma, Text II, p. 181, Beveridge's
translation II, pp. 279, 280.

2 Properly Dhurpad, derived from the Sanskrit Dhruvapada, see Jarrett's.
translation of the Â'în, III, p. 251, note 2.

3 For JüaıjJshâna, see Beveridge's translation oî Akbarnâma, II, p. 404, note 1.
* Vide Akbarnâma, Text III, p. 159 and Beveridge's translation III, p. 226,

and Blochmann'g translation of Â'în, I (2nd edn.), p. 491 Jalâl ghân waB Badâ-
yünl's patron and introduced him at the Court. He is mentioned in a letter or
Faidî as having introduced Badâyünl as a suitable person to be made an imâm
(leader in prayers), vide Muntakhab-ut-Tawânlth, Test III, p. 304.

5 Jarrett's translation of A'in, İÜ, p. 372. Also Ebanna-i- AtfiyS, II, p. 70.

738

(Mia saiyid) JALİL sade.

MaSğÂr

born on 20 Jumâda II, 817 A.H. (6 September, 1414 A.D.) and died in
880 A.H. (1475 A.D.). He obtained initiation from his father Qutb
Âlâm who was a grandson of Saiyid Jalâl Makhdüm Jahiniy&n. On
account of a quarrel with the gorernor of üch and by the orders of his
father and teaeher Shâh Mahmüd, he (Qu$b 'Alam) in the time of Sultân
Mahmüd (Begarha) who was separated by two generations from Sultân
Muzaffar of Gujarât, came to that country and settled in Batöh (Batwa)
three kos from Ahmadâbâd. He died 1 in 867 A.H. (1453 A.D.). Mir
Saiyid Muharnmad was a sucoessor of Shâh ' Alam and was distinguished
for ability and holiness. He had no equal in thoughtfulness and piety.
Jahângîr commissioned him to translate the Qur'&n in an easy style. At
the time when Jahângîr went from Gujarât towards Cambay, with the
intention of saüing on the aea, the Mir was treated with great respect
and accompanied him. Shâh Jahân also had two intervievrs with the
Saiyid. The first time was in Ahmadâbâd when he was a Prinoe, and
the second time was when he. was marching from Junair towards the
Capital. That great one made this line as a chronogram of his own
birth: Man u dost u dâmân dt-Rasvl — I shall hold with the arm the
skirt of the Apostle's family (?), (989*).

They say that the Saiyid and his ancestors were of the Imâmiya
religion. He died in 1045 A.H. (1635-36 A.D.) in the 8th year of Shâh
Jahân's reign, and was buried near the gate, towards the west of the
tomb of Shâh 'Âlâm.

Mîr Saiyid Jalâl was adorned with excellent quaüties, and was
versed in the current sciences^ He had a poetical vein, and his ta£kaUv3
wa& Radâ'î.

This quatrain of his is famous :

Owing to my pride and haughtiness I am helpless, what can I

do?
Though I am a bondsman of need ; what can I do ?
I am dying through poverty but will not supplicate to my beloved.
I am a lover with the temperament of a beloved ; wbat can I do ?

He was born on 15 Jumâda II, 1003 A.H. (25 February, 1595) ; Wâri(h
Jiasûl — Heir of the Apostle — is the chronogram. After the accession
of ShSh Jahân he came, by his father's order, to offer congratulations.
He was received at Âgra with favour. After h& desires vere fulfilled
he returned to his native land. He again came to the Court. As his

ı Jarrett, op. dt., p> 372. The month and day of Shâh 'Alam 's birth a» given
in the text differ from those in Jarrett. The latter agrees aa to the month with the
Mirât-i-Ahmadi, and it appears that Saiyid Muharnmad was the »on of Saiyid
Jalâl Mâh 'Alam. There ia an account of Saiyid Muharnmad and his son Jalâl in
Bâdthâhnâma, I, pt. 2, pp. 328 and 331.

* The chronogram yields 989 A.H. (1581 A.D.). The same chronogram is
given in the Bödahöhnâma, I, pt. 2, p. 329. That in the Mirât-i-Ahmadî, II, p. 27,
ia slightly different and is apparently incorrect. Aa Saiyid Jalâl the son was born
in 1003, his father must have married and probably had a child at the age of 13 or
14. it was apparently at Mahmüdâbâd that Jahângîr saw Saiyid Muharnmad
and engaged hım to translate the Qur'ân ; see Rogerg and Beveridge'a trandation of
Tüzulç-i-Jahângîri, II, pp. 34, 35, and lqbâinö,ma-i-Jah&nglrl, p. 107. The date of
■death of Saiyid Muharnmad is given in the Mirât-i-Ahmadt, II, p. 27 as 12 Rajab,
1045 A.H. (22 Deceinber, 1635 A.î>.). He wa» buried in the Second Cemetery
■which wao made by Saif ^ân.

-ul-Umarâ.

(MlB SAİYİD) JALİL SADE.

739

ancestorn had also served as officers of the kings of Gujarât, Shâh Jahân
on the 7th Sha'bân, 1052 A.H., in the 16th year, by importunity induced
the Mîr to doff the garments of a faqir and to acoept the rank of 4,000
and tike offiee of the Şctdârat of India in succession to Müsavi Khân. The
Saiyid, notwithstanding his pleasing manners and lofty descent repre-
sented * that owing to the perfunctoriness and carelessness of Müsavi
^ân grants of maintenance land had been made to many persons who
were not entitled to them, and many had got hold of lands by forged
documents. An order was issued to the dominions that until lnquiry
into grants had been made, maintenance lands are in general confisoated.
Although in the realm of service this kind of inquiry — vrhich is based
upon the obligations of one 's position and the claims of the master — is
reasonably and properly regarded as oommendable, yet it resulted in the
Saiyid having a very bad name with the public.

it happened that at the same time the Begam Şâhiba's 2 dress
caught fire, and she was badly burnt. Much charity was bestowed, and
prisoners were released. Debts were remitted, and the above order was
also cancelled. The Mîr's allowances were gradually increased tül they
came to 6,000 with 6,000 horse. If death had spared him, he would
have had stili greater promotion. He died young at Lahor e, in the 21st
year, on the İst Jumâda I, 1057 A.H. (4 June, 1647 A.D.).

They say, that Mullâ Muharnmad Şüfî of Mazandarfin came from
Persia in his youth and visited many parts of India, and then settled
in Ahmadâbâd. He became acquainted with the Mir and instructed
him. The Mullâ's poetry is not without charm. This verse comes from
his Sâtfinâma :

Verse.

This wine has no connection with wâter
You'd say it is the melted sun.

The Mullâ made an anthology called the Butkhâna. it contained 60,000
verses from the Divâne of poets. Saif Khân the governpr of Gujarât,
believed in the Mullâ. in deference to the demand of Jahângîr he was
obliged to send him. He died on the road. During that period he
made this quatrain:

O Shâh, neither throne nor ring remain,
For you only one or two yards of earth remain.
Empty your chest and Üll the darvâshes' • bowl,
For this is ali that will remain for you.

When the King heard this he felt compassion.

1 Bâdshâhnâma, II, p. 365.

2 JahânSra the daughter of Shâh Jahân. She was burnt by accident on the
night of 6th April, 1644 AJD., see Sir Jadunath Sarkar, HiMory of Aurangzib, I,
pp. 63-66, and Yazdani's edition öf 'Amdl-i-ŞBlih, II, pp. 399-403. See also
Manucci I, p. 219, note.

3 Kasa' -i-darvishin a kind of wine cup, and also a darvlsh's skull. Mullâ
Muharnmad is mentioned as a poet of Jahânglr's reign in IqbSlnâma-i-Jahângfri,
p. 308. He is also mentioned at pp. 386 and 499 of Sprenger's Catalogve and in
the ÂtUhkada. it seetns he was a native of Amu, see Sprenger, p. 68 and note
and p. 33.

See also the account of the Butlana in the Bodhian Caialogue, p. 196. N-> 366.
The work was begun in the reign of Akbar.

740 (KBWİJA) JAI^O-TTD-DlN MAHMÜD KBÜBlSlNl BUJÜQ. MaâthİT

in short, Mir Saiyid Jalâl left two sons. The first was named
haıyıd Ja far. in appearance and disposition he entirely resembled
his father. When the Mîr undertook the employment of Sadr, Ja'far
became hjs successor at Snâh 'Alam's tomb. The other'son Saiyid
Ah knoTO as Radavî faSn became the Sadr of India. A separate
account of hım has been given (Maâfhir-ul-Umarâ, Text II, pp 307-309)
Mır Saıyıd Jalâl married his daughter to Shaikh Farîd son of Saiyid
£ahwa of Bokjjâra known as Dindar Khân.

(Kjtoİja) JalIl-ttd-DIn Mahmûd
(Cut-Nose).

KjtUBİSİNl Btrjüo,

(Vol. I, pp. 616-618.)

in the beginning he was a servant of Mirza 'Askarî and went at his
orders from Qandahâr to collect the revenues of the province of Garmsîr ı ■
durıng this time Hümâyûn was passing through that country on his

5*y *? TuT*l ?. e heard of the arrival of the S» wâ İ a and sent Bâbâ
Dost Bafchshı to hım, so that he might take the proper eourse and enter
ınto his service. The Khwâja accepted and became his servant. He
presented everything he had in tbe way of money or goods, and Hümâyûn
made hım his Major-domo. When after the return from Persia and the
takıng of Qandahâr the Khwâja behaved in a greedy manner to Mîrzâ
Askan s servants, he was handed över to Mir Muhammad 'Alî When
in the year 959 A.H., Hümâyûn sent off Akbar to Ghazni— which had
beenıncluded in his fief— in order that he might learn the way to rule—
the Kfawaja was sent wİth him and made his adviser in ali affairs. From
that time he was continually an object of favour, and did good service.
As the Şwaja was a Pâdshâh Quli *, and did not go out of his way to pay
homage to othermen, and as courtiers desire that everyone should flatter
them, many of Humâyûn's grandees did not like him. He also had the
iault of jestıng and sarcasm, which is the worst ofifence in men of rank,
and used to make fun of the Amirs. He said improper things under the
guıse of jokes— which the ignorant cali ioviakty-and there was hardly
anyone who had not been pricked by his thorns.

o kJ 11 tb î ^inning of Akbar's reign the Khwâja received the rank of
4500 and was sent off to the government of Ghazni. The self-
seeker gronp found its opportunity and incited Mun'im Khân, who was
the goveroor of Kabul, and reyived in him the old idea of vengeance.
Also m lndıa, Baıram Khân was incensed against him and incited Mun'im
aan to put hım to death. The Khwâj a heard of Mun'im Khân's antipathy
and teli mto anxıous thoughts. He could not go to India as the Kine
had, on account of his youth, no authority there, and Bairâm Hıân wai
ali powerrul. Önce m Humâyûn's time, Bairam Hıân had, on account
■ ^ ŞTu ,a 8 ^I^DPer language, taken the opportunity of seizing him
in the bathroom and treated him with great ignominy. Now (that he
had the power) it was clear what he would do. What violence would
not nıs rıvals have recourse to now? Nor could he remain in Ghazni

.l»ve İdÜSy eLT JaU,Ud - Dl " took > ™ d * im P^ that be was the King'a

-vi-Umarâ.

SHAIKB JAMİL BAKJJTIYÂR.

741

for the anger of Mun'im Hıân was apparent, but disloyalty against him
was the worst of faults. Consequently, he could not see how to give up
service and go elsewhere. At last Mun'im Khân sent a body of men to
him, and summoned bim to his presence after giving oaths and promises,
and then imprisoned him. After that, though his eyes -were lanced
several times, his eyesight was not destroye'd. Thinking that he had
been blinded, Mun'im Khân released him. The Khwâja went off as
quickly as possible towards India by way of Bangash, but Mun'im
Khân heard of this and sent some active men after him. The Khwâja
was caught along with his younger brother Jalâl-ud-Din Mas'üd and
was bound and imprisoned. in the 3rd year some men were appointed
one night to kili these two innocent men. Bairâm Khân also had sent
an order for their execution. On hearing of this Akbar was inwardly
indignant, but as he had not yet thrown off the veil of inaction he left
the punishment of evil-doers to the Ahnighty 1 God.

Shatkb; JamIl BashttyIb.
(Vol. II, pp. 566, 567.)

He was the son of Shaikh Muhammad Bakhtiyâr, and their dynasty
entitled Din Laçab had been liviııg for a long time in Chandwâr and
Jalisar near the Şüba of Akbarâbâd (Âgra). His sister, Göharnun-Nisâ,
was the Superintendent (Sar-Amad) of the palaces in the harem of Akbar ;
and by reason of this close association Shaiki Jamâl was raised to the
rank of 1,000. IjSnvious people, who had thorns of anguish in their
hearts at his advancement, secretly mixed poison in his drinking water ;
the Shaikh became ili, and Büp, one of the servants of the King, who
had drunk some of the same water, also fell ili. When the news reached
the King, he himself administered antidotes, and both of them recovered.

in the 25th year, he was ordered to accompany Ismâ'îl Qulî Khân
on the erpedition against Niyâbat Khân, who had rebelled, and did
good service in the battle front. in the 26th year, he was deputed
with the Prince Sultân Murâd against Mîrzâ Muhammad Hakim. On
the day of arrival of the Prince at Kabul, the Shaikh with great military
skill took possession of the pass of Chanârtû, and after fighting a battle
with the forces of the Hakim Mîrzâ joined the army of the Prince. One
day Akbar was offended at the smell of wine which exuded from him,
and escluded him from the Court. The Shaikh out of shame and pride
squandered away ali his property and assumed the garb of a mendicant.
The King becoming greatly annoyed at this action put him into prison.
After a time, however, his faults were forgiven and he was restored to
favourı For a time he performed faithful service, buty as he continued
with his vice, he later developed tremors. in the 30th year, while
returning from Zâbulistân (Afg^ânistân), he, owing to the increase of
his malady, was permitted to stay at Lüdhiâna. in the same year,
993 A.H. (1585 A.D.), he * died.

ı Thig biography is taken from the Akbarnâma, Text II, pp. 70, 71, and Beve-
ridge'ı tranglation II, pp. 108-110. See also Blochmann'a translation of Â'in, I
(2ndedn.), p. 417.

2 Hia biography mainly baaed on the above account ıh Maâfhir-ul-Umarâ ig
included in Blochmann'a translation of Â'in, I (2nd edn.), pp. 469, 470.

742 (sflB) JAMİL-UD-DIH injO. Maâthir

(Mm) Jamaî^ttd-DIn * InjO.

(Vol ; III, pp. 35&-360.)

The Injüs belong to the Saiyids of Shîrâz, and they are desoended
from Qâsim-ur-RasI son of Hasan son of ibrahim Tabâtabâ'i Husaini.
Mir Shâh Mahmüd, and Mir' Shâh Abû Turâb were in later times the
most distinguished of thi» family. By the help of Mir Shams-ud-Dîn
Asad Üllâh Shûstari the Şadr of Iran, the first became in Shâh Tahmâsp's
time Shaikh-ul-Islâm of Persia and the second Atfi-ul-Qu$ddt (Qâdi
of Qâdls). Mir Jamâl-ud-Dîn was their eousin. He came to the Deccan
and was treated with respect by the rulers there, and they allied them-
selves with him. Afterwards he entered Akbar's service, and, in the
30th year, received the rank of 600. in the 40th year, he had the
rank of 1,000. They say, that by the end of Akbar's reign his rank was
3,000. When in the end of the 50th 2 year the fort of Âsirgarh was
taken, 'Âdil Shâh of Bîjâpûr showed a desire to give his daughter in
marriage to Prince Dâniyâl, and Akbar sent off the Mir there with the
betrothal paraphernalia. The Mir, in 10İ3, held the marriage feast on
the bank of the Ganges (Godâvari) near Pattan and made över the
bride to the Prince, and himself came to A"gra He produced before the
King such a tribute as never hac" Bome before from the Deccan. As he
was intimate with Prince Sultan Salim, he obtained the rank of 4,000
when the latter ascended the throne and was eıalted \rith the gifb of
drums and a flag. When Sultan ghusrau fled from the Court 8 , the Mir
was sent off to bring about a reconoiliation by offering him the territories
which Mîrzâ Muhammad Hakim had held. He out of foolishness and
an evil fate did not accept the offer. When he was captured and brought
into the Presence with his companions, Hasan Beg Badakhshi, who was
the chief of Khusrau's affairs, made a long story before Jahângir and
said, " I was not the only associate (of Khusrau), ali the Amîrs who are
standing here, were partners in this business. Yesterday Mir Jamâl-ul-
Dîn Injü, who came to effect a reconciliation, took from us an agreement
for an appointment as a Panjhâzari (5,000)." The Mir changed colour
and became agitated (dast pâcha gasht). The Khân A'zam boldly said,
" it is strange that Your Majesty lends an ear to tbis babbler. He knows
that he will be put to death, and he wants to have a number of persons
killed along with himself, I am the prime mover in this business, let me
be visited with every severity that I deserve." The King on hearing
these words, turned away from the matter, and comforted the Mir..
After that the Mir was appointed governor of Bihâr. in the llth year,
he had the title of 'Adud-ud-Daula *. He presented a jewelled dagger — the

1 Blochmann's translation of Â'in, I (2nd edn.), pp. 499-501.

2 Asir was taken in the 45th year, 1009 A.D., but the marriage did not take
place tül four yearg later.

3 Az akhâra, apparently the author here uses a Hindûstâm word. The sending
of Jamâl-ud-DIn to offer teraf«_to fihusrau U not mentioned in the authentic Memoirs
of Jahângir, but is mentioned in Priee's Jahângir, p. 86. in the authentic Memoirs
(Ilogers and Beveridge's translation I, p. 68) Jahângir sayı he stopped Hasan Bög
when he began to talk wildly.

4 Tüzıck-i-Jahdngîri, op. cü., pp? 317, 318. it appears that he presented the
i<nvelled dagger on New Year's day of the llth year, and before he got his title
[iw. cü., p. 320).

(MBRZl) J*»I B«G ABOflON.

743

-vl-Umarâ.

hİıTatnT^

ood-ter^

Ke^aS ^^^m^yaccomplishments. He composed the
there ana t cuea. jx -^v d d recko ned as an authonty.

££*£ '»! Sft2îS« TScount of its definitions of worcband its
2nted to the Deccan along «ith him. He «u mamedto ttedaughter
of 'Abd-ur-Rahim Khân-Sı&nan, •** oht " n ?™TnZ 01 %s%?i Fi
did in his yoS Hte sTcond son Husâm-ud-Din ■ Murtadâ g»an has

been separately noticed.

(IDbsİ) JINİ Bao ABOBtîN (the Ruler of Thatha).
(Vol. III, pp. 302-314.)

He» was a desoendant of Shankal (or Shakal) B§g Tarkbân. As
™. , v ÜTw AtM Timur had bravely saorifioed his life m battle

^JTT, Tarkhân Four generations intervened between Atku
Sd SSAt^S; the son'of Abâgfc ghân son of Hulâkû J^
Tust pEKnguished some of their servants ^^.Pf 1 ^»"
Just P rm ^° 18 V^ f Tarkhâns. The ushers (Châtoashan) h«l no

and gaye them * he ^SrUltS from having access to Timur, and «.ey
P T^ekSa^Vtre^^SSblerîong as they did not exceed
the^com^^oîoİSoffenees. Chengiz gfaân had conferred the rank
utn S^S and Bata* for having given him ^°™^£ J^f* h °
Kd out of unbounded graciousnes» reheved them from the duty
TaTtendance and they were eıcused from having to surrender the , royal
İSSSîtaS». Some Tarkbtos were exajted by ^ "*£**** ^ =
S a dram (teH); second a J»m*ıJMİ.(» J*-** "^Sî"^^
wZ^r« rkett'le-drum); fourth two of his chosen men had a Qn»*«n-
ST?;a ( ctr^mSella standard); fifthhis^r (weapoas) m»*o
&^amonK theMoghuls no one but the ruler can carry a qu*ver m
\£t^ltorZiJL)? sizth he could enclose a forest as hu huntıng.
«ou^d aid whZer entered it became his servant ■; and seventh he ^
SHead of his tribe. in the State-hall the Amirs sat on eıther «de
of him at a distance of a bow's length.

When Tughluq Timur raised Amir Lûlâji» to this dıgmty he had two
additkmll İrivileges, m., he could appoint and dismiss officers up to the_
rS ^Xne P Jhous g and (**»), and s/condly, he and his descendants were

ı There ıs a very pleasing aceount of Jamâl-ud-DIn in Sir ^Thornas W.

» Mamir-ul-VnuKâ, Text III, VV .3S2-ZS4 ■ everidj , e ' 8 traMİation ili,

» Taken from Akbarnâma, Text m, p. 635, ^f^^ f J{~öicus»ed.
pp 973^975, and footnotes in which the vanous appeüatıons are fully dıscu«ea.
* See Beveridge, loe. cit., p. 973, note 5.
6 Bûlâgl in Akbarnâma, see Beveridge, loc. eti., p. »/4.

744

(MlBZİ) JÂNl BEG AEÖBÜN.

Maâihir

permitted to commit nine offences with impunity; an enquiry was,
however, instituted tvhen the number of offences exceeded nine. in
retribution for having shed blood he was set upon a white horse which
was two years old. A white rug ^as placed under the horse's feet.
One of the grandees of the Barlâs elan interrogated him, and one of the
heads of the Arkîwat r elan conveyed his reply (to the Khân). They then
opened his jugular vein (ahâhrag). Those two grandees watched, one on
each side of him, tül he died. Then they took away his body from the
presence and sat down and lamented över him. Khidr Khwâja raised
Mır Khudâdâd to this dignity, and added three more distinetions. First,
on the marriage day, when ali the grandees are on foot except a royal
yasama who is mounted to keep order, the Tarkhân also will be on
horseback. Second, at the happy banquet (of the marriage), one (of
Khudâdâd's chamberlains) stood on the Khân's right holding the cup of
mare's milk (qamad) and another on the left. Third, that his seal was to
appear on the front of protocols, but the seal of the ruler would be
placed above his. Shaikh Abül Fadl says that ali these favours, if they
were conferred with prudence, would be acoeptable to the Creator, but
the provision about not inquiring into nine offences was not reasonable.
Should rulers have asceftained by trial that the officer made a Tarkhân
would not commit any wrong act, there was some sense in the procedure,
but as for the provision about not inquiring into offences for nine genera-
tions, it would imply that the Almighty had given the ruler the power of
knowing the future.

Mirza ' Abdul ' Ali son of ' Abdul Khâliq was the fourth ancestor (great-
great-grandfather) of Jâni Beg and he obtained high rank from Sultân
Mahmfld son of Mirza Abü Sa'id, and was made governor of Bokbârâ.
Shaibânî Khân Üzbeg was his servant, but when he came to the sovereignty
he wiekedly slew* his master and his five sons. The sixth was Mirza
'Isâ, who was six months old. The Aryhûn elan being without a head
left Transoxiana and came to Khurâsân to Mir DJjü-un-Nün who was the
Amîr-ul-Umarâ and Commander-in-Chief of Sultân Husain Mirza, and
the guardian of his son Badi' -uz-Zamân Mirza, and lıeld Qandahâr in fief.
When Badi '-uz-Zamân rebelled against his father, Mir Bbü-un-Nün
joined him, and gave him his daughter in marriage. Afterwards,
when the Mirza (i.e. Sultân Husain Mirza) died, his two sons
Badl'-uz -Zaman and Muzaffar Mirza succeeded him. Khurâsân fell into
confusion, and Shaibak (Shaibâni) Khân came to attack it. Amir DJjü-
un-Nün was killed in the battle against him. Shujâ' Beg, knovm as
Shâh Beg, was his son and held (Jandahâr. in 890 A.H. he took the
fort of Sivî (S6hwân) from the Jâm Nizâm-ud-Dîn, commonly known as
Jâm Nandâ who was the ruler of Sindh. in former times the sovereignty
of Sindh belonged to the Sümras. After 500 years, during which 36
persons ruled, and in the end of the reign of Sultân Muhammad Tugh.luq
the sovereignty came to the Summas who belonged to the tribe of Jâdün.
They oalled themselves descendants of Jamshed, and each of them was
called Jâm. The country was annexed by the Emperors of Delhi.
Occasionally it rebelled. Accordingly, Sultân Fîrüz Shâh in the time of

1 See Beveridge, loc. cit., p. 975.

2 in reference to the master whö waa killed, «ee Beveridge, loc. cit., p. 976,
note 1.

.vl-Umarâ.

(mIbzI) jAhI büg abgjjOn.

745

Pân Bhata 1 thrice led an army into Sindh and brought him to Delhi.
And he made över the country to his (own) servants. Aftenvards,
when Pân Bhata showed signs of good conduet he was made governor of
the country and sent there.

When the Delhi Government became weak, the Sindh rulers alüed
themselves to the rulers of Gujarât. But as the elans of Shâh Beg were
fixed in Sindh, he easily took Bhakkar and Siwistân. When Jâm Nandâ
died, there arose a dispute about the sovereignty between Jâm Rrûz his
son and Jâm Salâh-ud-Din, who was one of his sons-in-law. The latter
became suocessful through the help of Sultân Mahmüd of Gujarât. Jâm
Fîrüz was helpless, and took refuge with Shâh Beg. He helped him wıth
an army, and Jâm Salâh-ud-Dîn was killed. Jâm Firûz agaın became
successful. When Bâbur Bâdshâh came from Kabul and besıeged
ûandahâr, Shâh Beg exerted himself to resist him. He was not successful,
and so abandoned Qandahâr, and laid hold of Thatha and its depen-
dencies. The ehronogram is Eharâbi a 8indh^-the ruin of Sindh (932 A.H.
orl526A.D.). Jâm Firüz could not resist him. He went offto Gujarât
and became an officer of Sultân Bahâdur. Shâh Beg coined money and
had the Khutba recited in that country in his own name. He was a brave
man and possessed of learning and of excellence. The Sharb-i-'Agâ'ıd
Nasafi «, the Sharh Kâfiya, and the Shark Matâli' are by him. He took
Multân from the Langâhs. When he died in 930 A.H., his son Mirza Shâh
Husain succeeded him. He repaired the fort of Bhakkar, which is situated
on a height in the middle of the Panjâb rivers and ereeted great buildings.
He went on an expedition to Multân. Sultân Mahmüd Langâh who was
the ruler at the time suddenly died, and was succeeded by his son Sultân
Husain. Mirza Shâh Husain besieged the plaee and took it in 932 A.H.,
and appointed a governor of his own. Hümâyûn, in the time of his
misfortunes, came there, and was detained by Sultân Husain by subter-
fuges for some time at Bhakkar. Afterwards, when he made Naşir
Mirza 4_the paternal uncle of Hümâyûn— his ally by promising to make
him his son-in-law, he proceeded to contend with Hümâyûn. The latter
was obliged to go to Persia. Sultân Husain. however, did not keep faıth
with Naşir Mirza. • They say. Sultân Husain was overeome by a fever
and could not repose except in the river. He spent six months in
descending the river and six months in ascending it. When he was
coming towards Bhakkar some distinguished Arg^ûns left him and
raised to the throne Mirza 'Isâ son of 'Abdul 'AH, the great -grandfather of

ı See Jarretfstranslationofİ'în, II, p. 345, where it ig Jâm Banhatiyah. it
is Jâm Mâlitha son of Jâm Ana» in De and Prashad's translatıon of fabaqat-t-Akbar%,
III, p. 774 and Jâm Bânhatiya in De and Hidayat Hosaın s Text, III, p. 513

2 The ehronogram is wrong, and ahould be Şarâbı Smd, and not Smdh. This
vields 927. 932 muat be incorrect for Shâh BSg died m 928, and the Maathvr-ul-
Umara a-iittle lower down giveg 930 as the date of his death. Smdh ıs no doubt
a copyist:» error. The true date is 928 as shown by the ehronogram StuihrSha ban.
Themonth and the year are Sha'ban 928 A.H. or June, 1522 A.D. See Elhot» I,
p 502. Much of the history of Sindh in Maâihir article ıs taken from the A m, see
Jarrett's translatıon II, p. 345, and some is derived from Tabaqat-t-Akbart and

Ferishta's History. . . ..... . .».

» The list of Shâh Beg's writings ıs taken from Tabaqat-ı-Alcbart, see Ue
and Prashad's translation III, p. 782, note 2. .

* Properly Yâdgâr Naşir İBrzâ. He was Hümâyûn s oousın, beıng the «on ot
Bâbur's half-brother Nâsir MIrzâ. The name Yâdgâr may imply that he was a
posthumoua child.

746

(mIbzI) jİNI Blo abobOn.

Mad&ir

-vî-Umard.

(MUttl) JİNI Bflo abûbOn.

747

Jani Beg, who8e family had formerly been ohiefs of the tribe. Sh&h
Husain, with the help of his fosterbrother Sultan Mahmüd, who was
governor of Bhakkar, fought with 'Isâ. A şort of peace was made,
and Mirza 'İsa got three shares, and Shâh Husain two. When he died
in 963 1 A.H. (1556 A.D.) the whole country came into the posaession
of Mirza 'Isâ. He died in 975 A.H. A quarrel arose between his sons
Muhammad Baql and Jân Bâbâ. Muhammad B&ql, the elder brother,
prevailed and became the ruler. in 993 A.H. (1585 A.D.) he was over-
povered by madness and having fixed a sword hilt in the wall, drove the
point into his belly and died. The Arghüns gave the sovereignty in
name to his son Pâyinda Muhammad, but as he was a recluse aad inclined
to be mad, the work of administration was entrusted to his son Mirza 2
Jani Beg.

When the Panjâb was for fourteen years the residence of Akbar,
the Mirza, although he was so near, did not wait upon him. in the end
of the 35th year, 999 A.H. (1591 AJ>.) an order was issued to Khân-
Khânân — who had been sent off from Lâhöre to tafce Qandahar — to send
aomeone to Jâni Beg to warn him to be careful otherwise he was to punish
him at the time of his return. Khân-Khânân held Multân and Bhakkar
in flef. He left aside the direct route by Qhaznl and Bangash and took
the long route with the intention of visiting his fief. Meanwhile, as
Sindh was added to his possessions, he obtained permission to conquer
Sindh. MIrzS Jani Beg advaneed 150 bos with a large force to enoounter
him and fought a gallant battle with him on the borders of Srtrist&n.
He was defeated in Muharram 1000 A.H. and compelled to make peace.
in the 38th year, 1001 A.H., he aocompanied KhjLn-Khân&n to Lâhöre,
and paid homage to Akbar. He received the rank of 3,000, and was
granted the fief of Mult&n. Sindh was assigned to Sh&hrukb Mirza.
But at that time news came that the Arghüns to the number of 10,000
men and women, were coming up the river by boat. The boatmen and
the servants were distressed by the emigration (mvik raftgi) and were
tearing * themselves with their handa and teeth. Akbar out of his innate
kmdness had compassion on Mirza Jâni Beg, restored him to the
government of Sindh. The port of L&harl (Liri Bandar) remained
orown-land and the Sarkar of Siwistan— - which (Jani Beg) had formerly
giren as pishkash (tribute) — was giren in grant to other men. in the
42nd year his rank was 3,500. The Mirza was adorned with eloquence.
and Visdom, and his words and deeds showed honeşty. He was addicted
to drink from his early years, but he did not show any eyil effects from
it, and was careful in his speech and aots. ÎSıcess of wine made him ül,
and he got convulsions and delirium. He died in 1008 * A.H., in the 45th
year of the reign, at Burhânpür after the taking of Âsir. They say, that
one day at an assembly he said that if he had held such a fort as Âsir
he would not surrender it for a century. Tale-bearers repeated this to

1 See De and Prashad's edition of the Tabagât-i-Akbari, III, p. 784, note 1. The
year of the death of Shah Husain's death ia given there as 962, but this İ8 apparently
incorrect.

2 See Tabagât-i-Akbari» III, p. 786.

* Ahbarnâma, Text III, p. 642, Beveridge's tranalation III, pp. 985, 986.

* He really died in 1009. See Akbarndma, Text III, p. 783, and Beveridge's
tranalation III, p. 1172. Perhsps the author means to ineiauate that Akbar
poİBoned him. it was a charge against Akbar that he tried to poison Mirza Qhâzl
the son of Jâni Beg, but the latter by mistake took the poison pili himself.

JOB -

Akbar and he was displeased; at this time Jâni BSg died. He had a
poetical vein. His pen-name was Halimi. These verses are his:

Veraes.

Fortunate was the time when love was my oompanion ;

Sighs during the night and criesiin the morning were my normal

routine.
Heaven's sad infiuence, hovever, did not leave it to me
To enjoy the fruits of sorrow which graced my Ûfe.

The length of the country of Sindh * from Bhakkar to Kachh and
Mekr&n is 257 kos, its breadth on one side from Badln to Bandaf L&ri
is 100 koa, and on the other from Chandü, one of the dependencies of
Bhakkar, to Bikanir is 60 kot. On the east Ues Gujarat, to the north
Bhakkar and Sivi, to the south the ooean, and to the west Kachh and
Mekr&n. it is aituated in the seoond olimate and lies in the
Longitude 102° 30' and Latitude 24° 10'. ite Capital oity formerly
\ne Brahmanâbad; at present it is known as Thatha and Dabîl. it is
noted for its good olimate and abundance of fruits; verdure adds to the
beauty of the landscape ; love of ease and musio are characteristic of the
people, and wine and music are to be found in every house. The dreas
of the womenfolk whether old or young is saffi-on coloured. Though
eduoation is widespread, and leârned and intelleotual men are oommonly
found, iniquity and debauchery are rampant. Nobles and plebians go
örer to the tomb of the Pir of Patha (who is the patron saint of the
oountry) situated on a high area at a distance of about a league from the
city. The Pir was a follower and successor of Shaikh Bahâ'-ud-Dîn
Zakarlya ; his name was ibrahim and title Sh&h 'Alam. in the north the
mountains form several ranges, one extends to Qandahâr, and the seeond
from the sea-coast to the town of Köhm&r (also known as Râmgar) and
terminates in Siwistân, where it is known as LakhI. This area is
inhabited by an important Balfioh tribe called Ka.lmtıtT and whieh çan
raise twenty thousand horeemen. A fine breed of oamels is indigenous
in the area. A third range runs from Siwist&n to Sivi, it is called Ehar »,
and is inhabited by a tribe called Tahmindi that oan raise a force of 300
horse and 7,000 foot. Next is another tribe of Balüeh, knotm as gabari
with a force of a thousand men. A fine breed of horses oomes from this
tract. A fourth mountain chain, which touches Kachh on the one aide
and the Kalmânî territory on the other, is known as K&rah, it is inhabited
by four thousand Balüchjs. From the boundary of Mult&n and Achh
there run in the north to Thatha high mountain ranges inhabited by
numerous clans of Balûchs, while in the south from Achh to Gujarât
there extends a barren sandy mountainous tract ; and also from Bhakkar
to NaşŞrpür and Amarköt. The people are dark and poor and are
dependent on others for supporfc. in the winter season there İb no need
of postina (fur-lined coats), and the summer heat is moderato exoept in
Siwist&n. Fruits of various kinds are found and mangoes are specially

1 The following account of the topography of Swdh »nd the Liver-Eaterg is
taken almost verbatim from the account of the Sarkar of Thatha in A'in-i-Akbari,
Text I, pp. 556-667, and Jarrett's tranalation n, pp. 336-339.

1 Khattar and Nohmardi in Jarrett, loe. ei4., p. 337.

748

JÂNİSH BAHjDTJE.

Maâthir

good. Inthedesertavarietyofmelongrowswild. Mowers are plentıful,
and ShMi rice is abundant and of good quality. in the salt and ıron
mines of the area people can store curded milk for as long as four montns.
A species of fish known as Palteah * which is unrivalled for ıts taste and
flavour is also found there. This area is very rich in ıts produce ot
grain and one-third of the produce is taken över as the revenue. Ihıs
area is divided into 5 mrkârs and 53 parganahs, and the revenue ıs
66 052 693 dama*. During these days the whole proyince of Sındh ıs
governed by Khudâyâr Khân Latî who had for a long time farmed the
Sûba of Thatha with the Sarkârs of Sîwistân and Bhakkar on behali ot
the Government (of Delhi), and subsequently when by treaty the country
on the other side of the Indus was ceded by the Shâh of the time to
Nâdir Shâh, the area on his behalf continued to be administered by the

said Khân. . . .

The greatest wonder in the narratıve of thıs land ıs the descrıptıon
of the Liver-Eater (Jigar iS«wr)— they are known as Dâ'ins (wıtches ?).
He is a person who can abstract a man's liver by glances and incantations.
Some asBert that at certain times and under certain conditions he can
render senseless anv person he looks upon, and then takes from this
person something resembling the seed of a pomegranate, whioh he conceals
for a time in the calf of his leg. During this time the person, wbose hver
has been abstracted, remains unoonscious. And when they become
hopeless of his reoovery, he throws this seed on fire, and it spreads lıke a
plate. This ( ? the roasted seed) is divided amongst his companıons and
eaten, and the unoonscious viotim dies. He gives a portion of thıs food
and teaches the incantation to whomsoever he wishes to make a convert
to the praotice of this art. And when he is caught practising thıs art,
they cut öpen his calf and extracting the seed give it to the victim to eat,
and he recovers. Most of the follovers of this sect are women. If they
are thrown into the river with a stone tied to them, they do not sink.
When it is desired to deprive any of them of this power, they brand
both sides of his head and ali jointa, and filling the eyes with salt suspend
him for forty days in a subterranean « chamber, and give him food vrithout
salt, and some of them recite incantations över him. During this perıod
he is known as Bhahjrah *. Although he has löst his power, he ifc stili
able to reoognise (a liver-eater),' and these pests are captured through •
his agency. He can restore people to health by incantations, and 1
by administering certain drugs.

JAnish Bahİdub.

(VoLI.pp. 511, 512.)

He was one of the Takahâ (single-fighters, t.e., paladins or champions)
of Mirza Muhammad Hakim. After the death of the Mirza he came wıth

ı Palıvah or Palla of Sindh is the famous Buta nah of Bengal. Its scientific
name ia Büsa üisha (Ham. Buch.).

* Aooording to Jarrett, loe. cü„ p. 339, the revenue was 66,15,393 (or var.
66,15,293) dama or Rs. 1,65,383-13-2.

' ıJ*°5 r) in the Text ** K PV» xeD ^y a mıstake for ^^ ^jj.

* Dohoehrah in Jarrett, op. eü., p. 339.

-ul-Umarâ.

JİN NITHİK SBİN.

749

the Mîrzâ's eons to Akbar's Cburt in the 30th year, and received a suitable
appointment together with a robe of honour, a horse and a sum of money.
At the same time' he went off with Zain Khân Koka to settle the affairs of
the Yüsufza'îs. When the royal army was defeated, and the Kökaltâsh
wished to kili himself, Jânish Bahâdur seized his reign and turned him
back, willing or uırmlling. Aftenrards, he took part in the afFair of the
Târikîs (the Raushanîs), first with Kunwar Mân Singh, secondly with
Şâdiq Khân. thirdly in assisting Zain Khân. and performed various servioes.
İn the 36th year when Khân-Khânân was appointed to take the fort of
Qandahâr, he was one of those who vas deputed to accompany him.
As that affair was delayed and Khân-Khânân was bidden to take Thatha,
Jânish went there and did good service, in the 38th year he returned
t o -the Court with Khan-Khânân and paid his respects. Afterwards he was
appointed to the Deccan, and was fihally in Râmpürî. in the 46th year
corresponding to 1009 A.H. (1600-1601 A.D.) he died 1 of a pain in his
belly. After him, his brothers got a jâgir and served in that province.
His son was Shujâ't 2 Khân Shâdi BSg, of whom a separate account 8
has been given.

JiN NlTHİR KplN.

(Vol. I, pp. 527-529.)

He was a well-kno'wn of&cer, and his name was Kamâl-ud-Dîn Husain.
He was a faithful follower of Prince Shâh Jahân from his early days, and
was the head of his confidential and loyal servants. When Banârsî, the
Inspector of elephants in Jahânglr's time, who in the speed of his travel
exoeeded even that of the heavens, started at the instance of Yamin-ud-
Daula, with the news of the death of Jahângir Bâdshâh, and from Kashmîr
in twerıty days reached Junair in the Deccan on 19 Rabl' I, 1037 A.H.
(28 November, 1627 A.D.), and conveyed the news of the death of the
Emperor. Pi'om there, as the resolutions of Shâh Jahân in the matters
of government did not brook delay er negligence, he after three days'
mourning on the 23rd of the said month started for the Capital city of
Agra by way of Gujarât. And he despatehed Jân Nijhâr Khân* to
Khân Jahân Lödi at Burhânpûr with a farmân conferring various fa^ours
and concessions, and confirming him, as hiihertofore, in his manşab,
jâgir and the Sübadâri of the Deccan. The object was to obtain informa-
tion regarding his intentions after \dnning him över by royal favour,
more particularly as his insincerity and faithlessness were welT known.
As fortune and prosperity had forsaken him, he on receipt of the farmân
showed his indiiference, and sent back Jân Nithâr Khân without any
reply. The latter reached the royal Presence at Ahmadâbâd, and was
honoured on the day of the audience with the grant of the rank of 2,000,
1,000 horse, and the gift of a flag and drums, an elephant and Rs.15,000
in cash. And in the 3rd year, on the death of Diyânat Khân he was

1 Blochmann's tranalation of Â'in, I (2nd edn.), pp. 537, 538.
« id., p. 538.

3 Maâthir-ul-Umarâ, Text II, pp. 662-664.

4 Iqbâ2nâma-i-Jahângîrî, pp. 298, 299, Khafi Jftân, I, p. 391, and Banarsi Pragad,
History of Shahjahan, p. 60.

760

(HAHİBİO) JİNÖjI JA8WANT NIMBİLKAE.

Maâüiir

appointed as the officer-in-charge 1 of the fort of Ahmadnagar ; and was
further favoured with the grant of Rs. 40,000 as a contribution for
eıpense*. And in the 4th year, on arrival at the Court, he was exalted
by an inorease of 500 with 900 horee, and appointed as faujdâr of the
Lakhi Jangal. And he was later transferred to fihristin as the faujdâr.
When in the llth year, Qandah$r was oonquered by the royal officere,
the ffibadâra and faujddrs of the neighbourhood with auxüiary foroes
reached there for help. J&n Nithâr finan also hastened from his area,
and took an active part in the fighting ; and in the eompany of Qulij
gh&n Ştibadâr of Qandahar, he rendered valuable sernces in the conquest
of the fort of Büst. in the 12th year, another 600 horee were added to
his Mançab, and on transfer from Sîwistân to Bhakkar he took up the
government of the area in succession to Yûsuf Muhammad Kh&n. And
in the same year he died.

The Kh&n made a iarge harem by forcing most of the Zamind&rs
of the area of the tribes of Slmja and Südh to give their daughters to
him; and in this way was able so successfully to carry out his policy
(of control), that in a short time no trace of refractory or corruptive
elements was left. After his death, ali the Zamîndârg took away their
daughters from his house by force. Perhaps this happened in Bhakkar
(the boundaries of which adjoin those of Siwistân), for as is well known *
he did not die in the province of Siwistân. His son Mirza Hafif Uü&h
reoeived, in view of his claims as a Jüuinazüd, royal favours from his
childhood. in the reign of Aurangzlb he was exalted with the title of
Basalat Kh&n, and waş the Bakhshi of the army of Prince ' Â jam Shâh at
Bîjâpûr, and for a time he remained in this office. They say, that he
used to drink eonstantly and so died.

(Mahİbİo) Jİnöjî Jaswaht NimbJ&kab. 8

(Vol. IH, pp. 806, 807.)

He was the son of Bâo Banbhâ * who in Aurangzib 's time hekl higb
office, and was appointed to the Deccan. As he (Jânöji) had had frequent
disputes with the offıcers of B&ja Shâhû Bhönsle, they, after making
agreements with Husain 'Alî Kbân made accusations against J&nöjî.
Husain 'Alî Khfin in order to please t hem managed by guüe to imprison
him. He w:as released at the request of Muhammad Anwar Khân at the
time when Nizâm-ul-Mulk Aşaf Jah -vvent to the Deccan from Mahra
and crossed the Narbadâ, and was appointed to the auziliary force at
Burhânpûr. He, who was in distressed circumstances (?) {Ut. had a
sore on his liver), was introduced to Âşaf Jâh by Muhammad Qhiyâth

1 gfeafl gbân, I, p. 429.

* Tb>« Jân Nitb&r Khân should not be confused with Y&dgâr Beg, Lashkar
jjh&n othervriae known as J&n Nithâr Khân who was sent an ambassador to the Shâh
of Peraia ; see MaöthirulUmarâ, III, pp. 168-171, and Banarsi Prasad, History
of Shahjahan, pp. 201, 202. in the latter work no distinction is made botween the
two persona.

3 Barıâlkar in the Text appear* to be a lapsus calami for Nimb&lkar. Nimbâl
karı of Phaltan are well known in Marhatta history, aee Kincaid and Paraganis,
Hittory of Maratha People, p. 73, ete.

4 He is apparently the Ranbhâjl Deccan! mentioned in ' Âlamgimâma, pp. 249,
293.

•ul-Umard.

JİN stpIk kbân.

751

Sân Bahâdur ,Auad entered his service, in the battles with 'Alam 'Alî
• "•*. M» 1 *»,»»» 'Imâd-ul-Mulk he distınguished himself and
rece.ved the rank of 7 000 with 7,000 horse. After 5 saf Jâh's death he
held a suıtable rank and had hereditary estates. He was a good manager
of property, and developed the estates. He colleeted a suitable force and
distınguished himself in battles. As he held high rank, he acted as a
go-between for the Marhattas. in the time of Nâsir Jang the Martvr
he reoeryed the title of Jasvant, and he did good service in his eompany
in the Phulchary battle, though it was rumoured that he had a share
in Nasır Jang's death 1 . He died in 1176 A.H. (1762-63 A.D ) His
eldest son Anand Râo Jaiwant who was distingüished for excellence died
durıng his lifetime. At present his second son Mâhâ Râo, and Râo
Kanbhâ the son of Jaiwant hold the fiefs, and are in government service.

JAn Sipâb gjIİN.
(Vol. I, pp. 535-537.)

™- H< L W ? 8 the third son of Mukh tar Khân of Sabzawâr. His name was
Mır Bahadur Dil. At the time when Aurangzib left the Deccan with the
ıntentıon ofobtaınmg the sovereignty and proceeded towards the Capital
Jan tapar ^an accompanied the aU-conquering royal stirrups with his
elder brother Mir Shams-ud-Din Mukbtâr Hıân. - in the battles which
that tortunate King waged against his foes, Jân Sipâr aân showed fidelitv

a ?1 ZS^\ After the battle with Dârâ Shiköh he obtained the rardc
ot 1 ,000 wıth 500 horse and received the title of Jân Sipâr Bıân. After
that he was appointed to provincial duties (Kârhâ.i-berünjât or outside
dutıes), and ahvays behaved weU. in the 24th year, he was made
governor of the fort of Bîdar. After the conquest of Haidarâbâd he
was made faujdâr of ?afrâbâd. When Aurangzlb returned after settling
that newly conquered country and encamped at Bidar-Zafrâbâd, Abül
Hasan the ruler of Telang— who, though his addietion "to luxury and
pleasure had during the fifteen years of his rule never göne farther from
rlaıdarabâd than Mubammadnagar Gölkonda, which is one kos distant
and tor whom even daily riding was difficult—prayed that he be allowed
to retoe. And in truth Aurangzib also disliked his disposition which
was the very opposite of his own. Accordingly , he did not deal with him
as he had dealt * with Sikandar the ruler of Bijâpür after its conquest
tle did not even summon him to his Presence, and from the first dav
kept hım under surveillance. Accordingly, Jân Sipâr ffiân, who wa ö
Jaujdar ot Bıdar, was ordered to convey him to Daulatâbâd s so that he
mıght spend the rest of his life in comfort with his dependants. After
that the saıd Hıân was made the governor of Haidarâbâd which was a
neh and well-ınhabıted country, especiaüy when the. Qutb-Shâhî dynasty
had. laboured to improve it. He spent a long time in that country anâ

,„! S ?İr »/ a -^- Wa , S rr İlled °£ 17 Ml * arr a™. 1164 A.H. (16th- December, 1750
387 MM&^-vl-Umarâ, Text III, p. 855 and Cambridge History of IruHa, IV,

98<M 2 ^l ang 5l b b6ga f ^ y bt ? nB g enerous »o Sikandar (Maâthir-i-' AlamgiH, pp. 280,
282) b^heaftorward8,mpri8onedhirn. He died three years afterward 8 .
Hmr^^i Tî^f' Hİ S 0ry ° f Âuran °zib, IV, pp. 384, 385, for Abûl
Hasan s eapture and hıa transfer to Daulatâbâd. Also MaMir-i.' Alamgin, p. 309.

752

JİN SIPİR &HİN. SBWAJA BİBA — TUBKAMİN.

Maâthir

administered it weU. Since Shâyista Khân Amir-ul-Umarâ and 'Âqil
Khân Khawâfî few have exerted such power for so long a time He died 1
m the 45th year, 1113 A.H. (1701 A.D.). His eldest son was Rustam Dil,
of whom a separate account 2 has been given.

JIn Sipİb KpIn SpwIja BiBİ.

(Vol. I, p. 530.)

He was the brother's son of Naqib Khân » of Qazwin. in the time
of Jahângir he was given the title of Jân Bâz Khân and attained the
rank of 1,000 with 400 horse. in the İst year of Shâh Jahân's reign he
was confirmed in his former rank, and in the 3rd year he was raised to
the rank of 1 ,500 with 600 horse. For a time he was favjdâr of Mandsür,
and m the 18th year corresponding to 1055 A.H. (1645 A.D.) he died.
From the list (fihris) at the end of the second decennium in the
Skahnama * it appears that he obtained the title of Jân Sipâr Hıân
and the rank of 2,000 with 1,000 horse, but the date of this occurrence
has not been recorded.

JİN SlPİB KjIÂN TüBKAMAN.

(Vol. I, pp. 516-519.)

His name was Jahângir Beg, and he was one of Jahângîr's officers.
He was long employed in the Deccan, and by his zeal and bravery he
did valuable Services in the cause of the King's government. When the
affairs of the Deccan were not improved by Prince Parviz in spite of his
long stay in Burhânpür and appointment of leading officers, and large
armies, and the expenditure of much treasure ; on the contrary the rulers
of the Deccan shook off the rope of obedience, for example, Malik 'Ambar
who took entire possession of the Bâlâghât estates, it became necessary
in the llth year to appoint Prince Sultân Khurram 6 — who after his
victories received the title of Shâh Jahân— to settle the affairs of the
country. His rising Fortune was dreaded by the Deccanis and they
bowed their humble and submissive shoulders beneath the burden. The
arms with which they interfered with the imperial estates were shortened,
and they had to pay tributes and the government revenue. in the
12th year the Prince distributed his companions and the officers of the
Deccan to the thânas and faujdâris, as he judged proper. Jahângir
Beg was favoured and sent off to administer the thâna of Jâlnâpûr
which is 25 kos (East) from Daulatâbâd, and was at that time the chief
thâna in Bâlâghât, and many royal officers were appointed there in
accordance with their ranks. Later some of the treacherous Deccanis

ı Maâthir-i-'Alamgiri, p. 439, where it is stated that Jân Sipâr Khân the Nâzim
of Haıdarâbâd died in that year.

3 Maöthir-ul-Umarâ, Text II, pp. 324-328.

3 See Blochmann'e translation of M'in, I (2nd edn.), pp. 496-498.

* This is apparently the Bâdshâhnâma, II, p. 762, but the number of horse there
is 1,500.

5 For the Deccan campaigng, see Beni Prasad, History of Jahângir, pp. 266-279
and Banarsı Prasad, History of Shahjahan, pp. 19-21. Also see Rogerg and
Beveridge's translation of Tüzuk-i-Jahângiri, I, pp. 329, 337.

.ul-Umarâ.

3 İS SIPÂB &JBİN TUBJKAMİN.

753

proceeded to break their engagemente and to take possession of the

royal estates. Nor were they content with the Bâlâghât, but even raised

their standards as far as Burhânpür. The Prince was eompelled to

ondertake a seoond expedition to the Deccan and in the beginning of the

13th year of Jahângîr's reign he came to Burhânpür. An army was

appointed to chastise Nizâm Shâh and Malik 'Ambar. After much

figbting and severe battles, in every one of which the Prince 's forces

were victorious. Malik 'Ambar önce more witnessed the Fortune of the

Prince and turned aside from his evil ways and entered by the door of

repentance, and stretched the hand of supplication towards the skirt

of a desire for peace. Every one of the kadere remained on one of the

estates of Bâlâghât tül the end of the rains, and Jân Sipâr Hıân with 3,000

horse remained at Bir. When a new division was made of the thânas

he received an increase of rank and was made the thânadâr of Bîr. When

in the 19th year a battle took place at Bhâtürî * — which is a dependancy

of Ahmadnagar— between Malik 'Ambar and Mullâ Muhammad Lâri

the Commander-in-chief and Valeü-us-Saitanat of Bîjâpür, and. whom

'Âdil Shâh its ruler both in verbal and written messages addressed as

Mullâ Bâbâ, the Mullâ was killed by fate's decree, his army was thrown

into disorder, and the royal officers who had been appointed to assist

the Mullâ were seized with the exception of Rhanjar Khân who escaped to

Ahmadnagar, and Jân Sipâr Khân who conveyed himself to his own fief

and strengthened the fort of Bîr. Shortly before Jahângîr's death, Khân

Jahân Lödi hahded back Bâlâghât to Nizâm Shâh and wrote to the

imperial officers, who were in the thânas, that they should make över the

estates to the agents of Nizâm Shâh and come to Burhânpür. Jân Sipâr

Khân obeyed the order and joined Khân Jahân. A few days had not

elasped when the report of the accession of Shâh Jahân gave fresh joy

to the whole of India, and Jân Sipâr Khân flew on the wings of swiftness,

and having donned' the pilgrim's dress paid his homage at the com-

mencement of the reign 2 . He obtained an increase of 1,500 Dhâi and

1,000 horse and so had the rank of 4,000 Bhât, 3,000 horse and the gift

of a flag and drums. in succession to Jahângir Qulî Khân he was sent

to take up the governorship of Allahâbâd. But according to the rule

of the revolving heavens — that every good is allied with evil, and every

joy is mixed with grief— the wine of success in this instance was followed

by the crapulousness of failure, and the limpid waters of joy had at the

bottom a sediment of sorrow. The cup was no sooner filled than it

was emptied, and the roll not finished without the pages being turned

över ; in this very year did the cup of his life overflow. His son imâm 3

Qulî held the rank of 1,000 with 400 horse. in the 3rd year of Shâh

Jahân's reign he was in cömpany with Azam Khân *, the governor of the

Deccan, when one day in Bâlâghât the 'Âdil-Shâhi and Nîzâm-Shâhi

troops fell upon their rear. Multafat Khân, the leader of the army, left

the flank exposed, and imâm Qulî and some others bravely sacrificed

ı See Beni Prasad, op. ât., p. 382.

2 Bâdshâhnâma, I, p. 185. His rank was, however, ıncreaaed to 4,000 Dhöt
and 4,000, not 3,000 horse, and in addition to the grant of a Bag and drums he was
given a E&ü'at, and a jewelled dagger, and appointed governor of Allahâbâd.

' Bâdshâhnâma, I, pp. 244, 304, 305.

* Irâdat Khân the Mir Bdkb'hi, who was in generai coramand of the Deccan
oampaign.

764

(MAHİEUA) jaswant SİNGH bITHÖR.

Ma&ihir

their lives, and gathercd eternal fame. Jan Sipâr Khân also had a brother
named Murtadâ Qulî. He had the rank of 1,000 with 600 horse. He
died in the Deocan in the lOth year.

(MaHİBİJA) JASWANT StNGH RlTHÖB.

(Vol. İÜ, pp. 599-604.)

He was the son of Râja Gaj Singh. in the 1 lth year of Sh&h Jahân's
reign he esme with his father to the Court, and succeeded 1 him after the
latter's death. This was beoause, contrary to the eustom of the other
Râjpüts — according to which the eldest son sncoeeds — the R&thörs
choose the son whose mother was the special favourite of the father.
Acoordingly the King made Jaswant Singh his father's heir although
Amar Singh was the elder son, and gave him a robe of honour, a decorated
dagger and the rank of 4,000 yrçth 4,000 horse, and the title of Râja in
aocordance with his father's wiD, and also gave him a flag, drums, a horse
with golden saddle and an elephant from the royal herd. in the 15th
year he was awarded a special gjıil'at, a jewelled dagger with Phül
Kalârah, a horse with golden trappings, and an elephant from the royal
herd and was sent to Qandahâr in attendance on Prince Dârâ Shiköh,
and in the 18th when the King moved from âgra to Lâhöre, he was ordered
to take charge of the city till the arrival of Shaikh Farid son of Qutt>* ud -
Dln Khân Koka, and afterwards join the Court. in the 21st year his rank
was 5,000 with 5,000 horse, of whioh 3,000 were dü-aspa and s-lh-aspa
(two-horse and three-horse). At the end of the same year the rest of his
troopers were also made dü-aspa and sih-aspa. in the 22nd year Prince
Muhammad Aurangzib Bahâdur w©nt to Qandahâr which was besieged by
the Persians, but according to orders stayed in Kabul. When in the end
of the same year the King oame to Kabul, Jaswant Singh paraded 2,000
of his troopers before him. in the 26th year his rank was 6,000 with
5,000 dü-aspa and sih-aspa troopers, and this was inereased in the 29th
year," he aJ«o received the title of Mahârâja. As his marriage with
the daughteı- of Sarab D8o SSsödia had been arranged in the same year,
he was permitted to go to Mathurâ and afterwards to his home at Jödhpür.
in the beginning of the 32nd year when news of improper movements
on the part of Murâd Bakbsh and of the departure of Prince Muhammad
Aurangzîb Bahâdur from the Deccan was received, Dârâ Shiköh in view
of his own interests appointed Wo armies to block the way of his two
brothers. The Mahârâja had his rank inereased to 7,000 with 7,000 horse
and was appointed governor of Mahva in succession to Shâyista Khân
and received one hundred horses, one with golden trappings, an elephant
and a female elephant and a lao of rupees. He arrived at Ujjain, and
though Aurangzîb endeavoured to eonoiliate him he was haughty and
resisted. After fighting and after some Râjpüts had been killed and others
had fled, Jaswant Singh thought himself lucky to have saved his life.
in the first year of Aurangzîb 's reign when the royal army came to the

. 1 See Tod, Armalt and Antiquittes of Rajasthan (1914 edn.) II, p. 34, for an
aooount of the oeremony of disinheritance of Amar Singh ; the name is written as
ümı» in that ırork.

-ul-Umarâ. (mahİbâja) jaswant singh bâthöb.

765

Sutlej in pursuit of Dârâ Shiköh, Jaswant Singh, tbrough the mediation
of some offioers, was pardoned and paid his respeets. He was allowed
to remain at Delhî tül the end of the pursuit, and in the battle with
Shujâ' he commanded the right wing.

As he had been accustomed to the favouritism of Shâh Jahân and
did not see any such in Aurangzib, he felt hurt, and eventually from
foolishness joined the malcontents and removed the veil from the face of
his aotions. One night he left his station empty and went home with
his troops. in the turmoil some of the baggage of Prince Muhammad
Sultân and of the King and the ofiicers and soldiers was plundered. it
was a great shook to the troops. After the end of the battle with Shujâ'
the King moved towards Ajmer. At this time, as he was hopeiesp of the
King's favour, he intrigued with Dârâ Shiköh who was coming to his
country from Gujarât. Meanwhile he was by the intervention of Mîrzâ
Râja Jai Singh made hopeful of pardon, and withdrew from Dârâ Shiköh 's
party. As on account of his frequent faults he could not approach the
King, he was, in his absence (g&â'ibâna) confirmed in his old rank and given
the title of Mahârâja, and made governor of Ahmadâbâd (Gujar&t).
in the 4th year, he in accordance with orders went with ali his troops to
assist Shâyista K^ân in the Deccan. in the 5th year he was removed
from the government of Gujarât and served for 2 or 3 years in the Deccan,
partly with Shâyista Khân but chiefly with Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam
who had been appointed governor in the room of Shâyista Khân. He
exerted himself to the utmost of his power in laying waste Shivâ's country
and in the end of the 7th year he came to the Court. When in the 9th year
the friendship between the King and Shâh ' Abbâs II of Persia changed to
enmity, Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam, who had been appointed to Kabul
before the imperial army marehed, was accompanied by Jaswant Singh.
When newB came of the death of the King of Persia, and the Prince in
accordance with orders returned from Lâhöre, Jaswant Singh also
returned. in the lOth year he went to the Deccan in attendance on the
»me Prince, and in the 14th year he was made thânaddr of Jamrûd
in the province of Afghânistân. in the 22nd year corresponding to
1089 A.D. (Decemher, 1678) he died l . On account of his wealth and the
number of his followers he was at the head of the Râjas of India, but as

1 This is rather a maagre account of Jaavant Singh. it telis us nothing of
his oareer during the last eight years of his life. Nor does it discuss the genuinene»
of Ajlt Singh. Tod does not give many more facts though he devotes several pages
to JWwant Singh, A.coording to him Jaswant Singh Tost two other sons during
his lifetime, and he died not in 1678, but in 1681. 1678, however, seems correot
though Beale put» the event.in Deoember of that year, and Örme in the beginning
of the year. it occurred at or near Kabul. Jaswant Singh 's being made a Mahârâja
is mentionud in |hâfl Bbân, II, p. 98. The account of his death and of the flight
of the R&jpüts with his son Ajtt Singh is given on p. 259, ete . Örme in his HiMortcal
Fragment», p. 252, gives a translation of a remarkable letter said to have been ad-
dnased by Jaswont Singh to Aurangöb about the capitation taz, but it is doubtful
if it wae really ırrittan by Jasırant Singh. For a detâiled aooount see Sir Jadunath
Sarkar, HiHory of Aurangzib, İÜ, pp. 324-334, uıd pp. 361, 852 for the parentage
of Ajlt Singh.

in Moö&ir-i-'Alamgiri, p. 171, it is stated that Jaswant Singh died in the city
of Kabul and gives the date (p. 171) as 6 Dhul Qa'da 1089 A.H., 20 Deoember,
1678 AJ>., Jasrant Singh 's appointment to the thânadöri of Jamrûd is noticed
üt the same work on p. 109. Manucci also refers to Jaswant Singh'» death
(H, p. 233).

756

(BİJA) JUJHÂR SİNGH BUNDİLA.

Maâihir

.ul- Umara.

KİKAE 'AÜ 5HİN.

757

he had been brought up luxuriously and had lived apart * from the ups
and downs of esistence he did not possess the art of government . Outside
of the walls of Aurangâbâd, towards the market place, there are a ward
and a tank whieh bear his name. There are also the remains of a stone
bııilding on the bank of the tank. Kunwar Prithî Râj his eldest son
died in his lifetime. After his death two sons were born tö two of his
widows. One soon followed his father. The second is Muhammadi 2
Râj who became a Muhammadan, and was brought up in the palace.
Another son, who his tribesmen say was conveyed to his home after many
struggles, was made his heir and is Ajlt Singh. A separate account *
of him has been given.

(RIja) Jtjjhab Singh BundSla.
(Vol. II, pp. 214-218.)

He was the son of Rftja Bir Singh D6o. After his father's death
he had the title of Rftja and received a suitable mançab. At the end of
Jahângir's reign he held the rank of 4,000 with 4,000 horse. in the
first year of the reign of Sh&h Jahân he did homage and received a robe
of honour, a jewelled dagger with Ph4U Katarak, a flag and drums.
When Shâh Jahân looked into the affairs, Jujhâr Singh who had, without
any exertion, got mııch wealth which his father had acoumulated, became
suspicious in accordance with the saying that "The faithless are fearful",
andrelying upon his forts and his jungles fled at midnight from Âgra
to Orcha (Ondcha in Text), and set about strengthening his fortresses
and collecting troops. Shâh Jahân sent Mahâbat Khân and many ot her
officers against him and an order was issued to Khân Jahân Lödl the ruler
of Mâlwa to enter his country from the south by the route of GhandSrî.
'■ Abdullah Khân also received an order to proceed from his fief of Qanau j
along with Bahâdur Khân Röhila and others from the east of Orcha.
When ali three forces arrived near öreha they carried on a hot var, and
'Abdullah Khân, Bahâdur Khân and Pahâr Singh BundSla took the fort
of Irij. Jujhâr Siiıgh was helpless and sought an interview with Mahâbat
Khân, and prayed for forgiveness of his offenees. The King aeeepted
his prayer, and Jujhâr Singh in the 2nd year came to the Court with the
Khân who put a string round his neck and holding the two ends in his
hands produced him before Shâh Jahân. He presented one thousand
mohurs and 15 lacs of rupees, and forty elephftnts.

When Shâh Jahân resolved to proceed to the Deccan in the 3rd year
to chastise Khân Jahân Lödl and to lay waste the territory of the Nizâm -ul-
Mülk — who had protected him — and appointed three armies to devastate
the country, he wrote to Jujhâr Singh to act along with A'ıam Khân
the governor of the Deccan ar;.'. I ıravf him the title of Râja. After#ards,

1 Az kam u ziyöd ıvaridât ba yakml zîst namüda, which may be translated as:
he showed an existence apart from great or little circumstances. Apparentlythe
meaning is that as he had ahvays been affluent and powerful, he did not know the
ups and downs of life.

* He died of Plague ir. he 32nd year, 1100 A.H. (1688-89 AJ>.), vide Maâthir-
ı-'Âlamgiri, p. 318.

3 Maâ&ir-ul-Umard, Text III, pp. 756-760, BeveridgeV tramlation, pp. 173-
176.

when Yamin-udJJaula was appointed to command the Deccan forces,
he (Jujhâr Singh) and the other mançabdâra were placed in the rear.
When the provinces of the Deccan were entrusted to Mahâbat Khân.
Jujhâr Singh after staying some time with Mahâbat Khân left his son
Bikramâjlt in charge of his troops and took leave and went home.
After returning home he 1 in the 8th year, at the dictates of his own
seditious nature, led an army against Bhîm Narâin 2 the Zamînddr of
Chürâgarh which is the Capital of Garh Katankâ s . He induced him by
oaths and promises to surrender, and then put him to death with a large
number of his kindred. He also took possession of his fort and his
property. When Shâh Jahân heard of this event, he ordered that Jujhâr
Singh should surrender the land to the government, otherwise an equal
amount of land would be taken from his own territory. Also that he
should send 10 lacs of rupees of Bhîm Narâin's property to the Court.
On hearing of this from his agent Jujhâr Singh wrote to his son Bikramâjit,
who was in the Deccan, to take to flight and come home. Three armies
under the command of Saiyid Khân Jahân Bârah, Fîrüz Jang Bahâdur
and Khân Daurftn marched off to punish him. Prince Auıangzib and
Shâyista Khân also supported them. When the imperial armies had
nearly arrived they first attacked Dhâmünî and then Chürâgarh. When
Jujhâr Singh could find no resting place, he went with his goods to the
territory of Râja of Deogarh. The imperialists pursued him, and there
were frequent fights. Ali bİB money and ornaments fell into the hands
of the Ghâzî warriors. He himself crept into the jungles with his eldest
son Bikramâjit. The Gönds killed both of them in 1044 A.H. (1634-35
A.D.). Khân Daurân on hearing of this cut off the heads of both
and brought them to Fîrüz Jang who sent them to 1 he King along with
a kror of rupees from Jujhâr Singh's buried treasures *.

Kİkab 'Ali KjiIh.

(Vol. Di, pp. 148, 149.)

He was one of Humâyün's paladins. in the year when Hümâyûn
set out to conquer India, Kakar 'Ali Khân attended on his stirrups. in
the reign of Akbar he had the rank of 2,000. in the 1 lth year (973 A.H. )
when Mahdî Qâsim Khân the Ta'lugadâr of Garh made up his mihd to
go to Hijâz without Akbar's permission, Akbar appointed Kakar 'Alî
Khân and others to that territory. in the battle with ibrahim Husain
Mirza whioh took place near the town of Sarnâl 6 m Gujarât, Kakar
'Ali Khân was one of the fighters. Afterwards he was appointed to
aceompany Mun'im Beg Khân-Khânân to the Eastern districts. One day
when the imperial army was besieging Patna, Kakar 'Ali Khân and his

1 Bâdshâhnâma, I, pt. 2, p. 95.

- More correotry Narftyan, but so in Text.

3 Garh Katankâ or Göndwana, see imperial Oazetteerî XII, pp. 321-326.

4 For a detailed account see Banarsi Prasad. Hittory of Shahjahan, pp, 79-89.

8 Middle of Sha'bân, 980 A.H. (December, 1772 A.D.), vide A'în, Blochmann's
traıısîation I (2nd edil.), pp. 353, 4İ7.

758

KAKAR KgİN— KAMİL gglN GAKKHAR.

Madthir

son attacked the enemy and distinguished themselves. They slew many
of the foe and were themselves slain, in the year 980 1 A.H. (1573 A. D.).

KIkar SpAN, or I£gAN Jahİn KiKAR.

(Vol. III, pp. 152, 153.)

He was one of the Wâlâ-ShâMs (body-guard) of Shâh Jahân. After
the aooession he obtained the rank of 1,000 with 400 horse, and a present
of Rs.6,000. in the 3rd year when the Royal Court was estabhsbed in
the Deccan he, along with Râja Gaj Singh 2 , was appointed to the forces
which were sent to ohastise Khân Jahân Lödî, and to ravage the territory
of the Nizâm-ul-Mulk. in the 8th year he was appointed s along with
Saiyid Khân Jahân Bârah to punish Juhjâr Singh Bundela. in the
lOth year his rank was increased * by 500 with 600 horse, and in the 13th
his rank became 2,000 with 1,000 horse, and he was granted the title of
Kakar Khân. Afterwards he was appointed to the fort of Qandahâr, and
he stayed there a long time. When in the 22nd year the King of Persia
came and took the fort 5 , he went with Khawâ88 Khân the governor, and
waited upon the Shâh. He received permission and returned to India.
Along with Sultân Aurangzîb Bahâdur, who had been appointed for the
second time to the expedition, he was sent (to Qandahâr). in the 26th
year he went there in attendance on Sultân Dârâ Sbiköh fl . No more
account of his life has been noticed.

Kamİl KjiIn Gakkhar.

(Vol. III, pp. 144-148.)

He was the son of Sultân Sârang younger brother of Sultân Adam.
The Gakkhars are a large tribe and dwell between the Jhelum and the
Indus in the folds of the hills and inhabit caves, eto. in the time of
Sbaikh Zain-ud-üîn of Kashmir a Ghaznî officer named Malik Kid,
who was oonnected with the ruler of Afganistan, came and took the
oountry out of the hands of the Kashmîrîs. He brought under his sway
the whole tract from the Nilâb (Indus) to the slopes of the Siwâliks and
the borders of Kashmir. Though other 7 tribes such as the Khattar,
Janüth (?), Aîwân (Awân), Chatarnîh, BhuMyâl 8 , Jhapa (Chibh) and

1 in Akbamâma, Text III, p. 82, Beveridge's translation III, p. 115, the siege
of Pat ıı a is stated to have been in the 19th year or 981 A.H. (1574 A.D.).

2 Bâdshâhnâma, I, p. 294.

3 Bâdshâhnâma, I, pt. 2, p. 97.
* id., p. 250.

5 The Qandahâr fort waa surrendered to Shâh 'Abbâs II on February 11,
1649; see Banarsi Prasad, History of Shahjahan, p. 225.

6 For the expeditions of Aurangzîb and Dârâ Shiköh, see Banarsi Prasad,
op. cit., pp. 226-235, and Gambridge History of India, IV, pp. 204-206.

7 This aeeount is partly taken from Akbamâma, Text I, pp. 323, 329, Beve-
ridge's translation I, p. 559, and partly from the Tabagât-i-Alcbarî, De's translation
II, pp. 267, 268. For correct names of tribes, see Delmerick in Journ. As. Soc.
Bengal, XL, pt. i, 1871, pp. 67 et seq.

8 Apparently the correct spelling is Bhugiyâl, descendants of Sultan Bhuga.
Elliot, VI, p. 309, note, and Tüzuk-i-Jahângiri, p. 47, Rogers and Beveridge's trans-
lation I, p. 97.

-ul-Umarâ.

KAMİL KHAN OAKKHAE.

769

Maikwâl live there, they are ali subject to the Gakkhars. When Malik
Kid died, his son Malik Kalan suoceeded him. After him his »on Nabir
obtained the chiefehip, and after him Tâtâr became the head of the tribe.
At the time of the conquest of India he did good servioe under Emperor
Bâbur especially in the battle with Rânft Sângâ. He had two sona,
Sultân Sârang and Sultân Adam, and the first of them obtained the chief-
ship. He had great contests with Sher Shâh and Salim Shâh, and fought
bravely. He made many Afghâns prisoners and sold them into slavery.
ShSr Shâh with the object of chastising this tribe founded the fortress
of Rohtâs *, and afterwards he in accordance with the dictates of Fate
managed to get him (Sârang) into his power and put him to death. He
imprisoned his son Kamâl Khân in the fort of Gwâliyâr, yet he could not
conquer the country. The chiefship of the Gakkhar tribe fell to Sultân
Adam. Salim Khân too made great efforts in order to reduce the country,
but did not succeed.

They say, that Salim Khân on one occasion ordered ali the prisoners
in the fort of Gwâliyâr to be put to death. A pit was made under the
prison and filled with gunpowder. The explosion blew the prison and.
the prisoners into the air, and their limbs were scattered. Kamâl Khân
was there, but the Almighty power (Qâdir-i-pur-Kamâl) preserved him
from the calamity. No whiff of the fire reached the cörner of the room
where he was. When Salım Shâh heard of this Divine protection, be
took oaths from Kamâl Khân and set him free. He went home, and as
his uncle Sultân Adam had got full power, Kamâl Khân and his brother
Sa'îd Khân had to spend their days in affliction, and in a pretence of
submission. in the beginning of Akbar's reign Kamâl Khân eame to
Jâlandhar * and introduoed himself, and was made an officer. He did
good service in the battle with Hemü and at Mânköt, and was rewarded
by favours. in the 3rd year he was appointed to put down the Miyinah
Afghâns who were making a disturbance in Sirönj in Mâl w*. He went
against them with a suitable force, and was victoriouB. Akbar gave İtim
the towns of Karra • and Fathpür Hanswa, ete, in fief, and in the 6th year
on the occasion of the war with the son of Mubâriz Khân 'Adli — whom
the Afj^âns had raised up — Kamâl Khân brought a well-equipped force
and shared in the campaign with Khân Zaman Shaibânl. He fought
bravely in the battle, and Akbar on hearing of this remarked that Kamâl
Khân had done his duty and that it was time to reward him, and that he
would give him whatever he wkhed. When he came to the Court in the
year 970 A.D. he represented to the cotırtiers that in his love for his
native land he hoped that he would get his father's landa, vhich thıough
evil fate his uncle bad taken possessjon of. Akbar wrote to Khân. Kalan
and the other Panj&b officers to divide the Gakkhar territory into two
portions and to give one to Sultân Adam and the other to Kamâl
Khân. If Sultân Adam resists this order by disobedience, they are to
punish him. When Sul$ân Adam was informed of this order he and his
son LashkarI — who managed his father's affairs — refused obedience,

i For the construction of the Fort of Kohtis, see Qanungo, Sher Shah,pp. 405,
406, also pp. 233-235 for his campaign against the Gakkhars. Alao see Hidayat
Hosain's edition of Târikh -i-Shâhi. p. 205, note 2.

2 Akbamâma, Text II, p. 22, Beveridge's translation II, p. 38.

3 Akbamâma, Text II, pp. 78, 191, 192, Beveridge's translation II, pp. 119,
297.

760

KÂMGÂR K£İN.

Maâtnir

and the Panjâb troops along with Kamâl Khân entered the Gakkhar
territory and fought a great battle at the township of Hilân 1 . There
was a severe engagement and Sultân Adam was made a prisoner. Hİp
son Lashkari fled to the hills of Kashmir, but he too was made prisoner.
The whole of the Gakkhar territory which none of the former rulers of
Tndia had been able to subdue was conquered and made över to Kamâl
Khân. Sultân Adam and his son were also delivered up to him. He put
Lashkari to death and kept Sultân Âdâm in confinement tül he died.
it is st&ted in the Tabagât-i-Âkbarî* that Kamâl Khân attained the
rank of 5,000, and that he was distinguished for bravery and generosity.
it is also stated that he died in 970 A.H. (1562-63 A.D.) which was the
very year of his success. God alone knows what is true !

Kamgab Kpİn.

(Vol. m, pp. 159, 160.)

He was the seoond son of Ja'far Khân. He reoeived a suitable rank in
the beginning of Aurangzîb's reign. in the 7th year his rank was in-
creased to 1,000 with 200 horse and he was granted the title of Khân.
in the lOth year he became Bakjhahl of the A badU in suocession to Lutf
Ullâh Khân. in the 12th year he was appointed Dâröghfl of the Jewel
market, and in the 19th year was dkmissed for some reason, but in
the 21st year he was again received into favour and made Master of Works
(BuyûteÜ 8 ) in place of Rabmat ghân. in the 22nd year when the King
went to Ajmer, he was made governor of the fort of the Capital, in the
24th year he was made Reporter ( WSqi'a kfomn) in plaoe of Ashraf Khân,
and in the 25th year, on the death of ' Abd-ur-Rahim Khân he became
3rd Bakbshî. in the 27th year he became Master of the Horse in succes-
sion to Mugh*l Efeân "*! in tns 28tn vear Ddröghfl of the jilau (retinue)
and in the 30th year Superintendent of the Ohuslkhâna * in suocession to
Bahrahmand Khân. in the end of the same year, on the death of
Muhammad 'AH Khân he beoame Ehân-i-Sâmân 6 . Aftenvards, he
was removed and in the 33rd year was ordered to proceed with a body of
men to convey Muhammad Mu'aşçam's ladies to Shâhjahânâbâd (Delhi),
in the 43rd Vear ha obtaioed»4he rank of 3,000. For a time he was
govemor of the fort of Akbarâbâd (Âgra). His simplicities are well known,
and though he wu without talent, he on account of his illustrious
descent was much wrapped up in himself and did not defer to anybody.

ı Akbamöma, Text II, p. 193, Beveridge's translation II, p. 299. it is aferry
on the Jhelum.

s De's edition, Text II, p. 438, Translation II, p. 664. The date of his death
is given there aa 972 A.H.

3 For duties of Buyütât, see Sir Jadunath Sarkar, Mughal Administration,
pp. 52-54.

* For Ohuslkhâna or Daıdat&âna, see Ibn Hasan, Central Structure of the
Mughal Emfire, pp. 68-70, 77-80.

6 For J£han-i-Sdmân or Mir Sâmân, see Banarsi Prasad, History of Shahjahan,
p. 275; and Sir Jadunath Sarkar, Mughal Administration, pp. 48-52, vrhere his
duties are described in detail. Also see Ibn Hasan, The Central Structure of the
Mughal Empire, pp. 234-252.

-ıd-Umarü.

(BİNİ) kaban.

761

They say, that one day the King directed Amir * Khân of Thatha to
give a message to Kâmgâr Khân. He sent word of this by a confidential
person and requested the Khân to visit him. The Khân pretended igno-
rance and asked: "What Amir Khân? Amir Khân was our cousm "
The go-between said: "Amir Khân 'Abdul Karim of Thatha." Tbe
Khân said: "He is 'Abdul Karim the Farrâsh (carpet-spreader). Teli
him that we do not visit the houses of farrâshes." By this reıoark
he alluded to the fact that Mir 'Abdul Karim had been for a long time
Superintendent of the Oratory. When Amir Khân reported this story
to the King, he said : " After ali he is the son of Ja'far Khân. You shoulâ
not have sent for him to your house." The verses (Qit'a) of Ni'mat
Hıân 'Âlî, of which this is the first couplet, refer to Kâmgâr Khân.

Verse*

The second marriage of the Khân of lofty lineage (?)
Took place with perfect honour and splendour.

(RiNİ) Kaban.

(Vol. H, pp. 201-208.)

He was the son of Rânâ Amrâ son of Rftnâ Pratâp ahas Kikâ son of
Rânâ Udai Singh son of Rânâ Sângâ Zamindâr of M*w*r. M8wftr is
a part of the provinoe of Ajmer, and the Sarkar of Cbittör belongs to it.
it has 10,000 villages ». Its lengtb is 40 ho» and its breadth 33 kot, it
has three important forte, Chittör the Capital, Kömbalmîr, and Mandal.
The chief was formerly called Râwal, but for a long time he has been
styled Rânâ. He belongs to the Gahlöt elan. When they made their
home in the village of Sesöd they became known as Sesödias. They
claim to be descended from Naushîrwân the Just. Their great ancestor
was compelled by Fortune to come to Berâr and became known as the
ruler of Narnâla *. When Narnâla came into the possession of the enemy,
a young boy, Bâpâ by name, was conveyed from there to Mew*r by his
mother. She took proteetion under Râja Mandallk, a Bhil. When he
grew up he became famous for slaying beasts of prey, and became one of
the trusted «»ervants of the Râja. When the latter died he became tbe

ı Amir Khjn Sindhî of MadtJıir-ul-Umara, Text I, pp. 303-310, Beverıdse's
translation, pp. 253-259. * s

2 The poem is a coarge satire on an old man 's marrying a - ::.--.! ' ,: Xt
was Kâmgâr gfeân's seoond marriage. Ja'far J&ân the father of Kâmgâr Khân had
the title of ' Umdat-ul-Mulk and was nephew (sister's son) and son-in-law of Nûr
Jahto s brother Agaf aân. This biography is based mainly on the references in
MaatJitr t .Alamgin, pp. 82, 156, 166, 172, 206, 216, 240, 260, 281, 297, 330 405
and 497. '

3 See Jarrett's translation of Â'in, II, p. 268, where for village* " troops " is
î^r ted 'no' I v he number of villages is probably correct, as in the Impefial Gazetteer
AJUV, p. 93, it ıs stated that there are 6,044 villages and towns In'MeWâr (Udaip-"
exeludıng 94 managed by Ghıvernment of India. it is the area given in Text a- . • - .ı
A %n whıch seems to be wrong. in reality Mewâr has an area of över 12,000 sn. des.

4 Var. Parnâla. See Jarrett's translation of Â'în, II, pp. 234, 268. Narnâla
ıa in the Akölâ district of the Berârs, Imperial Gazetteer, X VTII p 379 The tex<
•s taken verbatim from the A'in, Text I, p. 505

762

(BİNİ) KABAN.

MaS&vr

Rfcia Rftnâ Sângâ w»s one of his descendants. He in *B3 £H£ < 13
Sda D) a£n?with other Râjas ^^£'^7 gE
and fought a battle witfa Bâbur and was defeated. in 934 A.H. (1528
A.D.)he died, and Rânâ Udai Singh succeeded hım.

in the 12th year of his reign Akbar proceeded to chastıse the sonsof
Sultan Muhammad Mîreâ who were stirring up strrfe in Mahra. When
he came to Dhölpûr, he, in order that the turbulent elemente ofMibra
might be thrown dftheir guard, ohserved» that many Rajas of Ind^tod
w»ited upon him, but that the Rânâ *as stili in the sleep of £orgetfutoes£
Now heNrould make a rapid march and puman hım. He turned ,to
Sakat Singh, the son of Rânâ Udai Singh, who was one of his «»r^nts
and said: May be that you can render useful service m tbıs case. He in
appearance agreed, but was alarmed and fled. I? vıew of thıs Akbar
determined to punish the Rânâ. He first estabhshed statıons m fort
Sivî » Sûpar and the town of Kötha and he also took the forts of Mandal
and Râmpûr. The neighbourhood of Udaipür was also devastated.
SttoTZTaken after abng siege. The Rânâ hid ^^**££
the bÜls. it appears that after some time be died, and that Ranâ Pratâp
«ucoeeded him* Accordingly, Abtü Fa^l writes in the ^™^»* £
the 18th year when Kunwar Mân Singh after chastjsıng the W» of
Döngarpflr came to üdaipûr, the Rânâ came out to meet hım and ^uton
İith respect the royal robe of honour. He eıpressed hımself warnüy
tTthe Kunwar and Jzcused bimaslf /or his delay m ^V^S^Si
in the same year the Rânâ sent his eHest son Amrâ akmg wıth Râja
Bhagvrân Dâs-who had oome thete from îdar-and he made use of
marTfiattering words and promised that after purgıng his offences he
îoHould ooml and kiss thethreshold. He also had an mto™w wıth
RKâTödar Mal-who was coming from Gujarât-and eshıbıted much
Slity. Amrâ after coming to the Court entered ithe Kmg sservıc^
in the 21st year Kunwar Mân Singh was ordered to chastıse Rana Pratâp
»nd came to Mândalgarh. After collecting his foroes he «narched fco
Göganda. A great battle took place and the Rana was defeated and
ned in the same year Akbar came there in person, and as the Rana
had" taken shelter in the hills, a force was appointed to aot agaınst hun
and to bring him and his eldest sonto the Court. Meanwhıle, the rebelhon
of Khusrau took paoe and the Rânâ sent his younger son Bagha. Atter-
wards, «Abdullah Khân Firüz Jang, and then Mahabat Khân were sent
to pur^ue him. But there was no result. At last m the «nd of the *
9t h P year Sulta» ghurram W as appointed to the ^ k - He / fî^™
stations and pressed him «o hard, that he had to submıt and waıt .upon
the Prinee, and to give his eldest son Karan to accompany hım. Kunwar
Karan received a robe of honour and a srord, and to subdue his savagery
he was every day awarded new favours. in the lOth year he was made

x Battle of S&âmıa on 16th March, 1527, see CambHdge ^^^J^r^O
o 17 in De's traSıtionof the TabaçU-i-Akbari, II, p. 39, note 1, the Şıjrt date M
Sreıi correctty. but 25th M«roh, 1526, is incorreot. ^

P a Aiharnİma Text XL p. 302, Beveridge's translatıon n, pp. 442, 443.

I '^pX' Um. SNV. A^" EUİot, V, p. 325, the Sheopur of /mpmoJ
fkıztttpzr XXII. p. 271, in the GwaHor State. . . . . „„„_

^TSe^s^ppointed in the end of the 8th year, see ^Sf^^SS^iS^
and Beveridge*» taLdation I, p. 256. The Btoâ submıtted m the 9th year (op.
dt., pp. 273^76). Hia name in that work ıa Bana Amar Şıngh.

III

•ul-Umara.

(BİNİ) KABAN.

763

a Panjhazâri with 5,000 horse, and was allowed to go home. Afterwards
hk son Jagat Singh came to the Court and receiyed a robe of honour
and went home with Har Dfts Jhâla. in the llth year Kunwar Karan
came to the Court, was honoured and again returned home.

When Suhjân îhurram was appointed to the Deccan oampaign,
Rânâ Amrâ Singh and Kunwar Karan waited upon him and sent the
grandohüd (Jagat) to aooompany him with 1 ,500 horse. in the 1 3th year,
when Jahângîr was proceeding from Gujarât to Igra, and came near
the Rânâ 's territory Kunwar Karan did homage. in the 14th year
Rânâ Amrâ Singh died *, and Jahângîr made Kunwar KaraD the Rânâ,
and granted him a robe of honour, r horse and an elephant. in the
18th year Jagat Singh his son oame to the Court. When Shâh Jahân,
after his father's death prooeeded from Junair towards Agra, Rânâ
Karan waited on him in the vicinity of his territory and was graciously
received. He died in the first year of Shâh Jahân's reign, 1038 * A.H.
(1628 A.D.), and Jagat Singh beoame'Rânâ and had the rank of 6,000
with 5,000 horse. in the campaign against Sân Jahân Lödî wben
Shah Jahân went to the Deccan, 600 horse under the command of the
Rânâ's uncle named Arjun were in attendance. For some time the
heir-apparent serv«d with the expedition, and it »was agreed that
500 horse undeı the charge of a reaponsible officer should always be on
duty in the Deccan. He also received from the K™g presents of jewels,
a robe of honour, an elephant and a horse. in the 26th year the Rânâ
died, and the heir-apparent irat granted the title of Rânâ Râj Singh
and the rank of 5,000 with 5,000 horse and received his native land in fief.

As in Jagat Singh *a lifetime it was reported, that he had begun to
repair Cbittör, although the agreement was that it should never be
repaired, the King appointed someone to inquire into this matter. When
it was reported that one or two gates out of the seven had been repaired,
Sa'ad Ullâh Khân was sent in the 28th year with a force to destroy the
fort and to devastate the country. Some parganas also were made
imperial stations. Rânâ Râj Singh went to Prinee Dârâ Shiköh and
represented his humility, and agreed to send his son and heir and to
demolish the repairs. He begged that his country might not be
devastated by the troops. Accordingly, Sa'ad Ullâh Khân returned
after destroying 3 the fort. The Rânâ sent his eldest son, who was six
years old, to the Court which was then at Ajmer together with his res-
ponsible officers and a present (peshkash}. The King presented him with
a robe of honour, jewels, an elephant and a horse, and as it appeared that
the child had not yet been named by the Rânâ, he was called Subhâg *
Singh. An order was also passed that the Rânâ should send his son and
500 horse to the Deccan.

When Aurangzlb came to the throne, the Rânâ received a robe
of honour, and in the 22nd year when the King was at Ajmer Rânâ Râj

1 Op. eU., II, p. 123.

* Tod, AnnaU and Antiçuüies of Rajastham (1914 edn.), I, p. 296, states that
R&nS Karan (Kurrun) died in Jahângîr's reign, though he gives the year aa 1628
but Jahângîr died on 7th November, 1627.

3 Tod, op. cü., p. 297, represents Jagat Singh or as he calin him Juggut Sing
as havıng repaired Chittör, and does not speak of the fortifications havine been
degtroyed. ™

* Subhâg — the fortunate. There is the variant Suhâg.

(RİO) KABAK BHCRTBJYA.

Maâthir

764

Singh, after asking *><**"»££££), SKESE E3S

to the Court. After ^ m * d »^^ySr ^ the levy f the Jü*. *

ahorseandanelephant £ £% , £^g£ ^ Râjpüt annoyance was

(poll-tax) was approved of ^ ™* *£«' JL, b ^ une presumptuouş.

added to their natural recalcıtrancy, and they from

Accordingly, it wa ^ re ^Se the ^nâ ^5^ abandonedüdaıpur

againstUdaipür andto chas "^ the KAna .± app ointed to pursue

and fled, and an army under Hasan Ah Kg J ^ Bîd&r ^t

him Afterwards, Muhammad A zam l ona ,- t wa8 traınpled

Se nominated to the task. When the Uanaar err£ oy ^ Re

u pon, he left his home, and was mt kont J£j^»*«d the parganas

supplicated the Prince and in beu ot the_ ^zy Sumandar « tank

of Mandal and Butor. Then he ^cam to^ J ^ of ^

(Rio) Karan BhCrthiya. 5
(Vol. II, pp. 287-291.)

t t?ö~ =înr After hi8 father's death he, in the 4th

He was the son of Rao Sur Arter nıs horge

year of Shâh Jahân's reıg n . attam ed th^rank oW,uw ^ rf ^

and the title of Râo and f^^ountrTand did homage. He was
5th year he came ; from bis natıve coumry men the d

sent off along mth Vazn JB^ to ^^ on the march to that
Khân, in accordanoe wıth orders retoneü ^ tQ the D can
pîace, he too came back Jf£™™£ J & tabâ f He ako served well
Ld did good semce ınthe takm« of ^^^^ ^ an he was attached
at the siege of Parenda. Aiter tüe Kjean ^ wheR th

to Khân Daurân the gover, a or of |^anpur. ^^ ^

King came to the Deccan, and l ^™ »^ « In the 22nd year he
to Uke Bijâpür, ^^S^utsS to Siyâdat Khân and had
was made governor of Daulatabaa m home j the

an increase of 500 horse and the ^^*££m e 2>50 o with 2,000 horse.
23rd year he had ^. ıncrea , se ^o^^h 2,000 horse, and aftenvards,

^\™uz asüri^ to »*. *«** »>***

-W- Unıarâ.

(RİO) KARAN BHÜRTHIYA.

765

* "? Kefe ^^^SS'^SSTSS a^^ith M^-'«n,

and Tod, V eö., P- 310). See ^^^d o P . <*., p, 310 the Muhamma-
oalledMândalpür and B a u ^^ ed ty theRâjpüte ; e/. Safî S**, H, pp. 263, 264,
flaııs were several tımes defeatea oy ww jr ....

"^I { Z*^Ş^^ ^nadnaga, see Banarsi Pra.ad, Hi,^ o/
Shahjaharı, pp. 137-149.

the increase of 600 and 500 horse — whioh he had received on condition
of governing the fort of Daulatâbâd — was withdrawn. When the duty
was entrusted to him of oonquering the Sarkar Jawar 1 in the province of
Aurangâbâd, which is bounded in the North by Baglâna, South by the
Könkan, West by some districts of the Könkan, and East by Nâsik, —
and of which the port of Jewal is a part — and where Sripat the Zamîndâr
was behaving contumaciously, he, on the recommendation of Prince
Aurangzîb, was restored to the above increase, and Sarkar Jawâr — of
which the revenue was 60 lacs of ddms — ^was assigned to him. He was
deputed by the Prince and proceeded towards that district. When he
arrived at the borders of Sarkar Jawâr, the Zamîndâr was not able to
resist him and submitted . He gave money by way of tribute and took the
revenues of the district into his charge, and made över his son to aecom-
pany Râo Karan as a hostage. After his return Râo Karan waited on the
Prince in the 28th year. When on the occasion of Shâh Jahân's iUness
the influence of Dârâ Shiköh became supreme, the officers who had been
sent with Aurangzîb to conquer Bîjâpür were recalled and set off for the
Court. Râo Karan also left the Deccan without the Prince 's leave,
and went to his home. Accordingly, in the 3rd year of Aurangzib's
reign, Amir Khân Khawâfî was deputed to Bîkânîr. When he reached
the boundary, Râo Karan submitted 2 and came to the Court with the
Khân and did homage along with his sons Anüp Singh and Padam Singh.
He received the rank of 3,000 with 2,000 horse, and was again appointed
to the Deccan. In the 9th year he went off with Diler Khân Dâüdza'I
to punish the Zamîndâr of Chânda s , but as he committed faults he
became an object of censure. The chiefship of his tribe and the govern-
ment of his native country were given to his son Anüp Singh, who \vas
granted the rank of 2,500 mth 2,000 horse. Owing to the income from
his fiefs having been stopped, he fell into distressed circumstances and
came and settled in Aurangâbâd. In the lOth year corresponding to
1077 A.H. (1666-67 A.D.*) he died. Outside of the town of Aurangâbâd,
on the south side, inclining to the west, there is a quarter which is named
after him. He had four sons, Anüp Singh, Padam Singh, KesarI Singh,
and Möhan Singh. The three last died childless.

They say 5 that Sultân Muhammad Mu'azzam was favourably
inoJined to Möhan Singh, and that on this account the latter became an
object of envy to the Prince 's servants. One by the name of Muhammad
Shâh the Mir Tuznk (Master of Ceremonies), — whose tame deer had
entered Möhan Singh's premises — had a quarrel with Möhan Singh in
the öpen Darbâr, and this became very acute. Each used weapons
against the other. Other men joined and Möhan Singh was \vounded.
Thoııgh Padam Singh was not on good terms with his brother, he on

1 Jawhar, a native state in the Thâna district of the Bombay Presidency, aee
Imperial Oazetteer,XIV, p. 87. it is the Djavar of Tiefenthaler, I, p. 486.

2 Maöthir-i-' Alamgürî, p. 32; ' Âlamgirnâma, p. 599; Sbâfi Kfrân,, II, p. 122.

3 Aecording to Maât/ıir-i-' Âlamglrî, p. 59, the name of the Zamîndâr of Chânda
was Mânjî Malar.

4 The lOth year of Aurangzib's reign exteııded from July, 1667 to June,
1668 and Râo Karan must have died dııring this period.

6 See the story in Tod, op. cit., p. 145, note. He refers to Ferishta, but as
that writer died in Jahângîr's reign, the reference is really to Jönathan Scott's.
trarıslation.

766

KİBTALAB Kg AN.

Madthir

hearing of the affair came and killed Muhammad Shâh. They put
Möhan Singh into a palanquin and were taking him to his house, but
he died on the way. Anüp Singh was at first appointed to tbe Deocan
expedition and in the battle fought by Bahâdur Khân Koka he was on
the left wing along with 'Abdul Karim Miyâna. in the 18th year,
at the request of tbe said Khân he received the title of Râja, and in the
19th year when a battle took place under the leadership of Diler Khân
Dâüdza'î with the Dencanis, he was in the rearguard. in the 21st year
be was left to defend Aurangâbâd. in that year Shivâ Bhönsle inveated
the city. Anüp Singh came out with his troops to his own quarter.
Meanwhile, Khân Jahân Bahâdur, who in that year was governor of the
Deccan, came up, and the enemy fled. in the 30th year he was appointed
governor of the fort of Naıjratâbâd, and in the 33rd, he, in succession to
Râo Dalpat Bundela was appointed to the charge of Imtiyâzgarh Adönî.
Iû the 35th year he was removed from there and in the 41st he died.
The chiefship then came to his son Sarüp Singh who held the rank of
1,000 with 500 horse, and who did service under DJjülfaqâr Khân Bahâdur.
After him his son Anand Singh and his grandson Zörâwar Singh became
ohiefs. At the time of writing, Gaj Singh the adopted son of Z5râwar
Singh, who is of the same tribe, is the chief .

Kârtalab KjpiN.

(Vol. III, pp. 153, 154.)

He was originally a Mahratta, and his name w as Baswant Râo.
in the reign of Jahângîr he became one of the rpyal servants and was
appointed to the Deccan. He was given tbe rank of 2,000 with 1 ,000
horse. Afterwards, vrhen he became a Muhammadan, he had the title of
Kârtalab Kh ân. in the 3rd year of Shâh Jahân 's reign, when the royai
standarda were established in the Deccan, his rank was increased to 3,000
with 2,000 horse. in the 9th year when the King came to the Deccan
for the second time, and troops were appointed to chastise Shâhü Bhönsle
and to ravage the territory of ' Adil Khân. he was sent along with Khân
Zaman. After that he served with the governors of the Deccan. in
the 30th year he was attached to Prinee Muhammad Aurangzîb Bahâdur
in the ezpedition against Qutb-ul-Mulk 1 . After that business was dis-
posed of, he was sent' off by the Prinee along with Kesar Singh Zamindâr
of Deogarh to collect a sum of money for which the above named (Kesar
Singh)" was responsible. Afterwards when the Fates made another
arrangement, and the Prinee proceeded to Upper India on the pretext of
inquiring after his father's health, he conciliated Kârtalab Khân and took
him with him. He was attached to Aurangzib's stirrups in the battles 2
against Mahârâja Jaswant Singh and Dârâ Shiköh. He died at his
appointed time.

I -ul-Umarâ.

1 The reference is to the expedition against Gölconda in 1655 A.D.. see Sir
Jadunath Sarkar, Hiatory of Aurtmgzib, I, pp. 204-212.

2 Battle öf Dharmat, April 25, 1658 A.D. and Sâmügarh, June 8, 1658 A.D.,
see Sarkar, op. cit., II, pp. 359, 377.

HBAIJl tTLLlH KBİN.

'Sbalil Ullah gplN.
(Vol. I, pp. 775-782.)

767

He was the younger brother of Aşâlat Khân * Mir Bakhshî H« ™
mamed to Hamida Bânü Begam the aaughter of Saif Khân 2 and th"
daughter's daughter of Aşaf Khân Yamin-ud-DauIa (Nür Jahân's brother?
in the reign of Jahângîr he was imprisoned by Mahâbat Khân a W
wıth Aşaf (Yamin-ud-Daula) at the time of Mahâbat Khân's usurpation
of authority. in the 3rd year of Shâh Jahân's reign he received the title
of Khân, and afterwards was made Mir Tuzuk s (Court Chamberlain) in
the 6th year «, 1042 A.H., 1632 A.D., he was made Mir Itish (Head of
the Artillery), and in the 9th year he attained the rank of 2,000, and was
made Qarâwcd Beg (Chief huntsman). in the 18th year he obtained the
rank of 3,000 with 2,000 horse « and was made Çürbegi « (Keeper of the
Arsenal). in the 19th year he was sent along with Prinee Murâd Bakjjsh
for the capture of Balkjj and Badakhshân, and became leader of the left
wing of the reserve. The Prinee sent off Khalîl üllâh Khân witb Chîn
Qullj Kh>n and Mirza Naud£ar 7 Şafavi from Chârîkârâu to go by Abdarah
and take the forts of Kahmard « and GJjöri. The gjıan by his rapidity
went on one stage ahead with Mîrzâ Naudiar and when they passed the
katal (defile) of Gandak 9 — which is the boundary betw«en the province
of Kabul and Kahmard, he appointed a body of men to go with ali possible
speed to Kahmard. The Üzbegs were diaconcerted as soon as the heroes
arrıved and left the fort and fled. A few of them at first stood firm,
but at last they asked for quarter and surrendered the fort.

Khalîl Ullâh ghân after taking steps for strengthening the fort
went on ;şith Mîrzâ Naudhar a stage ahead of Qulîj Khân and sent on
a force against Ghörî— who had come out of the fort under the impression
that the imperial troops were men of the Hazârâjât,— but after a short
stnıggle fled. The gallant men followed elose on his heels and entered

Maâthir-ul-Umarâ, Text I, pp. 167-172,

1 Aşâlat I&ân Mir 'Abdul Hadi,
Beveridge's translation, pp. 295-299.
„ ,. 2 Maât]iir : ul-Um*râ, Text II, pp. 416-421. His name was Saif I^ân Mîrzâ
çatı and his wıfe— the daughter of Yamin-ud-Daula, — was Malika Banü. She died
m the 14th year of Shâh Jahân's reign. ghalll TJllâh ^ea was son of Mir Miran
et Yazd. His grandfather, who was also ealled ^««1 Ullâh Sıân. left Yazd and came
to lndıa wıth his son Mir Mîrân on aceount of his famüy having been ill-treated by
Shah Abbâs, vtde asfl Sân, I, p. 627; this was in JahângıVs time. The grand-
chüdren remamed in Persia, but afterwards came to India.

* See Banarsi Prasad, Hisiory of Shahjahan, p, 273. He was the Court Cham-
berlain or Master of Ceremonies.

4 Bâdshâhnâma, I, p. 474.

w 5 F ? r 3 ade * aileddiscussi onofthetermsö)lâ<and5 , M«;âr, see Blochmann's trans-
latıon of A in I (2nd edn.), pp. 249-259; Irvine, Army of the Indian Moghuls, p. 9;
lTıpathı, 1-na.mn HtstoriccU Records Commission, V, pp. 60-62: Banarsi Prasad
op. cıt., pp. 284-289.

6 Qürbeg in dietionaries is given to ıoean Keeper of Arsenal, but Banarsi Prasad,
op. cıt., p. 273, following Beni Prasad, Hiatory of Jahangir, p. 96, ealls him " in
charge of the royal standarda '* or " Lord Standard-bearer ". Irvine in Army of the
Indian Moghuls, p. 205, deseribes him as officer entrusted with the insignia and
standards.

» Son of Mîrzâ Haidar and grandson of Mîrzâ Muzaffar Safavi, vide Bâdshüh-
nama, II, pp. 99, 521.
8 North of Bâmiân.
6 Gambadhak in Bâdshâhnâmn, II, p. 521.

768

gHALÎL ULLÂH KHİN.

Maâthir

the fort after fighting with him, Qabâd took refuge in the citadel, and then
came to terms with Khalîl Ullâh Khân and waited upoıı him. The said
Khân made över the fort to ihtimam Khân and joined the Prince along
with Qabâd. After that country had come into the possession of the
imperial servants and the learned Sa'ad Ullâh Khân had arrived in the
city of Balkb for the purpose of making a settlement, Khalîl Ullâh Khân
took the oonfidential servants of Nadhar Muhammad Khân with him and
retutçned to the Court. in 4>he 20th year he again went off to the Balkb
campaign with the fortunate and victorious Prince Muhammad
Aurangzib. He had arrived at Duhâk when he heard x of the death of
Aşâlat Khân (his elder brother), and from excess of affeotion his heart
turned away from worldly matters and he retired into solitude. Though
the Prince came to console him and gave him counselş of patience and
said to him that at suoh a crisis it was repugnant to loyalty to withdraw
himself from the King's service, the exhortation had no effect.
Aceordingly, he was punished by being üeprıved of his rank and jdgir
in the 21st year he showed signs of repentance, and was again given the
manşab of 4,00(3 Dhât with 3,000 horse, the fief of Mewât and its faujdâri
in succession to Shâh Beg Khân. and was ordered to go to his fief from
Lâhöre without having the honour of waiting upon the Sovereign. in
the 22nd year he was made Bakhshi. in the 23rd year he was appointed
in succession to Ja'far Khân to the high post of Mır Bakhshi, and in the
24th year he received an increase of 1,000 horse, and on the death of
Mukarmat Khân he was made Şubâdâr of Shâhjahânâbâd. in the 26th
year he was made a Panjhazârî (5,000) with 4,000 horse and was appointed
with a large force to go in company with ' Alî Mardan Khân Amîr-ul-Umarâ
to protect Kabul — the government of which had been assigned to Prince
Dârâ Shiköh and his son — but which the Prince was leaving to besiege
Qandahâr. After that, as the ruler of Srînagar (Garhvvâl) — which is
in the hills north of the Capital — trusting to the strength of his fort and
the düficulties of the hills, had not since the accession of Shâh Jahân
paid his respects, and was showing signs of rebellion, Khalîl Ullâh Khân
was appointed to chastise him. He was, however, ordered first to go to
his fief and put it in order, and then to go on the expedition. in the
29th year he came from his estatee to the Capital and in Şafr 1065 Â.H.
(December, 1654 A. D.) set out with 8,000 horse. The Zamindâr of
Sirmür 2 — which is the top of a hill north of the Capital, and the plaoe
from which ice comes to Shâhjahânâbâd — joined Khalîl Ullâh Khân and
assisted him. When he came to the Dün — -whieh is a place outside of
the hills of Srînagar and is in length 20 Jcos and in breadth five kos, and
one end of which touches the Jumnâ and another the Ganges, and has
in both directions villages and cultivated estates — he began near
Khelâghar to establish stations (thânas). Up to the bank of the Ganges
he buut earthen forts at every place that he J ıdged proper, and appointed
bodies of men to look after them. When he came to the bank of the
Ganges, which had to be crossed in order to enter the hills, he sent a force
across and took possession of (hâna Chândnî which was a dependency of
Srînagar outside of the Dün and Khelâghar. Bahâdur Chand the ruler
of Kumâön joined the army with the intention of rendering service.

1 Bû/ishâhnârna, II, p. 677.
* Elliot, VII, p. 105.

.ul-Umarâ.

ZEAIJL TTLLlH KBİN.

769

As the raıny season had nearly arrived, and the season for
campaıgmng and for entering the hill-country was över, and moreover
there was no reason for capturing that country the climate of which was
mınucal to ali but the ınhabitants, who belonged to the race of demons
and wıld beasts Khalîl Ullâh Khân, in accordance with the imperial
orders reserved the question of the hills and settled the Dûn— the revenue
of whıch at that time was 150,000 rupees or sixty lacs of dâms for
the twelye months-on Chatr Bhöj Chûhân as his fief on condition of
his resıdıng there. Chatr Bhöj then had a munfab of 1,500 with 1 000
horse. İne thâna of Chândnî was made över to the kröri of Hardwâr ı
Thereafter Khâlil Ullâh ghân returned to the Court and was again granted
an ıncrease of two-horse and three-horse troopers. in the 31*t year
when after the sudden illness of Shâh Jahân, aflairs took a different turn
and a change of resıdence became essential, he in Muharram 1068 A h'
(October-November, 1657 A.D.) moved from Shâhjahânâbâd to Agra!
the said ghan was appointed to take eharge of the former city. When
in the end of Shâh Jahân's reign Dârâ Shiköh placed *, on aceount of
suspıcıon, Muhammad Amîn ghân (son of Mir Jumla) the Mir Bakhshi »
under surveıUance, that high office was restored to Khalîl Ullâh Khân
After that when Dârâ Shiköh resolved to oppose Aurangzlb, he, fronTthe
great confidence that he had in Khalîl Ullâh Khân, sent * him off with
a strong army by way of vanguard from Agra to Dhölpür . On the dav
of the battle he, with the Mir 5 ( ?) Türâniâns and royal officers had
command of the rıght wing. As he had secretly made promises of service
and loyalty (to Aurangzib) he, in the height of the engagsment, with 15 000
troopers who were swordsmen and spearmen, did not move from' his
place though the Üzbeg troops who were with him behavtd br««Iy
and dıd what they could to repulse the foe. After Dârâ Shiköh's defeat
and when Aurangzib was encamped in the environs of Agra, Fâdil Khân
the Khan-ı-Saman- ca,me again» on behalf of Shâh Jahân andoflfered
congratulatıons and invited Aurangzib to wait upon the Emperor
Aurangzib at first accepted the proposal, but aftenvards at the instigation
of self-opımonated advisers refused to go and do homage to his flther

™*l £ Sent — aM D1Kh aân and Fâdil ®& n ith messages. Khalîl
Uüah Khan who in consequence of the former concord was admittid to
a prıvate ıntervıew before Fâdil ghân, spoke so much against the invitation
tnat Aurangzib s alarm and dread were increased a hundredfold, and he
detamed » KhaM Ullâh Khân and sent back Fâdil Khân without the latter

s;, t j N * g tî. ? âs , the F* 5 * 1 of Hardw »r. «*<& Elliot, VE, p. 107. For Kröri see
Sır Jadunath Sarkar, MughaL Administration, p. 41, note t
8 Alamgimöma, pp. 84, 95.

tro 2m İ^ W ^ mBee ^ n Hasan TAe Central Structure of the Mughal Empire,
pp. <il0-233. He dıscusseB m detaU the meaning of the word [Bakhshi thn t>„^kI>

* lihaı ı Khan. II, p. 22.

thBÎiİ£ a E mh B &ai ? aanot lî T^* 11 ^ but °e had Ozbegs under him, vide
fi£3 ' r ' P ." I. 6 ' ^PP^ 11 ^ the w»wi occurs in t ex t be^ause the «rtîıorü
ahstractmg from 'Ala^irn^na, p. 95, where at line 4 from bottom the^SK?
( ji\~>)~ occurs after the mention of some Üzbeg names
II, p° ^g™ 9 *™ 1 ™' P- 112 - See aI *° »ir Jadunath Sarkar, Hirtory of Aurangzib,

rities'are'totd™"'" ' PP ' "^ "^ *"*"' ^ °*- P ' U6 > where aU relevant » uth °-

770

(MÎE) KBALtL TTLLİH YAZDI.

Madihir

having attained his object . Though the office of Mir Bakfchî was restored
to Muhammad Amin Khân, but 'Umdat-ul»Mulk Khalil Ullâh Khân was
raised to the rank of 6,000 two-horee and three-horse troopers. Heww
sent off from Aghrâbâd 1 in Delhi in command of the forces in pursuit of
Dârâ Shiköh, and he, with Bahâdur Khân Koka did not draw the reins
tili they reached Multân. At the sime time, in the beginning of the year
1069 A.H. (1658 A.D.) Khalil Ullâh Khân was made governor of the Panjâb.
in the 4th year he fell ili at Lâhöre and as the illness became protracted
he came to the Capital, but on account of weakness was unable to pay his
respects and alighted at this own quarters. Taqarrub Khân (Hakim
Dâ'ûd) and others of the royal physicians were ordered to visit him.
He had been much reduced by the length of the illness, and a süght
injury— the consequence of carelessness in the matter of food — made his
case beyond the reach of medicine ! On 2 Rajab, 1072 A.H. (21 February,
1662 A.D.} he died. Aurangzîb * in appreciation of his services cast
the shadow of kindness on his representatives and showed them various
favours. Mir Khân, Rûh Ullâh Khân, and * Aziz Ullâh his sons and Iftikhâr
Khân, Multafat Khân ahd Bahâ'-ud-Din his brother's sons and Saif Ullâh
Şafavî his son-in-law received dresses of honour. His wife and daughter
received an annual aUowance of Bs.50,000, and his sons and son-ın-law
received increases of rank.

Khalil Ullâh Khân was of noble origin, and had great abüıty ; he
long served the royal dynasty. He spent his last days in loyalty to_the
reigning Emperor. Fot these reasons he acquired a great name. They
say that Khalil Ullâh Khân in comparison with his elder brother Aşâlat
Khân was rough in speech and manners. When both brothers were
appointed to aceompany Shâh Shujâ' to the siege of ParSnda, Mahâbat
Khân was as much vexed with and full of complaints about Khalil Ullâh
Khân as he was pleased with Aşâlat Khân. Aşaf Khân too was always
worried on account of his unaccommodating nature 3 .

(Mnt) KpalIl Ullİh YazdI.

(Vol. III, pp. 335-342.)

He was a descendant of that paragon of wisdpm Saiyid Nür-ud-Dîn
Shâh Ni'mat * Ullâh the saint who is famed throughout the world for his

* Khâfi Ehân, n, p. 39, who saya the Agharâbâd garden is now known as Bâjh
Shâlâmâr; see also Sarkar, op. cit., p. 446.

2 Maâthir-i-' Âlamgtri, p. 39, and ' Alamgîrnâma, pp. 662, 663.

3 Bemier, pp. 53, 54, refere Khâlîl Ullâh and speaks of his treacherous advice to
Dârâ but see the iudieious remarks of Elphinstone, History of India (1905 edn.),
p. 584. According to Bemier, Khalil Ullâh was made Mîr Bakhshî in place of hu
patron Dânishmand who had resigned as he was not a favourite wıth Dârâ. He
also says that Khalil Ullâh behaved treacherously to Dârâ beeause the latter had
had him beaten with sUppere. If Khalil Ullâh stood stül and did not attack the foe,
would he have ventured afterwards to advise Dârâ or would Dârâ have ustened
to him ' Bemier sesms to be the only person whQ speaks of Khalil Ullâh s having
30,000 Mughals under him. Khâfi Kh&n, II, p. 26, speaks of his attacking Murâd
Bakhsh with 3 or 4,000 Ozbeg archers. The TaâtUfa-vl-Vmarâ says he made the
Shâlâmâr gardens in Lâhöre at a cost of six lacs. For further details see Sir Jadu-
nath Sarkar, History of Aurangzib, II, p. 399, note.

« in %jhazîna Âsflya, I, p. 114, it is stated that Ni'mat Ullâh belonged to the
Qâdirî order. Also see Beale, Oriental BiographiccU Dictionory (1881 edn.), P- 203,
according to which he died in 1424 or 1431 A.D.

-ul-Umarâ.

(MİB) SBALIL TTLLİH YAZDI.

771

mıracles and expoeitionB. His lineage goes up to the imâm Mösâ Kâzim
(the 7th imâm), may God's blessings be on him and his venerable descend-
antsl The place where the Saiyid was born and reared has not been
asoertained, but after acquiring knowledge from many distinguished
men he settled in Kirman. The Iearned men of that place accused him
of heresy, and he answered, "They acknowledge the goodness of God,
and afterwards they deny the same, but the greater part- of them are
unbelievers" (Sûra 16, v. 85). As the Saiyid was a pupil of 'Abdullah
Yaman! Shâfa'i some regarded him as belonging to the Shâfa'i sect,
but the following verse of his proves the contrary.

Verse.

They say to me what is your religion ?

ignorants, what religion do I have ?
From Shâfa'i and Abü Hanîfî.

1 hold my own mirror before myself ;
They are ali foliowers of my ancestor ; 1
I hold the faith of my ancestor.

His writings in treatises and pamphlets amount to nearly 500.
As the report of his abilities spread everywhere the kings of the age put
the rings of his discipleship in their ears. He died in the year 728 A.H.,
and is buried in Mânân 2 one of the dependencies of Kirman.

Authorities düTer in the accounts of his sons. Those of the order,
who to this day sit on the seat of their ancestors, maintain that they are
descended from Amir Ghiyâtb-ud-Dîn who was the direct son of the
Saiyid. But some maintain that the only son of the Saiyid was Shâh
Khalil Ullâh. When Sultân Ahmad Bahmanî of the Decean, who founded
the city of Bîdar became, in absence 3 , a disciple of the Saiyid, he begged
that he would send him one of his sons. The Saiyid was not willing to
send his son, as he had only one, and so sent his son's son Nür Ullâh *.
Under the circumstances, Ghiyâ^-ud-Din may be a title of Shâh Khalil
Ullâh, and it is also probable that the birth of Amir Ghiyâth.-ud-Din
may have taken place after this event.

They say that Sultân Ahmad considered the arrival of his Master's
descendant (grandson) a great boon, and with his officers and sons
met him in the envirpns of the city and brought him to his home. He
established a village at the place of meeting and called it Ni'matâbâd.
He exerted himself to the utmost to do him honour and gave him the
title of King of Shaikhs {Malik-ul-Mâsha ilçh) and ordered that he should

1 Presumably, Mûsâ Kâzim who was born in 128 A.H. = 745-46 A.D., see
Kbazina Aşfiya, I, p. 48.

2 Mâhân is situated to the south-east of Kirman. Seven appears to be a mistake
in the Text for 8, as Ni'mat Ullâh belonged to the 8th century of the Hijra and died
in the 9th century in 834 A.H. (1431 A.D.), see Ferishta (Newal Kishore edn.) I,
p. 329 and Rieu, Persian MSS.»Cat. II, p. 634, where it is stated that Mâhân is eight
passages (leagues) from Kirman, and that Ni'mat Ullâh died there on 22 Rajab,
834 A.H. (April, 1431 AD.) at the age of 103 or 104 lunar years.

3 Obâi'bâna, i.e. without having had a personal interview with the Saint.

* Ferishta says Ni'mat Ullâh firet sent his disciple Qutb-ud-Din, and afterwards
his grandson Nür Ullâh, vide his account of Ahmad Shâh Bahamani, I (Newal
Kishore edn.), pp. 328, 329.

772

(«OK) EBALtL TJLLİH YAZDI.

Maâthir

have precedence över the son of Saiyid Muhammad Gesü Darâz. He
also gave him his daughter in marriage. Shâh Khalîl Ullâh also after his
revered father's death came with his two sons Shâh Habîb Ullâh and
Shâh Muhib Ullâh to Muhammadâbâd (Ahmadâbâd) Bidar. When he
had accomplished his purpoBe he returned to his native country. But
some J say that he died in the Deccan. As Shâh Habîb Ullâh and Shâh
Muhib Ullâh became connected by marriage with Sultân Ahmad and his
son Prince 'Alâ'-ud-Dîn, Shâh Habîb Ullâh entered 2 the service of the
son, and made över the charge of the monastery to his younger brother
Shâh Muhib Ullâh. He himself assumed the pomp and circumstance
of Amîrship and indulged in drums and a retinue. He obtained the
township of Bîr as a fief. When the sovereignty came to the son of
Sultân 'Alâ'-ud-Dîn who was known as Hümâyûn Shâh the T^rant,
he imprisoned Habîb Ullâh who had opposed him. As the latter's brain
was suffused with the vapoursof leadership, he escaped from confinenıent,
but was at last put to death. The chronogram 3 is : Bar âmad ruh yak
Ni'mat Ullâh (The püre soul of Ni'mat Ullâh departed). His descendants
are stili living in the Deccan. Some persons in Badakhshân and Türâfa
also claim relationship with the Saiyid. Probably in course of time one
of his descendants had göne to those regions. A strange thing is that
every one of them has a different creed and ascribes it to the Saiyid.
Those who are in Yazd and Kirman, and represent their great ancestor,
have not varied but preserve his doctrines, and his lineage. One of this
family who rose to honour and prosperity in Persia (Fars) and 'Irâq
was Mîr Nizâm-ud-Dîn 'Abd, the successor of Shâh Şafî-ud-Dîn son of
Amir Gbiyâth-ud-Dîn. He became Şadr of Shâh Ismâ'îl Şafavl. The
Vakîl of the State, Amîr Najm T_hânî, had great faith in this family,
and when he went to Balkh he made the Mor his deputy. When Amîr
Najm Thânî was killed (at Gajdîwân) the Mîr became the royal VaMl.
He fell into the hands of the Turks at the battle of Châldirân in 920 A.H.
(1514 A.D.) and was killed. His son Saiyid Na'îm-ud-Dîn known as
Ni'mat Ullâh II — who was distinguished for his piety and abstinence and
who spent his days in prayer — was married by Shâh Tahmâsp Şafavî to his
own sister, Khâniah Khânam. He died in Hamadân and left behind him
more than 40 lacs of rupees ; these were divided between his son Amir
Ghiyâth-ud-Din Muhammad Mîr Miran and his daughter Pari Paikar
(Fairy-faced) Khânam. Mîr Mîrân was the object of honour by the Shâh
and had the title of Murtadâ-i-Maınmâlik-i-Islânı — the chosen of the
realms of islâm. His sons Mir Ni'mat Ullâh and Mir Khalîl Ullâh became
famous by marrying in the Şafavl family. The faithful of the order of
Shâh Ni'mat Ullâh behaved to him as diseiples, and received enlightcn-
ment from him. They were unrivalled for their grandeur, houses,

1 This seems to be taken from Ferishta, op. cit.

2 There is evidently something wrong in the Text here. İn Maâthir-ıd- Umara,
III, p. 337, it is stated that Habîb Ullâh died (dar guzasht) in the reign of 'Ala '-ud-
Dln, but on the next page it is noted that Habîb Ullâh, was put to death in Hümâyûn
Shah's reign. it aİBO epeaks of Nûr Ullâh when apparently Habîb Ullâh is meant.
it was Muhib Ullâh who became the son-in-law of 'Alâ'-ud-Dîn (see Ferishta,
op. cit.

3 The chronogram is by Saiyid Tâhir Astarâbâdi, and fonns the 4th line of
a quatrain, see Ferishta, op. cit., p. 342 and De and Prashad's translation of Tabaçât-
i- A kbari, III, p. 84.

-ul-Umarâ.

(MtE) gHALİL TJLLAH YAZDI.

773

gardens, ete. Their pensions, perquisites, ete, came to 5,000 tömâns
and as the disposition 1 of the Mîr was not free from ambition and self-
seeking, in 998 A.H. (1590 A.D.) the 3rd year of Shâh 'Abbâs I 's reign,
Yaktâsh Khân Afshâr son of Valî Khân Qûrchîbâshî the governor of Kirman
and Yazd, who was a trickster and an ambitious man, and was the son-in-
law of the Mîr (Mîrân) instigated him to aim at the rule of ali Persia. The
end of the affair was, that there was fighting at Yazd with Ya'qüb Khân
the Amîr-ul-Umarâ of the country and that Ektâsh Khân entered the city.
Ya'qüb Khân sent a message to the Mîr Mîrân that as Yaktâsh Khân was
the enemy of the King, he makes him över to the Mîr. The latter,
in order to avert suspicion from himself and to save himself, contrived
to get Yaktâsh Khân into his power, and kept him in custody until he
committed suicide. Theıeupon Ya'qüb Khân felt oontempt for the
Mîr and hia other sons, and levied from him large sums as tribute and
fines. But he inereased his defence for Mîr Khalîl Ullâh, who had always
been opposed to his father and to Yaktâsh Khân. After Yaktâsh Khân's
widow, "who was the daughter of Mîr Mîrân, had observed the time of her
mourning, he (Ya'qûb Khân) married her. Afterwards, when Mîr Khalîl
reached the summit ' of success, and he became arrogant, the Shâh
proceeded in the 4th year of his reign to Fars. Mîr Mîrân waited upon
him. Meanvvhile Shahr Bânü Begam, the wife of Mîr Ni'mat Ullâh,
his son — who was the husband of Shâh Tahmâsp's daughter — died a
natural death in Isfahan, and the Shâh himself paid him a visit of condo-
lence and consolation. But except that Mîr Khalîl was graciously treated,
he did not get any further honour. When the Shâh came to Yazd,
he alighted at the Bâgh Gulshan — which was Mir Khalîl Ullâh's residence,
and Mîr Khalîl Ullâh's wife, who was the daughter of Ismâ'îl Mîrzâ the
son of Shâh Tahmâsp, performed the duties of a hostess. The Shâh
conferred various favours on Mîr Khalîl and made över the affairs of Yazd
to him. Afterwards, however, Mir Khalîl also for some reasons became
the object of the Shâh's censure, and from fear of his life fled with his
two sons Mîr Mîrân and Mîr Zahîr-ud-Din in very straitened circumstances
to India which is the abode of security. in the 2nd year of Jahângîr's
reign, 1016 A.H. (1608 A.D.) he did homage at Lâhöre, and received the
rank of 1,000 with 200 horse, and a fief, and a present of Rs. 12,000 for
expenses. The year had not ended when he died of diarrhoea 2 . His
eldest son Mîr Mîrân received royal favours and was married to Şâlih
Bânü Begam the daughter of Âşaf Khân Yamîn-ud-Daula, and his two
sons Mîr 'Abdul Hâdî and Mîr Khalîl Ullâh — who on account of their
tender age had remained in Persia — were out of kindness asked to be
sent to India by Jahângîr in a letter to Shâh 'Abbâs. They both rose
to high ranks in the Indian Empire, as has been mentiohed separately in
their accounts 3 . Mîr Zahîr-ud-Dîn resigned service and lived in retire-
ment. Shâh Jahân granted him an annual allowance of Rs. 18,000,
and on thu feast of the 'id and at the New Year sho\ved him special

1 Taken from 'Âlâm Arâ'i, account of 2nd year of Shâh 'Abbâs I.

2 He died in the 3rd year of Jahângîr's reign in June 1608 A.D., see Bogers and
Beveridge's translation of Tüzuk-i-Jahângiri, I, pp. 145, 305.

3 For the biography of Aşâlat Khân Mîr 'Abdul Hâdî, see M aâtJiir-ul- Umara,
Text I, pp. 167-172, and Beveridge's translation, pp. 295-299, while that of Khalîl
Ullâh Khân (Text I, pp. 775-782) is published immediately preceding this account,
pp? 767-770.

774

KBAn datjrAn.

Maâthir

favours. His son Mîr Ni'mat Ullâh received the rank of 1,000. in the
25th year he became the son-in-law of Mirza Murâd Kâm Şafavî the
' grandson of Mirza Bustam of Qandahâr and who was faujdâr of Jaunpür
and was made his deputy. in the beginning of Aurangzîb's reign he got
the title of Khân and had an inerease of rank and was living with his father-
in-law.

Kb İN Datjbİn.
(Vol. I, pp. 782-785.)

HeisSaiyid Mahmüd the second son of Khân Daurân Naşrat Jang 1 .
After his father's death he received the rank of 1,000 with 1,000 horse.
By grace of fortune and in view of his good services, he surpassed his
elder brother Saiyid Muhammad in the pursuit of promotion and riches.
in the 22nd year (of Shâh Jahân's reign) he had a manşab of 2,000 and in
the Qandahâr eampaign he was attached to Muhammad Aurangzîb
Bahâdur. in the 23rd year at the time of the return he came with Sa'ad
Ullâh Khân — who was hurrying to salute the threshold — and had the
honour of an audience. He received his father's earlier title of Naşîrî
Khân. After that, he was made an auxiliary officer of the pro vince
of Mahva and got the fief of Râ'îsin and the government of its fort. in
the 30th year he went to the Deccan in company with the governor of
Mâlwa, who, along with ali the oontingent of that country, had been
appointed by Prinee Muhammad Aurangzîb the governor of the Deccan
to chastise 'Abdullah Qutb Shâh (of Gölconda 2 ). After executing that
duty in a proper manner, he returned to his home ; and in the game year
he was again ordered to the Deccan, and as an attendant on Prinoe
Aurangzîb d id good service in attacking and devastating the territory
of'5dilShâhs.

When Shivâ and Manâjî Bhönsle *, at the instance of the Bîjâpûrîs,
raised the head of disturbance in the neighbourhood of Ahmadnagar,
and attacked certain estates, Naşîrî Khân went there with 3,000 horse
in company with a number of officers such as Kârtalb Khân and Iraj
Khân, and acted bravely, and put many of Shivâ's men to the sword.
He took up his quarters in Pândya Bîrgâön, so that the rebels might not
reaoh the royal estates. After the taking of the forts of Bîdar and Kalyan,
the exertions of every one of the oontingent were brought to the notice
of Shâh Jahân by the Prinee and every one was suitably rewarded.
Naşiri Khân received the rank of 3,000 with 2,500 horse. in one eampaign
after another he tiistinguished himself by good service and became a
favourite \vith the Prinee, and when, after the battle with Râja Jaswant 6
the Prinee encamped at Gwâliyâr, Naşîrî Khân came, according to orders,
from fort Râ'îsin and did homage, and received the high title of Khân
Daurân. in the battle 6 with Dârâ Shiköh he commanded the right wing
of the reserve, and after the victory, was raised to the rank of 5,000 with
5,000 horse, of which 2,000 were two-horse and three-horse. He with

1 MaötJıir-ul-Umarâ, I, pp. 749-758.

- See Sir Jadunath Sarkar, History of Aurangzîb, I, pp. 209-217.

3 Sir Jadunath Sarkar, op. cii., pp. 244-250.

* Sir Jadunath Sarkar, Shivaji, pp. 49-53.

s Battle of Dharrnat, 25th April, 1658.

6 Battle of Sâmügarh, 8th June, 1658.

-ıd-Umarâ.

KBİN DAUBİN AMlB-UL-UMAKİ.

775

a portion of the army was sent to govern AJlahâbâd after taking the
fort, wbich was famed for its strength, and which was held by Saiyid
Qâsim Bârah on behalf of Dârâ Shiköh. The latter, though he had heard
of the flight of Dârâ Shiköh, resolved upon loyalty, and did not desert,
but eserted himself to strengthen the fort. Khân Daurân set abput
besieging the fort, but when Shujâ' came from Benâres with the intention
of giving battle, and arrived near Allahâbâd, Khân Daurân raised the
siege and joined Prinee Sultân Muhammad who had come near the fort
as the vanguard When Shujâ' gave fortune to the winds, and an army
under the command of Muhammad Sultân pursued the vagabond, Khân
Daurân acted as the Prinoe's auxiliary.

At this time Saiyid Qâsim Bârah the governor of the fort of
Allahâbâd, who in accordance with Dârâ Shiköh 's letter had joined
Shujâ' s army, made a rapid march to Allahâbâd after Shujâ' had been
defeated 1 , and entered the fort before his arrival. Now he, from a
consideration of final results, shut the gates against that hopeless one,
and wisely'chose the King's service. When Sultân Muhammad came
near Allahâbâd, Saiyid Qâsim turned to Khân Daurân, who, before this,.
had obtained the command there and was besieging the fort. Saiyid
Qâsim made him the instrument for procuring the pardon of his offences f
and Khân Daurân, in accordance with the King's order, encompassed
him with favours, and toök possession of the fort, and addressed himself
to the government of the province 2 . in the 2nd year when the govern-
ment of that province was made över to Bahâdur Khân Koka, Khân
Daurân was made the governor of Orîssa. He went there and spent
a long time in that distant province. in the lOth year s , 1077 A.H., he
died there a natural death.

KpiN Datjbİn Amİe-tjl-Umabâ.

(Vol. I, pp. 819-825.)

His name was Khwûja 'Asam, and he came of a noble family 4 .
His ancestors came to India from Rüstâq in Badakishfin and settled in
Âgra. Some took to military life and some spent their days as darvîshes.
His elder brother Khwâja Muhammad Ja'far was one of the respeoted
hermits. The discussion which Shaikjj 'Abdullah Wâ'iz (preacher) of
Mıütân had with him in the 3rd year of Farrukh-siyar's reign about
asceticism and the virtues of the saints is well known. Khwâja
Muhammad Basit was the son of Khwâja Muhammad Ja'far. At first
ghwâja *Aşam held a small post in the body-guard ( Wâlâ-ShâhiySn) of
Sultân 'Azîm-ush-Shân. When the latter, on the death of Aurangzîb,
proceeded to Âgra from Bengâl at his father's summons, and lefb his
son Muhammad Farrukh-siyar in Bengâl, he put his son in the
Khwâja's charge. As he was possessed of good manners, and ability,

1 Battle of Khajuhâ, 14th January, 1659.

2 ' Alamgirnâma, p_. 303.

3 See Maât]iir-i-' Alamgîrî, p. 69. where the appointment of his successor to
the Şvbadârl of Orîssa is rnentionedi his death must have occurred early in 1667
or late in 1666.

* For his life see Sir Jadunath Sarkar's edition of Irvine's Later Mughals, I f
pp. 264-266, ete.

776

KHAN DAURİN AMBB-ÜL-UMABl.

Maâthir

he in a few days became the favourite of Farrukh-siyar and had th P

hTtirsStan^^ ,?- thOT depeDdant8 **»* -Ta£ks aboîl
ûım tüat buldan Azım-ush-Shan summoned hım to his presence When

Bahadur Shab died and Sultân 'Azim-ush-Shân was küledTbattle^th
the aıd o? X ^t m Q mad - J«™.UHdy« ^t upon the ione, and î£
TaLİ <^£ Bara \ Saı y lds Proceeded to make war upon his uSe
Jahandâr Shah the above-named Khwâja came to ParruS-sivlr and

m.7f 17 w af , — an ' He was also for some time Mir Itiah
(Head of artıllery m addition to his Dârö^aship. Afterlarrukhİvar
had vanquıshed his unole and had come to T)elhî\h» VhLs- ■ ?^

first year raised to the rank of 7,OoT I 7 0W W 3 H *?*
and drums and the title of f^.$^^j£££Z*«
Manşur Jang. Afterwards, when in consequenee~of ' the fevttv »İSZ

fZ e n nCe w the S T reİgn ' and the <™^<*<l»BJffijR£
frıendshıp between them was changed into enmitv rhT KW- • u

possessed oaution and good sense-S no W off İSömE? %~^
though he shared in the Emperor^counsels in ?h«^S ^

the Amlr-ul-Umarâ H„sain >& H^eToff to?h Tgo^ÂIZ fZ
Deccan in suocession to Nizâm-ul-Mulk ı Fath W bIT l
made dçputy of the Mîr Ba^shL At theü t2 he tt^adl S
Bakhshı in suocession to Muhammad Amîn lânZ^r ift ^

he was made governor of Gujarât, and fça'dS QuStt ^STet
men r 2 en f ^ ° f th , 6 P ° rt ° f SÜr ^ VaS made ffKS b6en

together and Saiyid Ghairat Kb.ân Husain TlîW* * PS § athered
the royal enclosure with his m^the^T at^he nfstlncTf ^ ,°

SpöP£#™Sİ§İ

the dışturbance was guelled, the Khwâja reeeived the title of Amfr uf
Umara and the charge of the offi™ r>f m* tu tu ıT- £ , Amır-ul-

Mâlwa in 1147 A'h™ 1735 f * h f , Decca ° m fe a disturbance in
a - V ' ^-^tt A . D.) he went along with the Râjas

andpp. 875-882, also Sk Jadnnİth I! Maathxr-ul-Umara, Text III, pp . 837-848
pp. 267-271, ete. Jadunath Sarkar s edıt 10 n of Irvine's Later Mughals, I,

pW Slt lS«0 W - LakÛk " tf™ * the »*ft-««*l* as the

-ul-Umarâ.

EHİN DAUEİN AMlB-UL-UMABA.

777

to chastise the vagabonds, and there was another army under Itimâd-
ud-Daula Qamar-ud-Dîn Khân. the Khân Daurân encountered Mulhâr
Râo Hölkar. But nothing suitable resulted, and he returned to the Court
after arranging a şort of peaoe. in the year 1149 A.H. when Bâjî Râo
made a commotion around the Capital, Khân Daurân 1 came out of the
city and opposed him. in 1151 'A.H. (1738 A.D.) when Nâdir Shâh
came to India, and the reigning Sovereign proceeded to Kârnal to engage
him, Burhân-ul-Mulk Sa'âdat Khân the governor of Oudh, who had fallen
behind, made a forced march and joined him, and on hearing the news of
the plunder 2 of his baggage hastened to oppose the Persians. Khân
Daurân too followed with his troops to assist him. The opposing army
came on the field in Cossack-fashion (in skirmishing order). Khân
Daurân stood firm and fought to the best of his power. Many of his
companions were killed, and he himself was wounded by a bullet. He
was carried to his tent and died on the föllowing day. Three s of his sons
who were with him, and Muzaffar Khân his brother — who had acquired
a name for excellence, and had for a while been governor of Ajmer, — were
killed in this battle. His son Khwâja 'Âshvvarî, who was made prisoner
by the enemy, reeeived his father's title in the reign of Muhammad Shâh,
and in 1167 A.H. (1754 A.D.) was made Mir Âtish. in the time of
'Âlamgîr II he was made Amîr-ul-Umarâ, and after some time died.

As Nâdir Shâh has been mentioned, some notice of him is indispen-
sable. He was of the tribe of Qirqlü which is a section of the Afshâr
Turkamâns. in ancient times this tribe lived in Türkistan, in the days
of the supremacy of the Mughals ih Türân (the Afshâr Turkamâns)
they came away from there and took up their residence in Adharbâ'ijân.
in the time, of Shâh Ismâ'Il Şafavi they marehed forward and took up
their abode at the fountain of Manât * Könkân Mahal Anîward (?)
(Abîverd ?) belonging to Khuıâsân, north of the holy Mashhad and twenty
farsakhs distant from it and near the district of Marv. He was born
in 1100 A.H. (1688 A.D.) and reeeived the name of his grandfather
Nadhr Qulî. As in the last days of the sovereignty of Sultân Husain
Şafavî there was confusion in the government owing to abundant slaek-
ness, and the absence of punishment, which is essential for rule — there
"arose in every brain and heart a desire for power. Accordingly, the
Abdâli Afg^âns and the Ghilza'î Afg^âns took possession of territories
in Khurâsan and Qandahâr, while the men of Rûm (the Turks) took places
on their bor ders. He firşt rebelled in his own country and fought with

1 Bâjî Râö arrived outside'Delhî on 9 Dhul Hijja, 1149 A.H. (9th April, 1737),
see Irvine's Later Mughals, II, p. 289.

2 Elliot, VIII, p. 61, Sır William Jones — Histoire de Nader Chah, p. 297, and
Irvine, op. r,it., p. 343.

» in bir Wüliam Jonea's History, p. 299, only one son is spoken of as having
been killed. in a note in Frazer's Nadir Shah, p. 158, it is said that the eldest son
of Khân Daurân was killed, and that Khân Daurân had two bullet wounds, one in
the arm and another in the side. in Irvine, loc. cit., p. 348, he is stated to have been
mortally wounded in the face. The battle of Kanıâl -wbs fought on 23rd February,
1739; 24th February according to Cambridge History of India, IV, p. 359.

4 Sir William Jones in his life of Nâdir Shâh, op. cit., p. 27, has: the fountain
of Meiab Kiupe Kale twenty parasangs north of Mashhad and near Merv. it was
their suromer quarters. Frazer says he was born at Calot (Kalat-i-Nadir). That
place lies to the N. of Mashhad. Wardeh of the mape is probably Abîverd. Sykes
in History of Persia (1930), II, p. 248, says he was born at Kala Kuhna or Old Fort
in the autunu of 1100 A.H.

778

ÇBÂN DATTBİN NAŞBAT JANG.

Madİhir

his own tribesmen who opposed him, and prevailed över them. After-
wards, in repeated batttes he killed the Afgfcâns and oheoked their power.
After tbat he accompliahed the conquest of the holy Mashhad (1138 A.H.,
1726-26 A.D.) and in 1141 A.H. took Isfahan, in 1145 A.H. he defeated
the armies of Rûm and made peace om five * conditions. (I) The te*rnf d
men of Rûm should count the Imâmiya sect as the fifth sect. (2) The
four pillare of the mosque at Mecca belong to the four imame ; the men
of the Imâmiya religion should share with them in on» pillar and say
their prayers according to the Ja'far rites. (3) A Mir Haj to be appointed
every year from Persia, and to be treated with respect and honour. (4) The
prisoners of the countries of Persia and Rûm to be released, with whomso-
ever they might be, and the buying and selling of them to be probibited.
(5) An agent from either Court to be abrays present so that the affairs
of each country may be suitably disposed of. in the year 1147 A.H. 2
he ascended the throne, and in 1 151 A.H (1738-1739 A.D.) came to Indıa.
Mubammad Shâh at last made peace with him and made över to hım a
large sum of money and endless goods», among them the Peacock
Throne which was made by Shâh Jahân. in 1152 A.H. he returned,
and got possession of the whole territory of Persia, Balkh and ghwârazm.
in the year 1160 * A.H. his sentries entered his tent at night and killed
him. After him some of his sons rose to power. The last of them had
nothing left but a name.

SpiN DaubIn Naşkat Jang.

(Vol. I, pp. 749-758.)

His name was Ehwaja Şâbir, and he vras the son of ghw&ja Hişârî
Naqshbandi. in the time of Jahângir he obtained an office and was

ı There is no such account in Sir WUliam Jones's life of Nâdir Shâh. Afterwards
at ali events Nâdir Shâh was a bigoted Sünnî. There were said to be four orthode*
sects of Muhammadans, and apparently Nâdir demanded that the Shl as should

he raroflmiaed as a fifth orthodox sect.

^Kî^» Later Mughals, II, pp. 317-320, for Nâdir Sh&h's early Ufe.
This date should be 1148 A.H. On p. 319 he is stated to have ascended the throne
on 26th February, 1736; see also Cambridge History of Indta, IV, p. 357, and Sykes,

BHt V F % detolS of the indemnity levied by Nâdir Shâh at Delhi, see Sir Jadunath
Sarkar's account in Irvine's Later Mughcds, II, pp. 371-373.

* in Sir William Jones's History, op. cit., pp. 400, 401, the date ıs gıven as 8th
June, 1747, and the names of the murders are Ali KuU Khan, Mohamrned Saleh
Khan and Mohammed Kuli Khan; and the place is stated to have been Fathabad
two farsangs distant from Khabouchan. in the Gambndge Htstory of Mta,TV t
p. 371, the date is 2nd June, 1747. Sykes in his Htstory of Perma, II, pp. 272, 273,
mentions the names of only two, 'Mohamed Salah Khan and Mohamet' Kulı Khan ,
and states that he was killed in 1160 (1747). .

Sir WUüam Jones's History in French was a translatıon of the Persıan M&.
of TârMk-i-Jahân-OusM-i-NĞdirl (see Ivanow, Deşer. Cat. Persıan MSS.,As. Soc
Bengal, p. 30, 1924) by Muhammad Mahdî. in the Persıan Text of this work
pubüshed by the Asiatic Society in 1 845, the date, on p. 326, of Nâdir Shah s murder

- * v^. .1. a İt— -Alil ^'ın. , rt-n^TI ■ i»-'* ■ <■' The same date
ıs gıven as .s— a— j '**• j j'^* U'- - t57^ <S ^ r ■> - ^^

and day are given in Oskar Mann Dos M ujmil et-TârVch-i-Ba' DNâMHje (Lejden
1896) p 15 This according to Wünstenfeld-Mahler Vergletchungs-TabeUen (1926)
TTOuld cörrespond to 20th June, 1747 A.D. The day, howeyer, does not »gree, as
aecording to these tables lOth June was a Saturday, and 20th, therefore, wuld
be a Tuesday and not a Sunday as recorded by the Author of the Persıan worfc.

•ıd-UmarS.

ÇHÂN DAUKİN NAŞKAT JANG.

779

appointed to the Deccan. Khân-Khânân 1 observed in him signs of
courage and skill and patronised him. For some reason he retired from
his service, and attaohed himself to Nizâm Shâh. As he perceived that
young men were encouraged there.he entered among them and so exerted
himself that he became an intimate.companion, and received the title
of Shâh Nawâz Hıân. Later he gave up this service and became a servant
of Prince Shâh Jahân, and received the title of Naşîrî Kıân. He was the
Prince's close attendant in al] the vicissitudes of his fortune and did not
leave the least point of good service undone. in the case of occasional
necessity he even looked after the saddles and bridles of the special
horses. in the Töns* battle (near Benâres) he was leader of Shâh
Jahân's troops. As on that day ali threw the dust of instability
on their heads, he too could not maintain his ground. Aftet 'Abdullah
Khân had behaved unfaithfully and. had separated from the Prince,
Khân Daurân also deserted in consequence of his being 'Abdullah Khfin's
son-in-law and joined Malik 'Ambar. On his death he joined Nizâm-ul-
Mulk, who had established himself in position. in the 2nd year of Shâh
Jahân's reign he presented himself at the Cöurt and received the rank of
3,000 with 2,000 horse and his old title of Naşiri Khân. When in the 3rd
year Shâh Jahân in Burhânpûr appointed a large army to chastise Khân
Jahân (Lödl) and to eonquer the Nizâm-Shâhi territory, Khân Daurân
was direeted to proceed in company with Râja Gaj Singh. Out of his
zeal he represented that if the task of taking the country of Telingâna
and Qandahâr • — whither Râo Ratan had been sent — were entrusted
to him, he would in a short time accomplish it. He received the rank
of 4,000 with 3,000 horee, and was deputed to that expedition. He set
before himself the taking of the fortof Qandahâr * — which was famed for
its strength — and began by defeating Sarafrâz Khân the leader of the army
of that country and who had prepared for a battle between the town and
the fort. Muqarrab Khân, Bahlûl Khân and Randaula Khân the 'Âdil-Shâhî
had come in force to the assistance of the garrison^and were making a
commotion, but Khân D>urân's vigorous efforts made them turn back.
At this time A'zam Khân the Şübadâr of the Deccan came to his help,
and as the besieged saw that their capture was at hand, they surrendered.
After four months and nineteen days Şâdiq the son-in-law of Yâqüt
Khudâwand Kfiân gave up the keys in the 4th year, 1040 A.H. (1631 A.D.).
The guns » Malik Dabt, Bijlî, and 'Ambarî known as Majör and Minör,
and other great and small cannon to the number of 116, each of which
was enough to overthrow an army or a city, together with other materials
for the def ence of a fort, were taken possession of. Naşiri Khân had

ı 'AM-ur-Rahim Khân-Khânân, M aâtiıir-ul- Umara, Text I, pp. 693-713,
Beveridge-'s translation, pp. 50-65.

* Töns is a tributary of the Ganges, see Beveridge's translation of Maâthir-ul-
Umara, p. 456. The battle waa fought in 1624 at Damdama, a village in the Alla-
hâbâd district near the junction of Töns and the Ganges, vide Cambridge History of
India, IV, p. 173. For an account of Shâh Jahân's rebellion, see Beni Prasad,
History of Jahângir, pp. 366-386, and Banarsi Prasad, History of Sltahjahan,
pp. 40-52.

8 Bödshohnâma, I, p. 307.

* Bâdshâhnöma, I, pp. 374-377.

6 Bâdshâhnöma, I, p. 377. TVo guns of the name of 'Ambarî are mentioned
there, and instead of Bijlî we have TajallI. it was only the four large ones which
were fit for use.

780

EHİN DAUEİN NAŞBAT JANG.

Maâthir

an increase in rank of 1,000 and of 1,000 horse. in the same year at the
time of his leaving for Bâlâghât he received, at his request, the distinction
of the Mâhi-o-niarâtib 1 ; this, in old times, was a decoration whioh wa8
customary with the Delhî Sultâns and which was given by them to the
rulers of the Deccan. After that it acquired great glory in this country
(the Deccan), and was given by the princes thereof to whosoever was
considered by them worthy of great favour. in the öth year he was
appointed as the Şübadâr of Mâlwa in succession to Mu'taqad Khân,

They say that when Ujjain and Sârangpür becâme his fief after
the death of Khwâja Abül Hasan, — who had developed them for a long
time — there was suoh a famine in Khândesh and the Deccan that a loaf
was dearer than a life (nane bajâni me arzîd). The reliance of the inhabi-
tants of those countries for food was on the corn of Mahva. Naşiri Khân
filled the granaries with gold. Never was so mu eh money obtained from
the estates of Mahva.

When in the öth year Mahâbat Khân besieged the fort of Daulatâbâd,
Naşîrî Khân was appointed to assist him, and distinguished himself.
One day Khân Zaman had filled a mine with seventy maunds of gunpowder,
when it was fired, 28 * yards of the wall of 'Ambarköt and 12 yards of
its bastion were blown up, and a wide path was laid öpen. But on acoount
of a rain of musketry and rockets by the garrison no one advanced.
Mahâbat Khân wanted himself to go fbrward on foot, but Naşîrî Khân
said : " Such an idea on the part of a leader is oontrary to ali canons of skill.
1*11 go." He cast the shield of Divine proteetion över his face and ran to
the fort. He passed through the arrows and bullets and fought with
sword and dagger. The garrison, on seeing such devotion and zeal,
after a short struggle, retired to the Mahâköt (the great fort). And
when that too was opened by a mine they surrendered and delivered up
the keys. Every one » whom Mahâbat Khân appointed to defend the
fort rejected the task because there was no food in the fort, and beeause
during the four months of the siege they had endured various hardships.
Naşîrî Khân, who had 2,000 troopers in his service, accepted the duty
from his great love of work, and in concert with Saiyid Murtadâ Khân
superintended the defence of the fort. After the Bîjâpûr troops had
folloTved the Commander-in-chief for some stages, they returned to Daulat-
âbâd. They entered the batteries, which were stili standing and invested
the fort. As Naşîrî Khân repeatedjy showed activity and energy, they
failed * and had to retire. He received the title of Khân Daurân and the
rank of 5,000 with 5,000 horse, and, in accordance with orders, made över 5
the fort to Murtadâ Khân and returned to Mahva.

When in the 7th year Prince Muhammad Shujâ' was appointed to
take Parenda, Naşîrî Khân was appointed to accompany him. One day
when the enemy had pressed upon Khân-Khânân at the time of foraging e

1 Irvine, Army of the Indian MoghuU, p. 33.

2 Bâdshâhnâma, I, p. 512; Elliot, VII, p. 38.

3 Bâdshâhnâma, I, p. 532; Elliot, VII, p. 42.

4 Bâdshâhnâma, I, p. 533. Khân Daurân mâcle fı:equent sallies.

5 Bâdshâhnâma, I, p. 534.

6 Naubat-i-gahi means turn of foraging. Each commander apparently had to
take his tura in looking after the foraging. Bâdshâhnâma makes this clearer by
adding the pronoun ao in naubat-i-gahi-i-ao büd: it was his turn for foraging.
Oahî here means forage or a party of foragers. Details are given in Bâdshâhnâma,

.ul-Umarâ.

KflİN DAUBAN NAŞBAT JANG.

781

(naubat-i-gahi) and it was leading almost to a big defeat, Khân Daurân
perceived the position and came up quickly and forced the army vhich
was behind Khân-Khânân on to the forces on his right wing, and then
made both bodies join in with the force in front of Khân-Khânân. He
also rescued the wounded, and joined Khân-Khânân. On this success
the enemy fied, and this great * deed was the cause of Khân Daurân's
receiving a great reception at the Court. When Mahâbat Khân died,
Bâlâghât was made över to Khân Zaman (his son), and the Pâyânghât —
which ineluded the whole of Khândesh and much of Berâr — '«'as made
över to Khân Daurân at a revenue of 92 krors of dâms. An order was also
given that Sarkar Bîjâgarh, Sarkar Nadarbâr 2 and that part of Sarkar
Hândia, which was on the other side of the Narbadâ, should be regarded
as belonging to Khândesh. When 8 Bikramâjît the son of Jujhâr Singh
Bundela, who, with his father's contingent, was with Khân Zaman in
Bâlâghât, at a hint from his father, who was meditating rebelüon in his
wretched country, fled to his home, Khân Daurân heard of it and came
out of Burhânpûr to pursue him. He came up with him at Ashta *
in the Mahva Şûba, and nearly caught him. Bikramâjît fled wounded
into the difficult jungles and joined his father in Dhâmünî. Khân Daurân
waited for orders in Mahva, and when the government of Mâlwa was
entrusted to him, he was sent to uproot this plant of disaffeetion. in
conjunetion with 'Abdullah Khân he displayed great energy in the pursuit
and completed the task. in the 9th year he sent the heads of Jujhâr
and his son to the Court 5 , and as a reward received the title of Bahâdur.
in the same year, when Shâh Jahân came to visit the fort of Daulatâbâd,
Khân Daurân, with Râja Jai Singh and other Râjpüts as a vanguard,
and Mubâriz Khân Niyazi and other Afghâns as the rearguard
was appointed to take the forts of Üdgîr, and Aüsa, and to ravage the
territories of Bîjâpür and Gölconda. He destroyed every eultivation
and habitation to within twelve kos of Bîjâpûr, and repeatedly punished
Bahlûl Khân Miyânah and Khairiyat Khân Habshî. When 'Âdil Shâh
trod with humility the path of obedience, Khân Daurân withdrew his
hand from devastating his territory and went off towards Udgîr. After
a siege of three months and odd days on 8 Jumâda I, 1046 A.H. (28
September, 1636 A.D.) he captured this strong place from Sîdî Miftâh 6
and addressed himself to the siege of .Susa. Bhöjrâj 7 the governor
after a struggle surrendered the fort, and after then an order was passed
that the elephant Gajmötî (Pearl of elephants) — which was the finest
elephant with Qutb-ul-Mulk — should be taken possession of. He

I, pt. 2, p. :(7, eti:., and in Khâfi Khân, I, p. 396, ete. After Mahâbat Khân arrived
at Parenda a foraging party w»s sent out. The Decoanis came out to attack it and
Mahâbat Khân first sent his sons and then went himself to defend the party. The
Deceanîs lıırecl him on to their maili body by pretending to fly and then hemmed
him in. He vvould have been cut off but for Khân Daurân's help.

1 Kâr ılastbasta, literally an affair that sent one to his prayers.

2 Nadarbâr or Nadhrbâr of Text is the Sarkar of Nazarbâr of Jarrett's
trantlation of A'în, II, pp. 195, note 1, 208, 251, note 1. it was in Mâlwa, and is
the modern Nandurbâr in Western KhândSsh, impertaZ GazeMeer, XVII, pp. 362, 363.

3 Elliot, VII, p. 47.

4 Bâdultâhnâma, I, pt. 2, p. 96.

5 id., pp. 110-116. Also for the vrhole campaign see Banarsi Prasad, History
of Shahjahan, pp. 86-89.

6 An Abyssinian, Bâdshâhnâma, I, pt. 2, p. 218.

7 İd., p. 220, and Banarsi Prasad, loc. cit., p. 147.

782

gBÂN DAURİN NAŞRAT JANG.

Maâthir

proceeded to Kötgîr 1 — which was on the boundary of his kingdom, and
by his efforts got hold of the elephant and also a lac of rupees as tribute
and then came to the frontiers of Devgarh. He took Kîlchar and Ashta
— which are dependencies of Kararmândgâon * in Berâr — from the
possbdsion of the powerful Gönds 8 , and took Nâgpür after a siege of some
days. Kükîyâ * the Râja of Deogarh paid a tribute of 1,50,000 rupees
and 170 elephants and regained possession of Nâgpür.

in the 6 lOth year Khân Daurân came to the Court and presented
200 elephants worth ten lacs of rupees together with eight lacs of rupees
in cash — which the ruler of G5ndwâna, and other landowners had
tendered, partly as tribute to the King, and partly as a preseni to bimself ,
together with the elephant Gajmotî — which was valued at ore lac of
rupees, and whose name was changed to Pâdshâh Pasand (Approved by
the King) — with golden trappings (of the elephant) which were prepared
by Khân Daurân at his own expense at a cost of one lao of rupees. As
his loyalty and courage were conspicuous, and he had in a short time
presented a peshkash, such as none of the great oflScers had colleoted at
one time, he received 8 various marks of favour and was given the
title of Naşrat Jang and a manşab of 6,000 with 6,000 horse dü-aspa and
sih-aspa (two-horse and three-horse) — the allowance (tankhrmh) for which
was 10 kror s, 80 lacs of ddms for twelve months of the year which came
to 27 fics of rupees, — and also the tankhıvâh of pargana Shujâ'atpûr 7
in the crown-lands. When in the 17th year Prince Muhammad Aurangzib
came from the Deccan on the occasion of inquiring after the health of
the Begam 8 Şâhiba, he haviıig regârd to various proceedings. of his
in the Deccan, which were repugnant to Shâh Jahân, withdrew his hand
from worldly affairs and went into retirement 9 , before his father should
show marks of displeasure. This causeless proceeding increased Shâh
Jahân',s vexation and he made över the government of the Deccan to
Naşrat Jang who was in charge of Mâlwa. He received the rank of 7,000
with 7,000 horse, and a present of one kror of dâms which formed the
highest limit of advancement for officers.

They say that Khân Daurân during his government of the Deccan
made a new world by his innovations. Many deshmukhs and deshpândas
were beaten with mallets (mekjı köb zada) and sent to annihilation.
Also in order to develop the country he consolidated the tankhwâhs of
the manşabdars who held fiefs in various places. He also visited ali the
forts, and made full ârrangements for the garrisons (ahshâm) and their
provisions. He sent to the Court nearly a kror of rupees of Govern-

1 Kömgir, Bâdshâhnâma, I, pt. 2, p. 120.

2 Kararmândgâon is, the Mândgâon Karar in Jarrett's translation of Â'în II
p. 233. ' '

3-5 See Bâdshâhnâma, I, pt. 2, pp. 233, 246.

6 See Bâdshâhnâma, I, pt. 2, p. 247.

7 in Sarkar Sârangpür, vide Jarrett, op. cit., p. 204; wrongly printed as Shujâa-
pür.

8 Jahân Arâ, the daughter of Shâh Jahân was badly burnt in Manh, 1644,
and was confined to bed for 4 months, see Banarsi Prasad, loc. cit., p. 316; and Sır
Jadunath Sarkar, History of Aurangzib, I, pp. 63-66.

9 Bâdshâhnâma, II, p. 376, and Khâfî Khân, I, p. 600. Also Elliot, VII, p. 69.
Aurangzib was restored to favour and office at the request of his sister, Kbâf i Khân, 1^
p. 606; also Banarsi Prasad, op. cit., p. 316; and Sir Jadunath Sarkar, ov cit '
pp. 66-68.

-ul-Umarâ. KB-İN jahİn bahİdttb zafar jang.kökaltİsh.

78Î

ment treasure which wa8 in the forts and crown-pafganas so that the
world might see that whereas (hitherto) money was always sent from
the Court, but he in his Şübadân was sending money from the Deccan.
When he was satisfied with the settlement he had made of the country,
he set himself to take Bijâpür. in the 18th year he was summoned to
the Court for some deliberation about administration. He accompanied
the Emperor to Kashmîr, and then took leave and came to Lâhöre.
He halted two kos from the city. At the * end of the night he was
asleep. By a strange fate a Brahman boy of Kashmîr whom he had
converted to islâm and enrolled among his servants struck him a severe
bloW in the belly with a dagger. They say that it took seventeen stitches
to sew it up. He did not knit an eyebrow, and conversed with Qulîj
Khân, He was in possession of his senses for one day, and divided his
money and goods among his children, and left the balance for the exche-
quer. He wrote a petition, in accordance with these dispositions, with
his own hand and sent it to the Court. He died on the night of 7 Jumâda
I, 1055 A.H. (21 June, 1645 A.D.). Shâh Jahân gave to every one of
his children more than was bequeathed iû the will, and 60 lacs of the
surplüs reverted to Government. As his ancestors were buried at
Gwâliyâr he was buried there 2 .

Khân Daurân ne ver slackened in the service of the Emperor, and
was free from covetousness and avarice in this respect. He spent three
watches of the day and one watch of the night in government service.
He left nothing to others, but did ali the work himself. But he was
severe to the subjects, and behaved with harshness and oppression to
God's creatures. it was the arrovv of the sighs of the opprşssed that
finished him. On the day that the news of his death reached Burhânpûr
there was ho stock of sugar or sweetmeats in the shop8whichthepeople did
not give away in thanksgiving. Most of the fine buildings in Burhânpûr
were made during his time. Mandavî Zainâbâd 8 on the bank of the
Tâpti was built by him. From Sarönj to Burhânpûr he put up serâ'ls
at every tenth kos. His sons Saiyid Muhammad and Saiyid Mahmüd *
obtained after their father 's death the rank of 1,000 with 1,000 horse.
'Abd-un-Nabi, who was young, received a manşab of 500.

Kjian JahIn Bahİdur ?afar Jang KökaltAsh.

(Vol. I, pp. 798-813.)

His name was Mir Malik Husain. His father was Mîr Abül Ma 'âli
Khawâfî who was a Saiyid known for his virtue and piety. He lived
like a darvîsh. As his honoured wife suckled Prince Aurangzib, his
sons Mîr Muzaffar Husain and Mîr Malik Husain were raised to suitable
rank8 and became Amîrs. The first, as his biography shows, was reared
in the presence of Shâh Jahân. The second from his early years was

ı Bâdshâhnâma, II, p. 426. Khâfî Khân, I, p. 610.

* According to Muhammad Latif, History of Lahore, p. 168, his tomb is at
Chintgarh, 2J miles east of Lahore.

* Apparently this is the garden 'Alam Ârâİ, celebrated as the residence of Zai-
nâbadi, Aurangzlb's favourite ; see Maâthir -id- Umara, Text I, p. 790.

* Later K^ân Daurân, Maöthir-ul-Umarâ, Text I, pp. 782-785, Translation,
ante, pp. 774, 775.

784

&HİN JAHAN BAHİDÜB ZAFAB JANG KÖKALTASH. Moâfhİr

brought up in the Prince's (Aurangzîb's) service, and was an intimate
courtier and was respected. in the 27th year he was düıpleased with
the Prince's service and left him, and came from the Deccan with the
intention of serving the King. Shâh Jahân gave him the rahk of 700
with 100 horee, but as the Prince did not like his departure, he in the
30th year begged his father to give him the Faujdâri of Höshangâbad
Handîa. in this way he was drawn by favour into the Deccan. in
the 31şt year when the Prince, after taking the fort of Bîdar addreseed
himself to the taking of Kalyan, he was sent to take the fort of N ailanka 1 .
After he arrived at the spot, though the besieged endeavoured to defend
it, he suoceeded in it» oapture. He seized ali the defenders of the fort as
also the horses and arms, and sent them to the Prince. When the Prince
raised the standards of world-conquest and set out from Burhânpûr
towards Âgra he gave him the title of Bahadur Khân. As the Prince was
convinced of his bravery he was put into the van in the battle with
Jaswant Singh 2 . in the battle with Dârâ Shiköh M he had command
of the right wing of the reserve. in his zeal he advanced as far as the
vanguard. Suddenly Rustam Khân Deccanî with the whole force of the
left wing encountered him. Bahadur Khân fought with skill and bravery,
but was wounded, and when Aurangzîb's army advanced full of glory
from Âgra to the Capital (Delhi), he received an increase of 1,000 with 500
horse and was sent in pursuit of Dârâ Shiköh who had göne to Lâhöre
to retrieve the position. The Khân by his alacrity crossed the Sutlej,
the bank of which the enemy had fortified and which eould not be crossed
easily. He after crossing attacked the enemy and put them to flight.
Nor could Dârâ Shiköh maintain himself in Lâhöre. He fled and went
to Bhakkar. Bahadur Khân and Khalü Ullâh Khân followed him as far as
Multân. in the battle of Khajühâ (north of Allahâbâd) with Shujâ' ,
Bahadur Khân had charge of the Iltmiah and fought bravely. When
Dârâ Shiköh came to Cutch by way of Bhakkar, he after crossing the
Indus went to Malik Jîwan (of*) Dhâdhar on account of his former
acquaintance with him, and after resting from his fatigues for a few days
went off with the intention of going to Qandahâr, but that unrighteous
landowner sawjuis selfish advantage in seizing him, and blocked his path
and made him prisoner. He wrote the account of this to Bahadur Khân
who quickly came there, and after seizing Dârâ Shiköh went ofiF rapidly
to the Court via Bhakkar, along with Râja Jai Singh. On 16 5 Ebu'l
Hijja of the 2nd year, he reached the Capital and did homage. On that
day 6 Dârâ Shiköh and his son Siphr Shiköh were placed in an öpen

ı ' Alamgîrnâma, pp. 1008, 1009.

? Battle of Dharmat, 25th April, 16ö8. See Sir Jadunath Sarkar, History of
Aurangzib, II, pp. 359-362.

3 Battle of Sâmügarh, 8th June, 1658 — vide Sir Jadunath Sarkar, op. cit.,
pp. 376-400.

* Dadar in Kach Gandava, Elliot, VII, p. 244, note. Jîwan was an Afghân,
see Sir Jadunath Sarkar, op. cit., pp. 539-540.

5 'Alamgîrnâma, p. 431. Sir Jadunath Sarkar, op. cit., p. 641, atates that
they arrived outside Delhi on 23rd August, 1659 Old Style or 2nd September New
Style.

6 'Alamgîrnâma, p. 431 : on Tuesday the 20th corresponding to 17 Shahriyar.
The anruz of the Text may mean next day, but even then it does not agree wit,h the
'Alamgîrnâma; according to Sir Jadunath Sarkar, p. 542, Dârâ was paraded through
Delhi on 29th Au|-ust Old Style or 8th September New Style.

■ul-Umarâ. shIn jahân bahâdub zafab jang kökaltAsh.

786

litter (iav4a') on a female elephant and taken by the road between the
city and the bâzâr to Old Delhi, and guarded in a secure 1 place in
Kbjİdrâbâd. Next day, 21 Ehu'l Hijja, 1069 A.D., he was put to death,
and buried in Hümâyûn 's tomb. The Khân reoeived a present of one
hundred horses — as many of his oto had died owing to the rapidity of
his movements. Later he was sent to put down the commotion of
Bahadur Bachgöti 2 — who had raised a disturbance in Baiswâra. When
he had finished that business, he was made governor of Allahâbâd in
succession to Khân Daurân and received a manşab of 5,000 with 5,000
horse. He long governed the province. in the lOth year he was made
governor of Gujarât in succession to Mahâbat Khân, and he proceeded
there from Allahâbâd, and was long occupied in making a settlement of
Gujarât. in the 16th year he received the rank of 6,000 with 6,000
horse — two-horse and three-horse. He also received the title of Khân
Jahân Bahadur and the charge of the government of the Deocan in place
of the agents of Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam. He reoeived a special
dress of honour and a decorated dagger which were sent to him along with
the mace-bearers. An order was passed that he was to receive the
Mâhi-o-marâtib (Order of the Ksh, ete.) and that he was to be allowed to
display it. One of his feats in this year was that he marehed rapidly
sixty leos and inflicted a signal defeat on Sivâ (Shivâjî) Bhönale who at
this time was plundering the people of the Deccan and disturbing their
repose. He (Khân Jahân Bahadur) obtained a large amount of plunder.
After he had by repeated attacks defeated and overthrown him, he
displayed alacrity in chastising the other sedition-mongers of the Deccan
and several times sent tribute from the rulers of Bîjâpûr, and Haidarâbâd
to the Court. The King in consideration of his good services gave him
in 1086 A.H. (1675-1676 A.D.) the title of Khân Jahân Bahadur ?afar Jang
Kökaltash and made him an officer of the rank of 7,000 with 7,000 horse
and gave him a present of one kror of dâms and so raised him above his
contemporaries. in the 20th year, 1088 A.H. (1677 A.D.), he took,
after a struggle, the fort of Naldrug whicb was one of the great forts of
Bîjâpûr, from Dâ'ûd Khân Panî, who was a child 8 of four years (?). in
the battle of the batteries in this siege, his son Muhammad Muhsin was
killed. Inasmuch as high rank and greatness end in arrogance and pre-
sumption, and success and prosperity leaa co independence and pride,
or rather they lead from zeal to insouciance and craft (kuhna 'amJagi),
several oflfences of his. were proved and he was summoned to the Court ;
he was dismissed, and deprived of his title-, and his moveable and
immoveable property -was confiscated. As he displayed marks of emi-
nence, and the fame of his excellence was spread far and \ride, and his

1 'Alamgîrnâma, p. 43. in the Khawwâşpüra quarter. The rûz döumm of the
Text may mean two days af terwards. Dârâ was put to death on the eve of Thursday
the 22nd Dhu'l Hijja, 'Alamgîrnâma, p. 432. But ghâfi ghân, II, p. 87, says Dârâ
was put to death on the last day of the month. The Maöt]}ir-i' Alamgiri, p. 27,
also gives Thursday eve as the date of death. The English date, according to
Sir Jadunath Sarkar, p. 548, is 30th August Old Style or 9th September Now Style.
Manucci, I, p. 356, puts the death into October.

2 A Râjpût elan— the Chühâns are Bachgötis. See 'Alamgîrnâma, p. 461.
The oecurrence was in the 2nd year of the reign.

3 There is surely some mistake here. See Maâ^ir-ulUmarâ, Text II, p. 64,
and Beveridge's translation, p. 459, where Dâ'ûd is deseribed as entering the royal
service in the 18th year, yet the age is given as four in ali the MSS.

786

KfiAN JAHİN BAHİDTJB ZAFAB JANO KÖKALTÂSH. ManQwr

long service and good performances were över and above this, he after
some time, in the 21st year, was restored ı to his rank and titles, ete., and
the tvater which had departed returned to üs old ekarmü When in the
22nd year Mahârâja Jaswant died and left no heir or representative,
Khân Jahân * was appointed to take possession of his property. The
royal standards moved to Ajmer, and the Khân swıftly went off to Jödhpûr

which was the capital of Jaawant's oountry— and set about destroying

the idol temples. He brought in several cartloads of idols— many of
which were adorned with gold and silver. After the King returned to
the Capital, they were, by the King's order, throvh into the JüaukJ&m
(place for keeping carriages, ete.) of the Darbâr and under the » steps of
the Jahânnumâ mosque and for a long time were trodden under the feet
of oomers and goers tül no trace of them was left. But the district was
not settled, as it should have been. The commotion of the Râjpûts and
the contumaoy of the Rânâ came to a head, and it ended in a royal
expedition. Khân Jahân went oflF from Chittör to gövem the Deccan,
leaving Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam there. He in the height of the
rains addreseed* himseif to the siege of the fort of Sâlher— which was
the loftiest fortress in Baglâna, and had come into the possession of the
enemy, — but after enduring much suffering he had to withdraw without
success, and came to Aurangâbâd. Mir Muhammad Ridâ Lâhöri the
commentator on the Matimav* Ma'naıü was with him as a manşabdâr.
Hedescribedthe ezpeditionin verse, and said wîth reference to the. mud
and mire :

Verse,.

The helpless bullock became a bullock B of the earth.

in the same c year, Muharram 1091 AH. (February, 1680 A.D.) Sambhâ
Siwâ'î marehed 35 kos at night and fell, wjihout warning, upon Bahâdur-

püra which was a populous place frwo kos from Burhânpûr — and

plundered it. Kakar Khân the Nâyib of Khân Zaman, the governor of
Burhânpûr, shut himseif up in the city with a few men, and the robber
Set fire at his ease to important quarters of the city and reduced them to
ashes.. Many noble families were dishonoured, some to guard their
honour killed their wives and themselves were killed. When Khân

1 Maâthir-i-'Âlamgiri, p. 168.

* Maâthiri-' Alamg%rî, p. 172. Jaswant left a widow and two »ons, accordıng
to Elphinstone, History of India (1905 edn.), p. 623. According to Tod, Annals
and Antiguüies of Rajasthan (1914 edn.), II, p. 44, he only left a pregııant queen
who afterwards became the mother of Ajlt. The Maâthiri-' Alamgtn, pp. 176, 177,
States that Jaswant left two pregnant wives and that both were delivered of sons
in Lâhöre. One of the sons died shortly afterwards — see Sir Jadunath Sarkar,
op. oit., III, pp. 325-330. . . .

» The Text is not correct and the variant agrees wıth Maathır-ı- Alamgvn,
p 175, from where the passage is taken. The idols were thrown into two places —
into the Darbâr -i- Jüauhhdna and under the steps of the Chief Mosque. Aurangzîb
treated the idols from Mathurâ in the same way.

* aâfi ffiân, II, p. 270. Elliot, VII, p. 304.

* A pun on Gâö-zamln, the bull Liyünân which supports the earth, see
Frashad, B., Çânün-Humâyüni, p. 11, note 1.

« aâfî Sân, II, p. 272. See Sir Jadunath Sarkar, op. cü., IV, p. 244 et seg.
The dftte appears to be incorreet; it was in the middle of February, 1681, that this
attackby Sambhâjl was launehed after his. coronation, see Kincaid and Paraanis —
A History of Maratha People, p. 119.

-ul-Umarâ. SBİN JAHİH BAHİDrE ZAFAB jang kökaltAsh.

787

Jahân heard of this, he hurried from Aurangâbâd, and in one night and
day reached the pass of Fardâpür ı which is 32 kos distant. There he
occupied four watches in erossing the pass. it was said that this incon-
siderate delay ocourred on account of the arrival of Sambhâ's agent and
the promise of a large sum of money. By this delay Sambhâ got away
with everything that he could carry away, together with âli his prisoners
whom he took by way of Chöpra to the fort of Sâlher 2 . ^ân Jahân
who ottght to have göne by a eross-road and come up with him, went
straight by the ıight to Burhânpûr*. This neglect confirmed men's
suspicions and was the cause of a fresh alienation of the Emperor's
affection from him. An order of censure was sent to him, and in that
year the propositions * he had made about ranks and inerease were
entirely rejeeted. By chance, in the same period Prince Muhammad
Akbar fled towards the Deccan in the 24th year. Orders were sent to
ali the officers to stop Akbar wherever he appeared; if possible, they
were%o take him alive, otherwise they were to kül him. As he was passing
near the hÜls, of Sultânpur, öıân Jahân, who showed himseif as very
zealous to seize him and had come near him, drew rein untü Akbar passed
the hüls of Baglâna and with the help of the Bhils and Kölîs came to
Râhirî, and stayed for some days under Sambhâ's proteetion. Though
the news-writers kept this back, yet Mir Nûr Ullâh the son of Mir Asad
Ullâh, the faujdâr of Tâlner 8 , vho was an audacious man,- and who
relied upon his being a Khânazâd (house-born one) and on his influence,
communicated ali the detaüs (to the Emperor), and inereased the store
(of displeasure) in the Emperor's heart, and the craft and deceit of Khân
Jahân became apparent to ali.

As the inflicting of punishment on Sambhâ and the chastisement
of Akbar both demanded the attention of the Emperor, he, in the
25th year made the Deccan his residence. Khân Jahân was appointed
to conquer the fort of Râmslj • which appertained to Gulshanâbâd
(near Junair). But though he made great efForts, he did not succeed
on account of the watchfulness and ability of the governor of the fort,
who was an experienced Mahratta. He was obliged to retire, and on the
day of his march he set fire to the materials of the batteries which were
composed of wood, ete, of which a great quantity had been coUected.
The garrison came out on the b»ttlements in great mirth, beat their
great and small drums, and made ribald remarks. When he came within
three kos of Aurangâbâd he was gratified by the receipt of a dress of
honour, and was ordered to proceed to Bidar without coming to pay his
respeets. He was to take up his quarters there, and to pursue Akbar

1 Slâfî ghân, II, p. 274.

2 Siler in JOıâf i jİân, w here it is stated that he should have turned to the left,
but instead went to the right.

> 'Idalâbâd in ^âfl Khân, II, p. 275.

* Safi &ân, II, p. 275, Elliot, VII, p. 308. in Elliot the passage is translated
as — " in his anger he took away from Khân- Jahân ali the inereased honoura and
emoluments he had conferred upon him in that year." But what ghâfl Khân says
is that contrary to the fermer praetice, ali Khân Jahân's recommendations about
manfaba and their inereases were disallowed. Apparently K^ân Jahân had been
in the habit of submitting lists for prometions and they had hitherto been passed.

6 in the text Thânesar, but really TâlnSr or Thâlner. See Khâfl Khan, II,
p. 299. it is in ghândesh " east of Nandurbâr ", Elhot, VII, p. 362.

6 Khâf i Sân, II, p. 282, ete.

788

5BİN jahAn bahİdub zafab jang kökaltİsh. Maâthir

whenever he got any news of his movements. When Akbar came away
from Sambhâ and embarked on a vessel with the intention of goîng to
Persia, Khân Jahân proceeded to chastise the brigandfi, and in the 27th
year attacked them when they were at a distance of thirty kos. By his
vigorous proceedings their banas, which had been collected on the bank
of the Kishnâ, were brokenup, many of the infidels were put to the sword
and their property was plundered. in reward for this service he received
a complimentary farmân and his sons Muzaffar Khân. Naşiri Khân..
Muhammad Sami' and Muhammad Baqâ received respectively the titles
of Himmat Khân, Sipahdâr Khân, Naşiri Khân and Muzaffar Khân, while
his brother's son and son-in-law Jamâl-ud-Dîn Khân was granted the
title of Şafdar Khân.

When Prince Muhammad A'zam Shâh proceeded to the siege of
Bîjâpûr, Khân Jahân was ordered to take up his quarters at the titana of
Aindi x in order to send supplies to the Pnnce's camp. From there he
was appointed in the end of the 28th year to accompahy the Prince who
had been sent off to chastise Abül Hasan of Haidarâbâd. He went
ahead of the Prince with 10,000 horse, and fought severe battles with
Khalîl üllfth Khân, the head of the army and with Husaini Beg ' Ali Mardan
Khân, who with 30,000 horse was presumptuously opposing the imperialist
foroes. One day the drums and trumpets sounded at early dawn, and
for three pahan there was a hot market of warfare. The gallant men
passed from gnns and bullets to fighting with daggers and there were
heaps of slain on both side», in that battle his son Himmat Khân was
hard pressed, and though he sent a message to his father for help, the
latter was so hemmed in by the enemy who surrounded him like a halo
that he oould not move a step. At this time Pafab * Khân, who was
called Höt Pathar (the stone-hand), whose stone-like hand was dealing
bullets around, urged on his horse, and lance in hand, came infront of
Khân Jahân's elephant and cried out : Where is the leader ? and wanted
to pierce him with his lance. Khân Jahân shouted : I am the leader,
and without giving him time to use his javelin 8 , cast him to the ground
with an arrow. At last the predominance of the enemy was such that
Khân Jahân was nearly being defeated. Şuddenly Aurangzîb's good
fortune displayed itself in another form, a raging elephant came among
the enemy from the King's side and caused their horsea to rear up. Two
or three leading men were overthrown, and the Haidarâbâd troops took
to flight. They were driven off in spite of repeated onsets.

Verse.

Shtıd * fath bajang Haidarâbâd.
(Haidarâbâd was conquered in battle; 1097 A.H., 1686 A.D.)

ı Pargana indi, Khâfi Khân, II, p. 317.

2 Khâfi Khân. II, p. 297, Bari or Pari Khân. His sobriquet is given as Höt
Bhatta.

* The word in Khân Khân is bhdia.

* The Maâtbir-i-' Âlamgiri puts the victory in 1096, see editor's note on p. 268,
but the chronogram given there yields 1097. Khâfi Khân, II, p. 300, says that
Aurangzlb was very angry with hım for not following up his victory, and that in
writing to him he quoted a line of poetry which has becbme proverbial when any
untoward event has been produced:

Verse.
O breeze of the Morn, ali this is thy work.

-ul-Umarâ. khan jahAn bahİdub zafab jang kökaltash.

789

is the chronogram of this battle, and of the ruler's shutting himself up
in the fort of Gölconda. As in reality the Prince and Khân Jahân did not
wiah to destroy Abül Hasan, and their first and foremost desire was that
there should be peace, and that Aurangzîb şhould forgive his offences,
though his ignorant ofncers urged him on to battle, they restrained them-
selves, and ignored the attacking and plundering (of the city). This
view increased the Emperor's displeasure, and he summoned Khân Jahân
to his Presence. As he had been the King's playmate and in addition
had the relationship of fosterage — which is a strong tie — and was also
proud of his skill and knowledge of affairs — especially in Deccanî matters
which, he thought, could not ge,<ron without him — and moreover he had
no control över his tongue or his hands, he behaved insolently in the
Presence, and in the King's absence said improper things in the Dîvân,
and in administrative matters did without hesitation whatever he wanted
to do. If an order was received from the King, he did not çarry it out.
For instance, forbidden 1 things, which were prohibited by the King,
were in common use in his camp. One day there was a great disturbance
between his men and Mu'azzam Khân Şafavi * in the Jitauhhâna (portioo)
about the leaving of a palanquin. Khân Jahân was allowed to leave so
that he might restrain his men. When he came out, he, in his insolence,
told his men to go and loot Mu'azzam Khân's bâzâr. This added to
the King's displeasure, and he became more vexed with him thanever.
He resolved to break his presumption and whenever he was appointed to
any province he was removed before he could benefit by the harvest,
and ali his financial * arrangements were upset.

in fine, in the end of the 29th year he was sent * off to punish the
Jâts and the sedition-mongers of the Âgra province, and received a present
of two kl«rs of dâim. With the exception of Himmat Khân, who was
appointed to manage the affair of Bîjâpûr, his sons were sent with him.
As that difficult task could not be accomplished without a large army
and much effort, Prince Bidfir Bakht the eldest son of Muhammad A'zam
Shâh was also appointed to this expedition. Afterwards by the excellent
exertions of the Prince, and the management of Khân Jahân, Râjâ Bâm
Jât the leader of the rebels was küled by a büllet in 1099 A.H. (1688 A.D.).
The Prince destroyed SansanI and other places which had been founded
by Râjâ Bâm and became the controUer of that country. Khân Jahân
was sent 5 to the government of Bengâl, and in the 23rd year was made
governor of Allahâbâd. in the 34th year he was made governor of the
Panjâb. in the 37th year he was summoned to the Court from Lâhöre.
After that he did not go anywhere else away from the Court, tül

1 Vice and immorality, vide Khâfi Khân. II, p. 299.

2 Father -in-law of Prince Kâm Bakhsh, vide Khâfi Khân, II, p. 316.

3 Sanbandi; presumably it is sah-bandi or the arrangements for the year, but
it may be a clerical error for sibandî which is given as a variant. it is the Anglo-
Indian Sebundy, and means militia, and also the expenses connected therevrith.
The passage in the Text is taken from Khâfi Khân, II, p. 395, who speaks of the heavy
expenses in travelling which the Khân Jahân had to incur on account of his being
frequently moved about. There is also a Decoani word sambandî or sambandhl,
meaning relationship and perhaps this is the word here meant.

* Khâfi Khân, II, p. 316. Cf. Elliot, VII, p. 522. Sansani is sixteen miles
N.W. of Bharatpûr. Irvine in Jo-am. As. Soc. Bengal for 1904, p. 289, states that
Râja Bâm was killed in July 1688.

* But he never reached there.

790

SBİN JAHİN BAHİDUB ZAFAR JANG KÖKALTİSH.

Maâthir

in the 41st year, on 19 Jumâda I, 1109 A.H. (23rd November, 1697
A.D.) he died in the canip of Islâmâbâd Brahnıapür 1 . As his illness
lasted a long time, Aurangzib at the time of returning from Shölâpür
vısited his quarters and inquired after his health. As he was confined
to bed, he could not rise, and lamented saying as he could not have the
honour of kissing the feet, he wished that he had died on the field of battle.
The King replied that he had spent hiswhole life infaithful service and
devotjon, and did he at this * age stili have a wish left ? (He desired
that) his bier should be conveyed to the town of Naködar 8 in the Düâba
of the Panjâb as his family tomb was there. The accounts of his sons
Himmat Khân and Sipahdâr Khân have been given separately (Text III,
pp. 949-951). His other sons were not so distinguished. Naşiri ghârj
was a mad man and without dignity. His youngest son Abûl Fatb lived
into the beginning of the reign of Muhammad Shâh. He spent his days
in affliction.

Khân Jahân* Bahâdur, the Commander-in-chief was the central
figüre in the government. He was unequalled among the nobility for his
grandeur, lofty buildings and splendid possessions. He was polite and
gracious and was endowed 5 with many good qualities. His receptions
(mahfils) were superb. Scarcely anyone but he could espress an opinion.
He spoke openly what he wanted, and others could only answer by
assent. He did not like much talking. The chief things discussed
in his company were prose and poetry, swords, jewels, horses, elephants
and aphrodisiacs 6 . He was a good judge of physiognomy. One day,
when he was governor of the Deccan, he said to Amânat Khân Mîrak
Mu'în-ud-Dîn the great grandfather of the writer of these lines who at
that time was the chief Dîvân of the Deccan : ' The King at the time of
granting me leave said " If you hear that Muhammad Mu'azzam
intends to rebel, accept the statement, even though he takes no
step towards doing so, but if such a report be spread about Muhammad
A 'zam, beware of crediting it whatever he may do ; and Muhammad
Akbar is a child" But (said Khân Bahâdur) from my knowledge of
physiognomy I can say that none but he will tread this wrong path '.
At that time there was not the least sign of Akbar's becoming a
leader, nor any report of it. After six months this untimely flower
blossomed, and the discernment of Khân Jahân proved to be in accordance
with facts. His haughtiness and domineering spirit brought him into
collision with a King like Aurangzib who trusted to his own genius and
did not have regard for others. Hence 7 it was that at last he was without

( 1 Brahmapürî later named Islâmpüri not Islâmâbâd as in Text, see Maâthir-
i- Alamgiri, p. 381, ete, and Sir Jadunath Sarkar, History of Aurangzib, V,. p 6 it
vvas in the Shölâpür District on the southern bank of the Bhîma river.

2 The text has 'umr, age, but the Maathir-i-' Âlamgirî, p. 390, has amr matter,
vız., the matter or point of life-devotion. This reading seems preferable

a Jarret's translation of Â'in, II, p. 317. in Sarkar Düâba Bel Jâlandhar.
Khaiı Hıan, II, p. 448, puta Hıân Jahân's death into the 39th year, 1106. instead
of the 4 İst.

* Taken from Maöthir-i-' Âlamgîri, p. 390.

6 in Maâfhir-i-' Alamgiri, p. 390, it is mustajama' -i-marâtib-i-birr o ihsan,
which appears to be rnore appropriate.

8 Adwiya-i-mubahU, but Maöthir-i-' Âlamgirî, p. 390, has adıviya-i-mushtahi
vehıch perhaps means only carminatives or tonies.

7 Khâfî Hıân, II, p. 44S.

-vl-Umarâ.

KfiAN jahan bIbah.

791

a jdgir or employment and was kept in the Presence under surveillance.
To his disgust * some of the new Khdnazdds rose into fame for military
service. For instance Tahawwur Khân. son of Şalâbat Khân and Jân
Nithâr Khân Khwâja Abül Makârim were sent off at this time to put
down Santâ the brigand and had a battle 2 . The whole army and park
of the artülery were plundered and Jân Nithâr Khân escaped half dead.
Tahawwur Khân was wounded, and flung himself among the dead 3
and so had a second life. When this oecurrence was reported to the
King, he said: "Ali these happenings are due to Destiny, and are not in
anyone's power ". When Khân Jahân heard this remark he said, " Good,
there'Il be no revising * of reports in heaven ; to give and then take
away (praise). in my long leadership" I never had a defeat ". False
stories about him and tales, which reason cannot accept and whioh belong
to . the elass of romances, are vrell known and are on men 's lips s .
Although there can be no question about the merits and great qualities
of Khân Jahân, for they folkmed close upon one another, yet a just review
must admit that there was a strain of levity in him. How could it be
otherwise. He advanced from 700, ali at önce to 6,000, without passing
through the mtermediate stages. But it was strange that sueh a King
as Aurangzib, who was not wanting in wrath and pride, should have
entertained a servant with such unrestrained presumption.

in the end 8 of his days he showed the King in his hail of justice
a amali, round porcelain water-pot (âftâbu) and said it had belonged to
Moses — Peace be upon him ! Aurangzib looked at it and gave it to the
Princes Muhammad Mu'izz-ud-Dîn and Muhammad Mu'azzam. There
were two lines resembling some writing engraved on the neck of the vessel.
The Princes said: "This should be Hebrew". Bahâdur examined the
letters and said, "I know nothing about its being Hebrew-Ebrew —
{'ibrani mabrânî) ; some vendor put these marks on it". The King said :
" They are letters, the porcelain is not bad ".

KhAn JahIn Bârah.

(Vol. I, pp. 758-766.)

He was Saiyid MuzafFar Khân, one of the Tihanpûri 7 Saiyids.
His name was Abül Muzaffar. in the 14th year of Jahângîr's reign

i-' Bıân Khân, II, p. 417.

* The story comes apparently from Khâfî Hıân, II, pp. 417, 418, but if so, the
author of the Maâthir-ul-Umarâ has not quoted it correctly. Aceording to Khâfî
Khân, Khân Jahân did not say that he never had a defeat, and it is not likely that
he would say so, for it would not have been correet. What hc said was — What is
given in heaven, is given önce for ali (there is no revision there). And then Khâfî
Khân explains this as meaning that he, Khân Jahân, had never been defeated. But
he does not put these vaunting words into his mouth.

6 Probably this is an allusion to the romantie account of the battle from Khâfî
Khân, II, p..297.

• The story is from Maâthir -i-' Âlamgirî, p. 371. The text has Chinlk bad
nlst which does not seem intelligible. in the text of Maöthir-i- Âlamgirî we have
Ghinik-i-bad nest — the bit of China is not bad. A note to the text of the Maâthir-
uL-Umarâ says that several MSS. have ghuahh: Sbushk âvmrdan means to keep
silence, and perhaps what Aurangzib said was : When such language is used, silence
is best.

» The chief town of the Tihanpûri Saiyids was Jânsath, see Bloehmann's
translation of A'in, I (2nd edn.), pp. 428-430.

792

KflİN JAHİN BÂBAH.

MaâlJiir

when Prinoe Süitin Khurram was sent to the Deccan, he in the battle
with the Deccanîs fought bravely and was wounded and fell on the field.
His military aptitude became impressed on the Prince. When the
Prince chose to separate himself from his respected father, and oame to
the Deccan, and when the crossing of the Narbadâ by Mahâbat Khân
and Prince Sultân Parviz had made it impossible for the Prince to stay
in Burhânpûr, he went off by Sîkâköl (Çhioacole) belonging to Qutb-ul-
Mulk's territory towards Bengâl, and there fought a battle with ibrahim
Khân Fath Jang 1 . Abûl Muzaffar distingtiished himself in the battle,
and ali the time during separation, was attached to the Prince's stirrups.
He served well and showed devotion and so gained a place in the Prince's
heart. When the Prince ascended the throne he, in the first year, gave
Abûl Muzaffar the rank » of 4,000 Dhât with 3,000 horse and a flag and
drums, and a horse from the special stables with a gilded saddle and the
present of a lao of rupees. He appointed him as the governor of the fort
of 6wâliyâr, and placed its dependencies in his fief. in the same year
he was sent with Mahâbat Khân to chastise Jujhâr Singh Bundela who had
broken out into rebellion. On the representation of Mahâbat Khân
Khân-Khânân. his offenoes were overlooked, and the royal Divâna lef t
to him such portion of the territory in his possession as corresponded
to the amount 8 of his manşab and assigned the ezcess of his jâgîr to
Abûl Muzaffar and other officers. in the 2nd year when Khân Jahân
Lödî, on account of a suspicion which had arisen in his mind, fled from
the Capital, Abûl Muzaffar was appointed, along with Khwâja Abûl Husain
Turbatî, to pursue him. in his alacrity he went off that same night
without waiting for his leader and at six gharîs of the day came up with
Khân Jahân Lödî on the banks of the Chambal near Dhölpûr, and faced
him bravely. Muhammad Shafî' his grandson and nineteen of the
Saiyids of Bârah were killed, and fifty of his oompanions were wounded.
When this was reported to the King, Abûl Muzaffar received an increase
of 1,000 horse and a steed from the special stables with a gilded saddle
and an elephant from the speoial herd. in the third year he received
a Khil'at, a decorated dagger and a horse from the special stables with a
gilded saddle and an elephant with gilded trappings and was appointed
to the vanguard of the force which had been placed under A 'zam Khân
for the chastisement of Khân Jahân Lödî*. Later 5 , when it was heard
that the Khân 'was unable to ride on account of a sweflîng above the navel,
Jagjîvan, the surgeon, was directed to go and treat him, and the Khân
was told to return to the Court after convalescence. Inasmuch as the
surgeon on account of the amount of matter had to öpen the swelling and
much pus had been removed , the Khân waited for some time for the wound
to heal and then came to the Court. The appreciative Sovereign gave
him a Khil'at and an adorned dagger with phûl katara 6 and an increase •

1 See Tüzuk-i-Jahangiri (Rogers and Beveridge's translation), II, p. 299, 'Amal-
i-Şâlih, I, pp. 180-184, and Banarsi Prasad, History of Shahjahan, pp. 47-49.

2 Bödahâhnâma, I, p. 117.

3 Bödahâhnâma, I, p. 255. His- manşab was of 4,000 with 4,000 horse.

* For the rebelHon of Khân Jahân Lödî, see Banarsi Prasad, op. cit., pp. 66-79.

8 Bödahâhnâma, I, p. 316.

6 Katara; is an Indian word for a dagger. Phül, i.e. flower, is a word
used for embroideıy, and phûl katara probably means a decorated dagger. See
Bödahâhnâma, loc. cit.

■ul-Umarâ.

KflİN JAHİN BÂBAH.

793

of 1,000 Dhât so that he had the rank of 5,000 with 4,000 horse, and was
granted a horse with a gilded saddle from the special stables.

When the territory of Nizâm Shâh was trodden under the feet of
the royal armies, Khân Jahân Lödî sav it was difficult to remain there
and went off to Mâlwa. Abûl Muzaffar, who was famed for bravery,
and noble lineage, received a special Khil'at, and a sword, and a Qipchâq
horse from the special stables and was sent to pursue him. As 'Abdullah
Khân Bahâdur was also ordered to pursue him with a separate force,
the order was passed that if 'Abdullah Khân Bahâdur should come to the
borders, both armies should join up and uproot the thornbush of sedition.
Saiyid Muzaffar Khân quickly crossed the Narbadâ at the Akbarpür
ferry and sent out his scouts. At the station of the vülage of Tâlgâon
in Mahva 'Abdullah Khân Bahâdur joined him, and then they learnt at
the vülage of Nüm* belonging to the country of Bândhû— which is
15 kos from Sahenda and 30 from Allahâbâd^that Khân Jahân had taken
to flight after the contest had failed. The gallant men did not desist
from pursuit, and after two days they came up with him, and an engage-
ment took place. He was killed in the encounter with the vanguard
of Saiyid Muzaffar Khân and Saiyid Mâkhan the son of Saiyid
'Abdullah, the daughter's son of Saiyid Muzaffar Khân and 27 others
attaıned martyrdom. After that Saiyid Muzaffar Khân came to the
Court and received an increase of 1,000 horse and was raised to the rank
of 5,000 Dhât o suvoâr and received the title of Khân Jahân. in the 4th
year, he and his following consisting of 1,000 horse dü-aspa and sih-aspa
(two-horse and three-horse) was sent off with Yamîn-ud-Daula to chastise
'Adil Khân of Bîjâpûr. in the 5th year he waited on the King and received
an increase of 1,000 horse, dü-aspa and sih-aspa. in the 6th year he
was granted a similar rise of rank. Aftenvards he was sent off with
Prince Muhammad Shujâ' to the siege of Parenda. He did good service
on this occasion, and when the taking of the fort was delayed, the Prince,
in accordance with the orders of Shâh Jahân, came to the Court, and
Saiyid Khân Jahân quickly arrived and did homage near Agra. in the
8th year an addition was made of dü-aspa and sih-aspa troopers to his
contingent, and in the same year he was appointed with other officers
to chastise Jujhâr Singh Bundela who had rebelled. When Jujhâr Singh
had after a struggle proceeded to Deogarh — which was near Berâr —
and 'Abdullah Khân Bahâdur Fîrüz Jang and Khân Daurân were ordered
to pursue him, Saiyid Khân Jahân halted in accordance with the eom-
luands to settle the conquered country and to search for the treasures
hidden near Chûrâgarh. After that he came to the Court when Shâh
Jahân intended to visit Daulatâbad and after crossing the Narbadâ
had encamped on its bank. He received a special Khil'at with a gold
ombroidered chârgab, a decorated dagger with a phül-katâra, a decorated
scimitar, and a lac of rupees in cash. in the 9th year he received a
special Khil'at, a special scimital and a horse from the special stables and
was sent off with a poss6 of officers to chastise 'Âdil Shâh Bîjâpûrî.
He came from Bîr to Dhârwâr and leaving his baggage there proceeded
to Shölâpûr. On the way he sent men and took Sarâdhûn. He also
attacked the fief of Rîhân of Shölâpûr and established a station (thâna)

1 Bödahâhnâma, I, p. 348. See also Banarsi Prasad, op. cit., pp. 77-79.
13

794

EHİN JAHİN BÂBAH.

Madthir

at the town of Dhârâsin *. On several occasions he fought with the
Bijâpûrîs. The said Khân displayed personal valour and every time
inflieted disastroüs defeat upon them.

They say that one day Randaula 2 Bîjâpüri was vounded and fell
from his horse but one of his companions brought him a horse and. took
him offthe fiekL After portions of the Bîjâpûr territory had been devas-
tated, and the rainy season had commenoed the Khân turned back in
order to go into quarters and came to Dhânrâr. Afterwards, when
'5 dil Khân came to terms and submitted, the said Khân, in accordance
with orders, returned to the Court. When in the end of the same year
the King resolved to go to the Capital, the charge of the four provinces
of the Deccan, that is, Khândesh, Berâr, parts of Telingâna, and some of
Nizâm-ul-Mulk's territory was made över to Prince, Saiyid Khân Jahân
received a special Khil'at, and was ordered, during the absence of the
Khân Zaman at the sieges of Junair, ete, to remain in attendance on the
Prince. in the lOth year he came to the Court and was sent to Gwâliyâr
— which formed a part of his fief. in the llth year he again came to
the Court, and as the King intended to go to Lâhöre, Khân Jahân obtained
leave to return to his fief. in the 14th year he waited on the King in
Lâhöre and received an inerease of 1,000 horse so that his rank became
6,000 with 6,000 horse, 5,000 of which were dü-aspa and sih-aspa. At
this time, when Prince Jagat Singh the son of Râja Bâsü rebelled, Khân
Jahân was appointed with a force to ohastise him and to take possession
of his forts. At the time of taking leave he received a special Khil'at
and two horses from the royal stables with gilded saddles and an elephant
together with a female elephant and a lac of rupees as an advance. in
accordance with orders he spent the rainy season in Lâhöre and later when
he had traversed the passes of Bahalwân 8 and Machlîbhawanhe encamped
within half a kos of the fort of Nûrpûr, and made excellent preparations
by ereeting earthworks and digging mines. Though a bastion of the
fort was blown up, but as the besieged had ereeted a wall behind each
bastion, there was no means of entry. Afterwards, in accordance with
royal orders, he undertook the siege of Mau' fort and displayed courage.
in the fights he so pressed the besieged that the royal foroes were able
to enter the fort on another side, and Jagat Singh took to flight. As
a reward an addition of 1,000 dü-aspa and sih-aspa troopers was made to
his contingent. Afterwards, when Jagat Singh expressed his penitence,
his offenoes were forgiven, and the said Khân returned to the Court with
Prince Murâd Bakhsh. As in this yöar it was reported that Shâh Safî,
the ruler of Persia, was coming to take Qandahâr, Prince Dârâ Shiköh
was deputed to eheck him. The said Khân recaived a Special Khil'at and
an ornamented sword, and two horses from the royal stables with gilded
saddles and an elephant, and was appointed to aecompany the Prince.

During this time the death of Shâh Safî was reported. in the 16th
year the Khân received permission to go to his Gwâliyâr fief. in the
17th year he again came to the Court and, when Shâh Jahân went to

1 Dhârâsiyün in Bâdshâhnâma, I, pt. 2, p. 157.

2 He is the famous Bîjâpûr general Randaula ilân, who played such an
important part in the war against the imperialist army. The incident is mentioned
in Bâdshâhnâma, I, pt. 2, p. 157-

* Balahwân, Bâdshâhnâma, II, p. 261. For a conneoted account of the cam-
paign against the Zamîndârs of Nûrpûr, so Banarsi Prasad, op. cit., pp. 93-102.
13B

•ul-Umarâ.

KHİN JAHÂN LODl.

795

Âjmer, he was left in charge of Agra. After the return of Shâh Jahân,
he remained at the Court for some time. in the 18th year he was allowed
to go to his jâgir. in the 19th year he was summoned and did homage
in Lâhöre. in the middle of the same year corresponding to 1055 A.H.
(1645 A.D.) be became paralytic and after remaining bedridden for two
months died. - The appreciative Sovereign grieved for his loss and made
provision for his sons Saiyid Manşür Khân, Saiyid Sher Zaman and
Saiyid Munawwar— the two last became known as Saiyid Muzaffar
Khân and Saiyid Lashkar ghân; a separate account x of them has been
given.

The Khânhadagreat name, and was possessed of much chara/ıter and
generosity. He spent his life with honour. To every one of the royal
servants who was associated with him he gave villages out of his fief.
He was very gentle and considerate. They say that one day Shâh Jahân
seaced him at his table and made him share his meal. Afterwards when
the King rose, ghân Jahân ran and placed his slippers under his feet.
The King was angry and said, "You should have respect for your high
title. When a person has such a title, we and ali the Princes, not to speak
of the, officers, need his support. And he does not make an exception
in anybody's favour." The King said, "in future in ali proceedings the
code (törah) and rules must be observed". But they say that he did not
succeed in worldly matters, and did not trust his officers. He greatly
favoured servants from his native land, and their statements were believed
by him. One day a colleetor who b^ad embezzled five thousand rupees
of the revenue of his jâgir, sent through a servant aahrafis to the value
of Rs.3,000, with the request that* this was the sum due to the Divân
and the aocountant, but that he was afraid that they would tomorrow
give a verdiot for putting him to death. The said Khân was pleased and
took the ashrafis. Though after this the elerks stated that Rs.5,000 of
the revenue were due from him, the said Khân would not accept their
statement.

HhIn a JahIk LödI.

(Vol. I, pp. 716-732.)

He was the son of Daulat Khân Lödî and belonged to the Shâhükhail
elan. His name was Pir Khân. in early youth he quarrelled with his
father and came to Bengâl to Râja Mân Singh with his elder brother
Muhammad Khân. One day, when they were desirous of erossing the
river and entering the city (Gaur ?) a dispute arose on board the boats,
and it ended in a fight. it happened that two brother's sons of the Râja
were killed. After the Râja had heard of what the two brothers had done
in the nîatter he, on account of his former knowledge of them, presented
them with Rs.30,000 and sent them away lest they should be maltreated
by the Râjpüts. Muhammad Khân died in early youth and Pîrâ had
the good fortune to become a favourite with Prince Sultân Dâniyâl.
They say his intimacy became such that they were inseparable, and that

ı Maât&ir-ul-Umarâ, Text II, pp. 465-468.

* For a notice of Khân Jahân, see Khâft Khân, I, p. 411, ete. The Shâhükhail
elan is mentioned ih Jarrett's translation oîÂ'm, II, p. 308 and ia. Blochmann's
translation of A'ln, I (2nd edn.), p. 564. For the origin of the Lödfs, see Bellew's
Races of Afghanistan, p. 99. Shâhü perhaps refers to Shâh Husain the Lödî.

~""W ' ~~"

796

KHÂN JAHİN LÖDI.

Maâthir

the Prince spoke of him as his cMld (farzand). After the Prınce's death,
he in his twantieth year entered into the service of Jahângîr and became
a special favourite 1 . First, he obtained the rank of 3,000, and the title
of Şalâbat Khân and shortly afterwards reoeived the high title of Khân
Jahân and the rank of 5,000. in point of intimaoy and the influenoe of
his words he had no rival, and Jahângîr ordered that he should have a
seat in the ghuslkhâna. He repeatedly took him into the female apart-
ments, and wished to marry him to a relation of the royalty, and to gıve
him the title of Sultân Jahân. He represented thât the title of
Sultân was reserved for princes, and that sitting in the King's presence,
and entering the female apartments were also their privileges, and begged
that he uıight be spared such ceremonials, and also that the proposed
conneotion with the royalty might not take plaee. They say that
Jahângîr did not insist on the relation of master and servant between
them, and treated him as a friend. But he did not withdraw himself
from service and did not extend his foot beyond the proper limits. When
Prinoe Parvîz was appointed to the Deecan, along vith Eâja Mân Singh
and Sharîf Khân the Amîr-ul-Umarâ to assist Khân-Khânân; the work
did not make muoh progress, and in the year 1018 A.H. (1609 A.D.)
Khân Jahân was sent with 12,000 horse to assist the imperialısts. At
the time of his departure, the King descended from the pubüc and private
jharöka and placed his own turban on ghân Jahân's head, and took his
hand and set him on his horse., An order was passed that as he went
he should beat his drums. On one side the King, and on the other Khân
Jahân indulged in unrestrained weeping on aocount of the impending
separation. At every stage presents for him arrived from the King.
Khân Jahân did not delay in Burhânpûr but proceeded towards Bâlâghât
where the ünperial oamp was. A great battle took place at Malkâpûr
with Malik 'Ambar. The Hindüstânî (i.e. up-country) soldiers, who did
not know the Parthian 2 tactics of the Deecan, went on rapidly and
suflfered much loss. After that Khân-Khânân came, and treated him with
muoh politeness, and conveyed him to the Bâlâghât. As it had been
arranged by the Emperor that on one side Khân Jahân should advance
with the army of the Deecan, and on the. other 'Abdullah Khân s
Zakbml should advance to Daulatâbâd with the Gujarât army, and so

ı There is a detailed account of Khân Jahân and his ancestors in Rogers and
Beveridge's 'translation of Tüzuk-%- Jahângiri I, p. 87.

* Bırgi-giri, of. Elliot, VI, p*. 428, last line. Bargî ıs a name for the Mahrattas.
For an account of the battle, see ghâfî Khân, I, p. 318 and Beni Prasad, History of

» it 'is not oİear why the epithet Zabhmi is added to the name of 'Abdullah
Khân. He is 'Abdullah ghân finiz Jang of Maâthir-ıd-Umarâ, Text II, pp. 777-789.
Perhaps chashm zabhmi, the defeated, is what is meant. in the notıce of-ghan Jahan
Lödî (p 718) it is said that Malik 'Ambar intrigued wıth ghân-Khanan, and that
accordıngly the latter detaiııed Khân Jahân Lödî in ?afarnagar by pretexts and
so brought about ' Abdullah Kharı's defeat whereas in (Text II, p. 780) m the account
of 'Abdullah Khân it is said that this account is not correct, as Khân-Khânân was not
then in the Deecan but had returned to the Court. it appears that the author
of the Maâthir-ul-Umarâ has confounded two events. The time when Malik Ambar
is said to have intrigued with Khân-Khânân was the 5th year of Jahângir's reıgn
(vide Rogers and Beveridge's translation of Tüzuk-i-Jabângirî, I, p. 179, and Elliot,
VI p 323) This was not the time when ' Abdull&h «as defeated and had.to make
a shameful retreat, as that oocurred some three years later in the 7th year of Jahân-
gir's reign, see Rogers and Beveridge, op. et*., p. 219, and EfaSfl Khân, I, pp. 273, 274.

-ul-Umarâ.

KHAN JAHİN LÖDI.

797

surround Malik 'Ambar, and chastise him, they say that the latter got
alarmed and intrigued with Khân-Khânân. The latter aocordingly
by stratagem detained Khân Jahân for some time in £afarnagar so that
'Abdullah Khân reached Daulatâbâd and was defeated and had to make
a shameful retreat . Malik 'Ambar having got rid of him addressed himself
to plundering the grass and food for Khân Jahân's camp. The prioe of
corn rose so high that a ser couM not be had for a rupee. There was also
a great mortality among the quadrupeds. He was reduoed to complete
confusion and had to make a şort of peace and return to Burhânpûr.
The disaster attached a stigma to the name of Khân-Khânân. Khân
Jahân wrote 1 that "ali this has oocurred from the hypocrisy of the old
trickster. Things must either be left to him, or he must be summoned
to the Court, and I with 30,000 cavalry will in two years after relieving
the . fortresses make Bîjâpür part of the empire, or not show my face
among the royal servants" Accordingly, the management of the whole
affair of the Deecan was entrusted to Khân Jahân, and Khân A 'zam K5ka,
Khân .'Âlâm and other officers were added to the former auxiliaries and
Khân-Khânân hastened back to the Court. But the secret treachery of
the royal officers stili persisted, and nothing could be achieved. Khân
Jahân was censured and given the fief of Thânesar * and made to reşide
in IHchpür while the command was transferred to Khân A'zam. After
a year, when Khân Jahân came to the Court, his old intimacy and influence
were restored, and there was not a hairbreadth of difference. in the 15th
year when it appeared that the Qazalbâsh (Persian) was trying to conquer
Qandahâr, Khân Jahân was appointed governor 8 of the provinee of
Multân and sent to his post. in the beginning of the 17th year when
Shâh 'Abbâs took the fort of Qandahâr after a sfege of forty days, Khân
Jahân, in accordance with orders, went with ali haste to the Court to
advise about this matter. But his return at such a time was regarded
by those who did not know of the royal orders, as a slight to Khân Jahân
and indicating that he was not a leader. They were sure that on this
occasionhe would fail from his rank, and that he may not escape even with
his life. The facts are that command s repeatedly came to him to the
effect that he should beware of making an attempt on the fort and that
only princes could oppose princes After his arrival at the Court, it
was settled that until the Prince came he should proceed to Multân
and arrange for the expedition.

They say that many of Af ghân tribes from the neighbourhood of
Qandahâr came to Multân and said to Khân Jahân that on account öf
tribal feeling, if government would give five. tanhas (piçe) a day per
horseman, and two tanhas for footsoldiers — which amount was indispen-
sable for food — they would serve in his van in large numbers till they had
conquered Isfahan. They also promised that they would provide the

1 Rogers and Beveridge, op. cit., p. 179 and Elliot, VI, p. 323, and Igbâl-
nâma-i-Jahdngîrî, p. 45. Fer a conheeted account of the Deecan eampaigns, see
Beni Prasad, Hintory of Jahangir, pp. 261-266.

* This is a mistak" for Thâlner.

* See Rogers and Beveridge, op. cit., II, p. 191, for the appointment of Khân
Jahân as governor of Multân ; there he is designated my son : farzand. Aceording
to the Tüzük it was not till the beginning of the 17th year that there was any in-
dication that the Persian king wou!d attack Qandahâr (p. 233). Khân Jahân was
recalled and then sent in advance cf the expedition against (Jandahâr.

798

&HİN JAHİN LÖDl.

Maâthir

camp with grain at the rate of five sera (seers) for the rupee. Khân Jahân
said that if ever the King came to know of this kind of agreement he would
never a&ovf him to live. Meanwhile the heavens caused another revolu-
tion, for there arose a disagreement between the King and the heir-
apparent Shâh Jahân and there was disturbance and war. The despatch
of troops against Qandahâr was stopped, and repeated orders were sent,
summoning Khân Jahân. At last the King wrote " If at this time Sher
Khân Sür were living, he would in spite of ali his enmity come to us,
and yet you ha ve not come ! " it happened that Khân Jahân fell ili,
and for thirteen days and nights he was insensible. After his arrival
at the Court he was ordered to guard the fort of Âgra and the treasures
there, and to take l up his abode at Fathpür Sikrî. in the 19th year
he on the death of the Khân A 'zam Koka was appointed governor of
Gujarât. When Mahâbat Khân was removed from the guardianship
of Sultân Parviz and made governor of Bengâl, Khân Jahân was appointed
in his place and joined the Prince in Burhânpûr. in the 2 İst year,
1035 A.H., when Sultân Parviz died, the whole management of the Deccan
was entrusted to Khân Jahân. He went to the Bâlâghât to chastise Fath
Khân. the son of Malik 'Ambar, who was stirring up commotion in the
imperial territory, and did not draw rein tül he came to Khirkî. At
that time, Hamîd Khân 2 the Abyssinian — whose wife managed the army —
was the Prime Minister of Nizâm Shâh. He had recourse to cajolery
and deceived Khân Jahân into making över the royal territory to him for
a tribute of three s laos of hüns. Accordingly, the faujdârs and tMnadârs
of Bâlâghât, in accordance with the letters from Khân Jahân, made över
their posts to the agents of Nizâm Shâh and assembled at Burhânpûr,
with the exception of Sipahdâr Khân * who did not surrender Ahmadnagar
on the plea of not having received the King's orders. They say that
Khân Jahân out of his far-sightedness, by this kindness to the Nizâm
Shâh, made him his friend in contemplation of his having a place of refuge
on the day of misfortune. At any rate the stain of this evil deed remained
on his reputation. At the same time when Mahâbat Khân withdrew
from the Court with evil designs and joined Shâh Jahân in Junair,
Jahângîr gave his title of the Commander-in-chief to Khân Jahân.
Many days had not elapsed when Jahângîr went to the other world.
Shâh Jahân sent Jân Nithâr Khân 5 — who was a confidential and tactfu]
servant — to Khân Jahân with a gracious farmân and an order for the
confirmation of his governorship of the Deccan. Jân Nithâr Khân was
to ascertain further his secret sentiments and to ask his opinion
about Shâh Jahân's marching by way of Burhânpûr. But Khân Jahân,
although he had not fallen short in serving the Prince at the time when
he was in Junair, at this time accepted the instigation of Daryâ Khân
Röhila, and the advice of Fâdil Khân the Dîvân of the Deccan, who
said that Sultân Dâwar Bakhsh had been placed on the throne in the camp,
and that Shahriyâr was laying a claim to the sovereignty in Lâhöre. He

1 He eould hardly proteot Âgra ıf he stayed in Fathpür Sikrî some 24 miles
away. Khâfî Khân. I, p. 343, says he was left in Agra in the 19th year.

* Khâfî Khân, I, p. 384.

* it is three laes in Igbâlnâma-i-Jahângtrl, see Elliot, VI, p. 433. Khâfî Khan. I,
pp. 411 and 429, speaks of six laes of hüns.

* Khan. j ar Khân in Khâfî Khân, loc. cit., but it is Diyânat Khân on p. 429.

* Khâfî Khân, I, p. 391, and Bunarsi Prasad, History of Shahjahan, pp. 68, 69.

-id- Umara.

KHÂN JAHİN LÖDl.

799

also said that Shâh Jahân' — to whom he had rendered Such services had

been joined by Mahâbat Khân the day before yesterday, and that Shâh
Jahân had given him the title of Sipahsâlâr which had been conferred
on him (Khân Jahân) by the (late) King (Jahângîr). "You", he said,
" are, by the goodness of God, master of forces and of tribes, enter the
service of whoever becomes the King. " As the time of his fail was near
at hand he, in spite of ali his knowledge and ability — in which respects
he was the unique of the age — made a mistake and sent back Jân Nithâr
Khân without even replying to the farmân.

When it was reported that Shâh Jahân had sent Mahâbat Khân
from Gujarât against Mândü — where Khân' Jahân's family was — he
renewed the treaty with the Nizâm Shâh and left Sikandar Dûtânî
to guard Burhânpûr. He himself came with the auxiliary ofiîcers to
Mândü and took Mâlwa from Muzaffar Khân Ma'mürî who was tho
governor. The royal officers ali gathered round him and many of them
said, "If you wish to fight, we ali shall help you ". When they saw that
Khân Jahân had not made up his mind, and that they would have a bad
name to no purpose, they turned away from him and went off to the
Presence (of Shâh Jahân). And Khân Jahân when he perceived that Shâh
Jahân had marched by Gujarât and. that ali the officers and Râjas from
ali quarters had appeared before him— and it became apparent that the
accession of Dâwar Bakhsh was only a ruşe, and was an adumbration
of Shâh Jahân's sovereignty arranged by Aşaf Khân, he saw that what
he (Shâh Jahân) had done was proper (i. e. in sending Jân Nithâr Khân
to him, ete). But' as the opportunity was göne, what was the good of
repentance ! He sent his Vakil to the Court and after the accession sent
a tribute along with a coronet (sihra) of pearls. Shâh Jahân, who was
a world of knowledge and graciousness, ignored his evil behaviour and
made 1 him governor of Mâlwa. in the 2nd year when he came to the
Court after having settled the punishment of Jujhâr Bundela, though
ali the Amîrs did not receive him as in the time of Jahângîr, yet the King 2
in order to ploase him sent away to Dalhi 3 Mahâbat Khân — who had
become Khân-Khânân, and was ahvays lording över everybody — and
bowed his head to no one. But

Verse.

That cup was broken and that cupbearer was no more.

Where was the respect with which he had been treated by his master ?
Where was the public and private reception ? Moreover there was no
sincerity on either side. An order was given " Why have you ali this
army with you at the Court? You must diseharge it". Also under
some pretext some valuable properties were taken from him. Continually,
during the eight months that he was at the Court he was suspicious on

1 Khâfî Khân, I, p. 412.

2 The account of Khân Jahân's behaviour after the death of Jahângîr, ete,
raay be conmared with the account of Fâdil Khân in Maâthir-ul-Umarâ, Text III,
pp. 19, 20; Beveridge's translation, p. 549.

3 Khâfî Khân, I, p. 412, has the Deccan, but Delhî seems more correct; »oe
Bâdshâhnâma, I, p. 352.

800

KHİN JAHÂN LÖDl.

Maâthir

account of his own actioııs, and lived unhappily and was agitated. One
night, in the Dzrbâr, Mirza Lashkarî 1 the son of Mukjjliş Khân said in
his hotheaded way to the Khân Jahân's sons, "Today or tomorrow they'll
imprison your father". When these idle words, which had no trace of
the truth, reached Khân Jahân, he, by reason of his seeing that he was out
of favour, fell into confusion and suspense and confined himself to his
house. Shâh Jahân sent islâm Khân to him and asked for an explanation.
He, being dominated by apprehensions, represented the alienation of the
King's favour from him, and prayed that he might be favoured with
a letter of security (amân-nâma) in the King's own hand. Shâh Jahân
sent him such a letter and Yamin-ud-Daula Âşaf Khân sympathetically
said to him, "II" you are to become a hermit, it is proper that we ali should
today become your companions". As the materials for his fail and ruin
were apparent, he could not be reassured, and after the manner 2 of
timid traitors suspicion augmented his suspicion.

They say that one night, when he wanted to leave ^gra and take
the road of vagabondage, Aşaf Khân heard of it and reported the fact
to the Emperor. He replied that as the promise had been written, it
was not right to hmder him or to inflict punishment before the offence
is committed. They were stili conversing when news of his absconding
was brought. Immediately Khvyâja Abûl Hasan Turbatî and other
officers were deputed to pursue him.

They say it was the midnight » of the Diwâlî, 27th Şafr, 1039 A.H.
when he came out of his house at Agra. When he came to the Hatiyâpül
Gate, he threw the reins of his horse's neek and lowering his head on his
saddle-bow said, " O God, Thou knowest that I am leaving in order to
save my honour and that there is no rebellion in my heart". When
he came to Dhölpür 4 , the fîrst persons to encounter him were Muzaffar
Khân Bârah, Râja Bethal Dâs, and Khidmat Parast Khân. A great fight
took place. Husain and 'Azmat, his two sons, Shams his son-in-law,
with his 6 two brothers Muhammad and Mahmüd who were grandsons
of 'Alam Khân Lödî — who was an old leader of the Afghâns — together
with sixty of his chief servants, such as Bhîkan Khân Qureshî, and others
were killed. Khân Jahân personally fought bravely and was wounded
and endeavoured to reach the river Chambal, but on account of the
violence of the current his women were not able to cross. His wife and
daughters and some trustworthy dependants {asâmi) were put into
litters on elephants and left behind in great agitation and confusion.

ı Khâfi Khân, I, p. 412. See also Elliot, VII, pp. 8, 9, and BârlulııVmılma, 1,
p. 273. The story is told with more detail and somo verbal differences in Maâthir-
ul-Umarâ, Text III, p. 430, in the notice of Mııkhliş Khân. For a detailed account
of Khân Jahân during Shâh Jahân's reign, see Banarsi Prasad, History of Slıahjahan ,
pp. 66-79.

2 KhâfîKhân, I, p. 412.

3 Two hours after nightfall, Khâfî Khân, I, p. 414. Bâdshahnâma, I, p. 275,
gives the date of fiight as Sunday, 26 Şafr. See Banarsi Prasad, op. cit., p. 71,
where the date is given as October 5, 1629.

* Eighteen kos from Agra. There is, or was, a Hatiyâpûrî or Elephent Gato
at Delhi, but the elephants were originally at Agra.

s That is Shams's brothers, Bâdshâhndma, I, p. 278. Cf. with Maâthir-ul-
Umarâ, I, p. 715. 'Âlâm Khân Lödî had been killed along with Râja 'Alî of Khân-
dösh in the great battle against Suhail.

-ul-Umarâ.

KBİK JAHİN LÖDl.

Verse 1 .

801

I Ve brought myself half alive out of the valley of death,
'Tis enough to have saved this out of a long march.

On account of the jdelay of the royal army for a night 2 and a
day Khân Jahân crossed the river. He then entered the jungles of the
country of Jujhâr Bundela. He took unfreauented ways and proceeded
to Göndwâna. Bikramâjlt the son of Jujhâr s ignored his coming,
other wise he could have apprehended him. Khân Jahân reposed foı
a time in Lânjî and then went by Berâr to the country of Nizâm Shâh.
Bahlûl Khân Miyâna the jâglrdâr of Bâlâpûr, and Sikandar Dütânî ioined
him. Nizâm Shâh regarded his coming as a great gain and receivea him
with much cordiality and pitched his tents outside of Daulatâbâd.

When Khân Jahân came near his enclosure (sarâparda) and had not
yet alighted from his horse, Nizâm-ul-Mulk came out to welcome him,
and placed him on the maşnad, and himself took a seat on its corner.
He gave him money for his expenses and assigned to him pargana Bir
as his tankhıoâh, though it was an imperial thâna. He also gave fiefs
to his companions and dismissed them. He himself proceeded to collect
his army. in the beginning of the 3rd year, Shâh Jahân came to Burhân-
pür and made it his residence to uproot him. Three bodies of troops
conssting of 50,000 cavaİry were despatched under the leadership of
A'zam * Khân Sâvajî the governor of the Deccan. Khân Jahân con-
fronted him with 40,000 cavaİry of Nizâm Shâh and others.

They say that on the day of battle he was sitting in his palanquin
smoking and that 'Aziz Khân his son said to him, "If you want to give
battle you should mount your horse and attack, otherwise why are you
ruining the world ? " He replied, "Do you believe that we shall prevail
över the royal army ? Alas ! it has God-given Fortune. I wish that
by these strugglings of a slaughtered animal an atonement may be made,
and that there may be some hope for you, and that I may go to Mecca. "
These words of Khân Jahân caused the dispersal of the Afghâns who had
come from Upper India with the ideâ of obtaining the sovereignty (of
India). When the rains came, Khân Jahân took up his quarters in the
village of Râjaurî four kos from the town of Bîr, and in the slope of the
hiDs. When the rains, ended, Muqarrab Khân the leader of the Nizâm-
Shâhî army and Bahlûl Khân on the approach of the army of A'zam Khân
withdrew to Dhârwâr from Jâlnâpûr. Daryâ Khân Röhila had not
joined (Khân Jahân); when A'zam Khân saw his opportunity and set out
from Devalgâon and crossed the Godâvarî, and from Manjhaligâön fell
upon Khân Jahân who had not more than 400 horse . Khân Jahân prepared
for the battle and sent off his women to the hills, and came out to fight.
When he reached the highlands of Râjaurl. an engagement took place
between Bahâdur Khân Lödî, the brother's son of Khân Jahân, and Bâhâdur
Khân Röhila. Brave deeds were done on both sides, and though Bahâdür

1 Bâdshâhndma, I, p. 279.

* The army halted for seven wBtches, Bâdshâhnâma, I, p. 280.

* Jujhâr was then in the Deccan. it is said there that Bikramâjlt guided him
out of his country to Göndnrâna, see Banarsi Prasad, op. cit., p. 73.

4 From Sâvâ in Persia, also called Irâdat Khân, see Maâthir-ıd-Umarâ, I,
pp. 174-180, Beveridge's translation, pp. 315-319.

802

SflAN JAHİN LÖDl.

Maâthir

Khân Röhila fell on the field, the imperial army arrived with help.
Bahâduı* Khân Lödî lost heart and sought to fly. Râja Bihâr Singh
Bundela came up to that doomed man and killed him. Khân Jahân
went off with his women on horseback from Sîvagâon and came to
Baidâpür. Daryâ Khân joined him on the way. From there ne hastened
to Daulatâbâd, and rested for a wbile. Though they urged him to sit
upon the throne, he replied "Fifty years of my life ha ve göne, I do not
know if after me my sons will be fit for the sovereignty. Every Mughal
will expel an Afghân with insult from the towns and country, and then
the maidservants of the Afghâns will execrate me (Ut. -vvültake my name
and strike their slippers on the ground), saying 'We ha ve come to this
state by his wickedness '. I cannot stand ali this beating with slippers. "
Bahlül and Sikandar became displeased and left him. Nor did he see
much kindness on the part of the Nizâm Shâh. Rather there were signs
of the rise of disaffection. He was disgusted with his interested friend-
ship, and at the advice of Daryâ Khân Röhila, Aimal Khân Tarîn, and
Şadr Khân formed the plan of going to the Panjâb so that he might stir
up commotion there with the help of the Afghâns. He came from Daulat-
âbâd to Antür 1 , and passing by Dharangâon 2 and Amba Pâtar
proceeded towards Mahva. 'Abdullah Khân Firüz Jang and Saiyid
Muzaffar Khân Bârah pursued him. He was unable to halt. He
continued his march, plundering as he want. Near Sarönj he seized 50
of the royal elephants and entered the Bundela territory so that he might
reach Kâlpî. Bikramâjît the son of Jujhâr Bundela to amend his former
fault attacked the rear which was commanded by Daryâ Khân. and in
that struggle Daryâ Khân was killed. Khân Jahân was grieved at the
death of such a companion and continued his march. When he came to
the territory of Bhânder 3 , Saiyid Muzaffar Khân Bârah of the King's
vanguard nearly caught him up. Khân Jahân sent on his family, and
wdth 1 ,000 horse engaged in hot battle. His son Mahmüd Khân and many
others were killed. Khân Jahân was helpless and turned his rein. When
he came to Kâlinjar, Saiyid Ahmad the governor of the fort barred his
passage. in that fight his son Hasan Khân was made prisoner. Khân
Jahân went on, a doomed man, some twenty kos more, and halted at
the bank of a tank at Şahında 3 . He said to his men, "The royal army
does not ceasc from following us and is close uponour heels. How long
shall I fly ? AH our relatives and clansmen have been killed. I too am
satiated with life. There is no remedy save death. Whoever wishes,
may leave." He distributed to them whatever (property) remained.
Many went off on 1 Raljab (24th January, 1631 A.D.), the others advanced
with firm foot and engaged Saiyid Muzaffar Khân Bârah. At last Khân
Jahân dismounted along with his son 'Azız Khân, Aimal Khân Tarîn,
and Şadr Khân. and fought with swords and daggers as long as there was
life in their bodies. He fell to the ground from an arrow 4 (bullet ?)
of Mâdhü Singh. 'Abdullah Khân Zakbmî (the wounded) sent his head
to the Court, and it was shown to Shâh Jahân while he was taking an
airing in a boat on tho Tâptî in Burhânpür. in accordance with his

1 Katal Antûr, Khâfî Khân, I, p. 437.

2 Dharangâon and Jöpra, Khâfî Khân. I, p. 437.

* Elliot, VII, p. 21, note 2.

* A spear (barchâ), see Bâdshâhnğma, I, p. 351, and EUiot, VII, p. 22.

-ul-Umarâ.

KHÂN JAHİN LÖDl.

803

orders it was buried in his father's tomb. Tâlib * Kalım wrote this
quatrain.

Quatrain.

This pleasant news was an additional ornament,
What joy did not this end of two evils cause,
The departure of Daryâ made the head of Pîrâ depart,
As if his head were a bubble of the river.

The following chronogram enigmatically 2 gives the date :

Ki ah o nalah az Afghân bar âmad.

(Sighs and laments emerged from the Afghâns.)

in their accounts of Khân Jahân contemporaries have added too
much or stated too little. Some maintain that in reality he had no inten-
tion to rebel. Ali that happened was done in self-defence (khud dârî).
Others say that he was a born rebel and recalcitrant, and obşerve no
bounds in their abuse of him. Leaving aside the words of his detractors
and panegyrists, what comes out from his history is that he was a straight 8
and honest man. He was not a time-server qr a double-faced person.
The blows of circumstance had not touched him. The word of check
had not reached his ear, and ali out of envy were lying in wait for him.
The King of India (Jahângîr) with ali his glorv and grandeur was
enamoured of him. Out of pride and unconciliatory nature of his tempera-
ment he did not bow his head to heaven or prince (fal ak o mallak).

One day Shah Jahân apropos of something said to Saiyid Khân
Jahân Bârah, "This title is of a man from whom we and ali the princes
desire to receive attention, but he out of contempt says nothing to
anybody". AH at önce the jugglery of the heavens produced a new
world, and there was a ne w arrangement on the carpet of universe.
His distinction and intimacy no longer existed. Men who had not been
admitted * to his presence claimed to be his equals, or rather they raised
their heads above him. The exhibition (by him) of some disrespectful
actions — which teere regarded at the Court as sedition and rebellion —
produced the result that every want of attention was regarded as an
affront, and every idle word as the sound of banishment. Moreover
he was jealous and proud, and far from affable. He felt out of place,
and his heart was aggrieved. He preferred vagabondage and a death 5
in the desert. To the lofty minded no evil is more intolerable than
disgrace after honour. So he brought himself to where he brought

1 Commonly called Ab'ü Tâlib. See Rieu, II, p. 686. He was a native of
Hamadân, and became Shâh Jahân's poet laureate. His quatrain is a play on the
word Daryâ which means both the Daryâ Khân who was Khân Jahân's follower
and a river. Pîrâ was Khân Jahân's name, Pir Muhammad, and may also stand
for evil. The quatrain is given in Bâdshâhnâma, I, p. 352.

2 The chronogram is ingenious. Az Afg&ân yields 1040, the proper date, but
the word for Afghâns, i.e. for the plural number ts 4.fghânân = 1091. We deduct
o, and n = 51 from this, as representing ah sighs, and nâlah laments and so get
1040. There is also a play on the word Afghân which means laments as well as an
Afghân.

3 The author passes lightly över this selling the Dsecan to Nizâm Shâh.

4 Perhaps persons who had not his privilege of admission to the Emperor.

5 Biyâbân margi, desert pestilenco T

804

KHİ1T ZAMİN

Madthir

himself. At first ali his dangerous outbreaks were the result of nothing
but a desire to preserve his honour and status. Afterwards other designs
were mized up with them. Or rather they became necessary, e.g. his
collecting troops and his aüiance with Nizâm-ul-Mulk. If the die had
been cast aright and Time had been his friend how oould the love of the
world's glory ever have made him bow his head for service !

in fine, Khân Jahân was possessed of mildness and clemency, and
could not bear to injure ony one. Though he was a Sünni he was specially
inclined towards the people of Persia. His father was well known as
a Shî'a, and there was a saying of his that there could be no courage
without submission to Murtadâ 'Alî. At last, Khân Jahân, from
companionship with ShaikJı Fadl Ullâh of Burhânpür took a fancy for
Sufîsm, and spent his nights with Darvishes and 'Ulama, and espressed
an aversion to the world. There was nothing startling or extraordinary
about his household management. His expenses were sometimes three
lacs a month, and sometimes less. There was a little saving after expendi-
ture. He did not himself look after matters, and was not friendly with
Hindüs. He procrastinated about the taking of aeoounts from collectors,
and other similar matters. He had many sons. Some died on the field
of battle, and Asâlat Khân, who held the rank of 3,000, died in Daulatâbâd
dııring the period of exfle. Muzaffar left his father and went to the Court,
and Farid and Jahân * were made prisoners. 'Alam and Ahmad fled,
but after a time came to the Court. Up to the present day none of his
descendants has arrived at eminence.

KhIn Zaman.
(Vol. I, pp. 785-792.)

He was Mir Khalü the second son of A'zam Khân 2 Jahângîrî and
son-in-law of Yamin-ud-Daula Âşaf Khân Khân-Khânân the Sipahsâlâr.
in company with his father he performed distinguished actions, and was
the Mir shamsher (sword-arm) and maîn support of his father. During
the time of the government of Jaunpûr by A'zam Khân, his son exerted
himself to such a degree in overthrowing the seditious and rebellious
that even the name rebel did not remain in that quarter. Wherever
he heard that there was a strong fort, he either by stratagem or by courage
pulled it down. Many fortresses which were full of guns, and which
former governors had taken a long time to subdue, were overthrown
by him in so short a time that no trace of them remained. When his
father died », he received the rank of 1,000 with 700 horse.

They say that he performed* Rustam-like feats in the faujdârî
of Narnol » which was a perpetual hot-bed of sedition near the Capital.
He made a tank there called the Khalil Sâgar which eclipsed the fame of

1 Jân Jahân, Bâdshâtımuma, I, p. 351.

2 Hia name was Mir Muhammad Bâqir, aliâs Irâdat Hıân, see Beale, p. 88
He was brother of Âşaf &ân Ja'far Beg. Jahângir refers to him under the name of

» W l 5 e İ ld n0t get the titIe of A '? am Kî* 1 * tm Sh »h Jahân's reign.

3 &âfl Kfcân, I, p. 685, in 1058 A.H. (1648 A.D.).

a * -" ^ e ' C ? I S? t *? ? âr t alab ffiân of Hıâfi ffiân, II, pp. 252, 253, who put down the
«atı amU of Nârnöl in 1082 A.H. r

* in the Patiâla State, Panjâb, and not very near Delhi.

-ul-Unıarâ.

KHÂN ZAMAN.

805

the tank which had been made by Shâh Quli Mahram *, who had been
jagîrdâr there for forty years. in the 3rd year (of Shâh Jahân) he had
an increase of 500, and was appointed to the Deccan along with his elder
brother Multafat Khân. in the same year the office of Superintendent
of the artillery for the whole of the Daccan was, at the request of Shâyista
Khân the Governor, conferred upon him. Such an arrangemcnt as he
made of the establishment had not been made by any of the governors
(of the Daccan). He personally visited ali the forts, and examined
minutely ali details, and provided each with bullets, lead and
gunpowder. He caused the muster of ali the old artificers and workmen
(ahshâm 2 ), who for years had, by means of favouritism and bribery,
spent their days in comfort and the enjoyment of promotion 3 , with
or without providing substitutes. He built a wall three yards in hcight
and breadth as a target, and tested every musketeer by making him aim
at it from a distance of forty paces three times. Whoever did not' even
önce hit the mark was dismissed. He reduced the alknvances of some
weak and disabled men, and kept them under surveillance. in this
manner, he in one and a half months saved for the exchequer Rs. 50,000
and made his own honesty, skill and perspicacity apparent to the
world. in the 27th year he obtained the rank of 2,000 with 1,000 horse
and the title oî Muftakhir Khân. On the death of 'Arab Khân he was
made governor of the forts of Fathâbâd and Dhârwâr. As during his
service in the Deccan he had impressed his character for devotion, ete,
on the mind of Prince Aurangzîb, the Viceroy of the Deccan, so when
confusion arose and the Prince resolved to proceed to the Capital, Khân
Zaman accompariied him. After reaching Burhânpür he was granted
an increase of 1,000 with 1,000 horse and rose to the rank of 3,000 with
2,000 horse and wus made Mîr Bakhshi with the title of Sipahdâr Khân.
After the battle with (Mahârâja) Jaswant he received the title of Khân
Zaman and the present of a töçti, and a drum. After the overthrow of
Dârâ Shiköh, and the suocess of 'Alamgir the office of Mir Bakhshî was
restored to Muhammad Amîn Khân, the son of Muhammad Mu'azzam
Khân (Mir Jumla), and Khân Zaman on account of his usefulness in the
Deccan had an increase of 1,000 and attained the rank of 4,000 with 2,000
horse and was made governor of the fort of Zafarâbâd Bîdar which had
been added to the imperial territories by Aurangzîb. Afterwards he
was appointed to the management of the affairs of Ahmadnagar. in the
9th year he was, in succession to Dâ'ûd Khân Qureshî made governor of
Khândesh, and in the 18th year he had the rank of 5,000 with 3,000 horse
and was made governor of Berâr. in the 20th year he was made governor
of Zafarâbâd Bîdar and had the charge of that fort assigned to him . in
the 24th year he came 4 with Shâh '5lam from the Dtıccan to Ajmer,
and did homage. For some days he was attached to the stirrups of the
Prince and engaged in the pursuit of Akbar, the rebel (Prince Akbar),
and in the chastisement of the Râjpüts. in the same year he was
appointed again to serve in Burhânpür as governor in succession to Irij
Khân, and had an increase of 1,000 horse.

1 Blochmann's translation of A'ln, I (2nd edn.), pp. 38T, 388.

2 For Ahshâm, see Irvine, Army of the Indian Moghuls, p. 160, ete.

3 Ba 'iıvaz o bilâ'iımz. But the variant bS'iuıaz o biJâ 'itvaz, vrithout giving a
substitute or doing any work, appears to be more appropriate.

* Maâthir-i-' Âlamgîrî, p. 209.

806

KHİN ZAMAN.

Maâthir

it chanced that in the same yeari, viz., 1091 A.H. (1680 A.D.)
Samba Sawâ'î had, before the arrival of the Khân made a night-march
of 35 kos and fallen upon Bahâdurpüra two kos from Burhânpür and had
insulted the Muhammadans and infidels, and plundered thcir property.
Some of the leading men had time to perform the jöhar for their wives
and children, and many took to flight with their families. Kakar Khân
Afghân who, as Khân Zamân's deputy was guarding the city (Burhânpür),
protected it with great difficulty. As the learned men and the Shaikijs
of the city left off public prayers and reported to the Court tbe predomi-
nance of the infidels — who plundered the Muhammadans at their pleasure
— Aurangzîb proceeded towards the Deccan from Ajmer. On 12 2 D_hul
Qa'da of the 25th year, the King arrived at Burhânpür, and Khân Zaman
the Governor of the area paid his respects.

When in the same year, Rabi' I, 1093 A.H. (February, 1682 A.D.)
Aurangzîb proceeded to Aurangâbâd, Prince Muhammad Mıı'izz-ud-Dîn
was appcinted to stay in Burhânpür, and went from Bahâdurpüra, Khân
Zaman was appointed to wait upon the Prince. At the same time
Khân Zaman was appointed. s to the government of Mâlwa in succession
to Mukhtâr Khân. in the end of the 27th year, 1095 A.H. (1684 A.D.)
he died there. He was well versed in every science and was famed for
his calligraphy . He was skilled in polite literatüre and was an able man
of business. He did not need the guidance of others in transacting
affairs, and he was a man of pleasant manners. He was skilful in collect-
ing men — especially were his unerring marksmen— -who could sew up the
eye of a snake on a dark night with a fire-bearing arrotu — famous throughout
the world. He was deeply skilled in music, and in spite of his being
immersed in business he was devoted to singing and amusement (râg-o-
rang). He had in his house fairy-faced songsters and attractive musicians.
The famous Zainâbâdî, who was the beloved of Aurangzîb when a Prince,
was one of them. it is stated that she was his (Khân Zamân's) mistress.

They say that the Prince went one day to the world-adorning garden
of Zainâbâd in Burhânpür which was commonly called the Deer-Park
(Ahû knâna), and paid a visit to the ladies of the harem there. He held
a banquet with his familiars and strolled about with them. Zainâbâdî 4
was unique as a songstress and excelled in her beauty. She came with
Khân Zamân's noble consort — who was the Prince 's maternal aunt (sister
of Mumtâz Mahal the wife of Shâh Jahân), and in the course of the walk
she saw a mango tree laden with fruit. Without considering the respect

1 it was the 23rd year of Aurangzîb, Khâfî Khân. II, p. 272. See, however,
Sir Jadunath Sarkar, History of Aurangzîb, IV, p. 244, and Kincaid and Parasanis,
History of the Marathu People, p. 119, from which it will be seen that the attack
tos in Jarıuary or February 1681 A.D. or in 1092 A.H. Sawâ'î seems to have
been a title which Sambhâ gave to himaelf; see Khâfî Khân, II, p. 384. it was a
title afterwards given to Jai Singh of Jaipûr. Perhaps it was a Râjpüt title and
taken by Sambhâ as showing his Râjpüt descent.

2 The 14th aceording to Khâfî Khân, II, p. 278, and Elliot, VII, p. 310.

3 Maâthir-i-' Alamglri, p. 220. His death occurred in the end of the 27th year,
and Mughal Khân was appointed as his successor early in the 28th year, vide op.
cit., p. 246.

4 Apparently she was so called from living at the garden (the name signifies:
the abode of grace). The garden seems to have been that made on the bank of the
Tâpti by Khân Daurân; see Maâlhir-ul-Umarâ, I, p. 757. See also Sir Jadunath
Sarkar, History of Aurangzib, I, pp. 56-58 for a detailed aceount of Zainâbâdî.

-ul-Utnarâ.

KHÂN ZAMAN.

807

due to the Prince, she ran forward joyfully and playfully, and. leapt up
on the tree and plucked a fruit. This movement was a heart-robbing one
and it robbed the Prince of his self-control and his virtue.

Verse.

it was a wondrous snare of love's robberies,

The friendly glance of the beloved was more than friendship.

By begging and imploring he obtained possession of her from his
indulgent aunt and with ali his asceticism and purity he gave his heart
to her and used to fiil a cup of wine with his own hand and give it to her.

it is stated that she too one day put a cup of wine into the Prince's
hand and urged him to drink it. Though he begged and prayed, she
had no pity on him and the Prince was helpless, and was about to drink
it, when the siy girl drank it off herself, saying: it was to test your love
and not to make your palate bitter with this liquor full of evil. This
passionate love grew to such an extent that Shâh Jahân heard of it.
Dârâ Shiköh— who heartily disliked him — made the story a ground of
calumny and detraction and said to Shâh Jahân: " What restraint and
self-control has that hypocritical ascetic, he is ruining himself for a girl
of his aunt's ". As Fate decreed, the flower of her life faded in its spring,
and the Prince was marked with the perpetual scar of separation. Her
tomb is in Aurangâbâd near the great tank. As the death of one's
beloved robs a man of his power, the Prince became altered on the day
of her death and in his restlessness resolved to go out hunting. Mir
'Askarî * 'Âqil Khân was in his retinue, and when he had an opportunity
of speaking privately to him he said : " Will it be advisable for you to go
hunting when in this state (of mind) 1" in reply the Prince recited the
verse :

Laments at home comfort not the heart,
in the desert öne can weep one's fiil.

'Âqil Khân recited this vers* as suitable to the occasion:

Verse*

How easy Love appeared. Alas ! how hard it was !
How hard was parting, what rest the Beloved attained !

The Prince was touched, and committed the verse to memory.

Khân Zaman during his government of Berâr chose the village of
Harm three kos from îlichpür, which is the Capital of the province, as
iıis residence and called it Khânzamânnagar. He erected lofty buildings
of which traces stili remain. He also had a residence in Burhânpür.
His sons passed away without any of them obtaining distinction.

ı Maâthir-ul-Umarâ, II, pp. 821-823.

2 Maâtkir-ıd-Umarâ, II, p. 823. The eouplet was 'Âqü"s own. See Manuccı s
aceount of this love-story, I, p. 231.

Maâthir

808 KHÂN ZAMAN M£wÂTl.

Khân Zaman Mewati.
(Vol. I, pp . 829-832.)

«K-ı3 1 \ fa İ her Wa f ^ " (Ihulâm Mus ^ afî Kârtalab Khân of Bahâdur
Shahs body-guard (Wâlâ-Shâhi) and belonged to thT QâdizMas of
lıruzpur in Mewat He had a little karninsfand had read someTf the
ordınary booka The co.nmencement of his tervice was on the establish
ment of Aqd Kjıân Khawâfi the governor of Shâhjahânabad (Delhn He"
taught the Khan's chddren. Afterwards, he became connected \vith
Munım Şan the Divân of Prince Mufaammad Mu'azzam (aftenvlrds
Bahâdur Shah) and through his intervention obtained a roya ™« 6
When Mun'ım Khân had charge of the government of Lâhöre on bXTf of
the Prince, the performance of muoh of the business was entnSto
gıan Zaman. When the Prince came, after his father's death from
Peshawar to Lahore, and sat upon the throne and struck coins and had
theKhutbarecited he increased the allowances of his old and new se^ante
and gave them tıtles. Khân Zaman on account of his ability anSustn
had an mcrease of manşab and received the title of Kârfcalab Khân Af£
vıctory had declared itself, he was made hrörl of the market o? thf im
penal camp but when Mun'im Khân received the title of Khân-Khânân and

ofTnTJ r"- ?%° n a °T nt ° îhİS l0 ^ ^PanionshipThad fiSSSj
of the admınıstratıon and received a high rank. When Shâh Dhörâi
whıch ıs a pargana appertaming to Sirhind and is famed owin<, its connec'

S Wlth ,w Shrl f 1 ! °1 Sh f h Faî ^ QMM > became the camprf Bahâdur
Shah and before the death of Hıân-Khânân, Hıân Zaman, who now hâd
the title of 'Ah 'Askar Khân, was made- faujdâr of the Ghahla of Et£wah
whıch ıs one of the noble KhâUa estates of Âgra. He rukd oveftSy

Shâh cÎZ ^ ° n th6 p ankS t ^ J Ju , mnâ - Aft ™ds, when Jahândâr
Shah came to power, Prince rzz-ud-Dîn his eldest son * was appointed
under the guardumship of Khwâja Hasan Khân Daurân toTppose
Farrukh-sıyar who was advancing from Patna. Most of the faujÂfs in
the İme of rank or near it W ere ordered to furnish auxiliaries, and the
San, who had a good force with him, marched and joined the Prince
He aecompamed hım for some days and became acquainted with the
nature of the leader and the ways of the Court. The Prince was only in
name and was under the control of the Khân Daurân, and the latter
who m, ınexperıenced, ruled by craft and fraud. His cowardice ete'
foreto d dısaster. Khân Zaman watched his opportunity and When
h rr ^ S n a PP ro ?? hed ' he ^t off with his troops and the treiure
whıch he had w,th him and having marched through the oven£l£d
mght, jomed hım and was the object of a thousand congratulationf in
the battle agaınst Jahândâr Shâh, he in conjunetion with Chabila Ram
*,agar gal oped off towanl s Kökaltâsh Khân Khân Jahân, and engaged
in the fight. He several times made brave attacks, and after the vfctorv
received the title of Khân Zaman Bahâdur, and a high rank as a mark f
royal favour. Aftervvards he W ent off to the government of Sultan

1 Sâdhurah of Jarrett's translation of Â'în II d 29fi Th. «asjt.
mperial OazeUeer, XXI p. 347. ît is in the A^bâla Linet, and tbetca'aint
ıs called .n the Imperml Oazetteer Shah Kumais. There is the varianToais

* For an account of the children of Mu'izz-ud-Dîn JahândHr 4f,5^ ü I' 1 .
edition of Irvine's Later Mughcds, I, pp. 242 243 Janandar Shah ' *e Sarkar's

-ul-Umarâ.

KHİN ZAMAN SHAIKH NİZAM.

809

and acquired a great name. He did not ha ve so much power and influence
in the time of the reigning Sovereign (Muhammad Shâh), and after the
catastrophe of Nâdir Shâh's expedition, when Nawwâb Âşaf Jâh went
off to the Deccan, he made över the charge of his estates in Upper India
to Khân Zaman. ' The end of a groom is to seli hay ', and in the diseharge
of his duty he died. 1

KglN ZamAn Shaieh Nizâm.
(Vol. I, pp. 794-798.)

He wa8 from Haidarâbâd, and one of the military Shaikbzâdas of the
Deccan. He had an abundant share of courage. He became an Amir
under Abül Hasan the ruler of Telingâna (Gölconda). He acquired a
name for leadership and military skill. At the time of the siege of
Gölconda he was at the head of the Qutb-Shâhî troops and engaged
the imperial forces outside the fort. One day he had an encounter on
the top of a battery with Khân Firüz Jang, and there was a great fight.
Though the imperialists tried to carry off the corpse of one of their men,
they did not succeed, and the other side carried it off along with some
bodies of their own men.

When Fortune and the happy star turned away from Abül Hasan and
every day there were inoreasing signs of misfortune, he departed from
loyalty to him and attached himself to the threshold of Aurangzîb.
When the principal servants of Abül Hasan, out of cupidity and in the
hope of attaining offices, threw the dûst of unfaithfulness on their heads
and no leader but he remained, his disaffectipn was regarded as pro-
duetive of Abül Hasan's downfall, and special efforts were made tö win
him över. After he had accepted service he received 2 the rank of 6,000
with 5,000 horse, the title of Muqarrab Khân and the gift of a flag, drums
and a lac of rupees together with Arab and Persian horses, as also strong
elephants and other gifts, and was made an object of royal favour. His
sons and relatives also received offices, several of them were not lower
than 4,000, and altogether they had manşabs of 25,000 with 21,000 horse.
After Haidarâbâd had been taken and the city of Bijâpür had for the
second time become the seat of the royal encampment, Khân Zaman, who
was unique in military science, was sent to take the fort of Panhâla 8
which was in the possession of the enemy.' The Khân appointed spies to
obtain information about Sambhâ who after his father's death was the
leader in the Deccan. Suddenly the news came that he, on account of a
dispute with the elan of Bairâgîs * who were related to him, had come
from Râherl to the fort of Khelna, and after making an agreement with
them and satisfying himself about the victualling of a fort, had göne to

1 See Irvine, Journ. As. Soc. Bengal for 1896, pp. 186, 198, 199, where he is
called 'Alî Aşghar Khân and Khân Zaman ('Ali Aşghar). Also see Sir Jadunath
Sarkar's edition of Irvine's Later Mughals, I, pp. 214 230, 231. Khân Zaman is
also called 'Alî Aşghar in Khâfi Khân. II, p. 721.

2 Maöthir-i-' Âlamgirî, p. 296.

3 Parnâla of Text is Panhâla — one of Shivâji's strong forts. Shaikh Ni?âm was
sent to besiege it in 1688, see Sir Jadunath Sarkar, History 0/ Auranffzib, IV, p. 398.

4 Shirke according to Sir Jadunath, op. cit., p. 399, note *

810

KHİN ZAMAN SHAI&H NİZAM.

Madthir

Sangamnir (Sangameswar) — where his peshkâr Kab Kalus x had made
grand houses and gardens and was occupied in amusing himself. The
Khân hastened t-^ere from Kölâpür 2 which was 45 kos off and separated
from Sangameswar by a very steep and bad road. He washed his hands
of life in zeal for his' master and was accompanied by a few devoted men.
Though spies informed Sambhâ that the Mugbals were coming, he from
sottish drunkenness and arrogance sigııed with his eyebrow for their
heads s being removed from their bodies and mockingly said: "The
ignorant fellows ha ve grown mad. Can the Mughal troops come here ? "
Meanvvhile the Khân. after abundant hardships and difficulties — in the
course of which he had to go on foot in many places — came upon him
like lightning, with 300 troopers. Sambhâ, doubly intoxicated by pride
and wine called for the help of 4 to 5,000 Deccani troopers and fought.
By destiny, an arrow from the hand of fate reached Kab Kalus and
after a short struggle Sambhâ's party fled, and he crept into the house
of Kab Kalus. He and Kab Kalus and 25 of his chief men with his
wives and daughters — except Râm Râja his younger brother who was in
one of the other forts — were seized. Among them "svas Râja Sâhü, his
eldest son, who was seven or eight years of age. As this news reached the
King in Iklüj he gave * that place the name of Sa'dnagar. After that,
when the Khân came out from that desolate place, none of his (Sambhâjî's)
assistants and companions could move hand or foot. He (Sambhâjî)
came to the Presence at Bahâdurgarh, and was put into the prison of
retribution 5 . At the same time Aurangzîb came down from the throne
and placing himself on a corner of the carpet humbly offered thanks to
Gk)d. The chronogram is :

Verse

Bâ zan o farzand shud Sambhâ asır.

(With wife and son Sambhâ was made prisoner — 110u A.H.,
1689 A.D.)

in reward for this great service the victorious Khân received the title
of Khân Zaman Fatb Jang and the rank of 7,000 with 7,000 horse and
Rs. 50,000 in cash, ete. His sons and companions received inereases of
rank and the gifts of dresses of honour. After that Khân Zaman was for
a time attached to the army of Pnnce Muhammad A'zam Shâh. in
the 37th year the Prince returned to the Court as he was afflicted with
dropsy. Khân Zaman paid his respects, and with his sons and other
relatives was the recipient of favours and went off with Prince Bîdâr
Bakht to punish the enemy. Apparently he died in the 40th year. He

1 The Kuloosha of Grant-Duff, History of Mahrattas (1921 edn.), I, pp. 238,
239, ete, and the Caluaha of Elphinstone, History of India (1905 edn.), p. 633, and
(ialaaha in Kincaid and Parasanis, History of Maratha People, p. 127. Evidently
Kab in his title and means a bard. He was a Brahman, see Elliot, VII, pp. 285,
305.

2 Shölppür in Maâlhir-i-' Âlamgiri, p. 321.

8 Khâfî Khân, II, p. 385, says he ordered their tongues to be cut out. The
account is taken from Maö^ir-i-' Âlamgiri, p. 321.

* Taken from Maâthir-i-' Âlamgiri, p. 322.

6 For a detailed account of the capture of Sambhâjî (called Sambhüji), gee Sir
Jadunath Sarkar, op. cit., pp. 396-407.

14B

-ul-Umarâ.

JÇHIDMAT PAEAST KHÂN.

811

had many children. His sons Khân 1 'Alam and Munawwar Khân 2
were among the noted of the age, as wül be seen from their biographies.
Another was Farîd Şâhib, who with his brothers fell bravely in tfhe
battle with A'zam Shâh. A separate account has also been given of
Amîn Khân. 3 Another was Husain Munawwar Khân who chose
Haidarâbâd as his residence. He received from Aşaf Jâh's establishment
the oollectorship of Murtadânagar. in the year 1158 A.H. (1745 A.D.)
he died. His sons were held liable to render accounts to the government.
Another was Nteâm-ud-Dîn Khân whom Aurangzîb in accordance with the
father's will brought up as a house-born child, and married to a sister of
Râja Sâhü for whom he had taken a faney. He had Mughalî manners, and
did not at ali resemble his father or brothers. He lived in Aurangâbâd,
and was not without fame and reputation. He spent his days in tran-
quillity, and died in 1155 A.H. (1742 A.D.). His sons— who were half-
brothers — long disputed with one another about their father's inheritance.

Khidmat Pabast Khan.

(Vol. 1, pp. 713--716.)

His name was Rida Bahâdur. He * was from his boyhood a slave
and attendant of Prince Shâh Jahân, and was a favourite because of his
long service, trustworthiness and tact. They say that when the Prince
was appointed to the affair of the Rânâ, Khidmat Parast Khân on one
ocoasion received 500 lashes for some offence, but he did not fail to the
ground or utter a sigh. This fortitude won him respect, and led to an
inerease in his rank and honour. . He gradually rose to the dignity of an
Amir, and received the title of Khidmat Parast Khân (the Khân devoted to
service). When Shâh Jahân returned from Bihâr he, out of the confidence
reposed in him, was left along with Saiyid Muzaffar Khân Bârah in the
fort of Rohtâs in attendance on Sultân Murâd Bakhsh 6 . After the
death of Jahângir when Shâh Jahân came from Junair in the Deccan to
Gujarât, and proceeded from the bank of the Kânkriya tank jrıear
Ahmadâbâd--where he had encamped for seven days— towards Agra,
Khidmat Parast Khân was despatehed 6 from the way with an autograph
farmân to Yamin-ud-Daula in Lâhöre. The purport of it was that the
time was critical, and that he should eleanse the world from the con-
tamination of the existence of sundry princes who were the source of
disturbance. Khidmat Parast Khân reached Lâhöre by relays in nine
days. They say that Sultân Dâwar Bakhsh known as Sultân Bulâqi—
whom Aşaf Khân had placed upon the throne for some days out of certajn
considerâtions of policy— was playing ehess with his brother Sultân
Garshâsp. When he heard the noise of Ridâ Bahâdur's arrival, he

1 Maöthir-vl-Umarâ, Text I, pp. 816, 817; his full name was Khân 'Alam
Ikhlâş Khân.

2 id., Text III, p. 654, 655; his full name was Munawwar Khân Shaıkjı Mîrân.

3 Maâthir-ul-Umarâ, Text I, pp. 352-357, Beveridge's translation, pp. 236-
240.

* Bâdshâhnâma, I, p. 118.

5 Murâd Bakhsh was born about this time.Khâft Khân, I, p. 354.

6 See Banarei Prasad, History of Shahjdhan, p. 61.

812

KJJIDMAT PABAST &HÂN.

Maâihir

divined his object and said to his brother : ■ " Virtue x > (Ridâ\ has not
come, it is your and our Fate (Qadâ) that has arrived." Yamîn-ud-Daula
in accordance with the order made över the blinded Sultân Shahriyâr,
Sultân Bulâql and Tahmüras and Hüshang the sons of Sultân Dâniyâl to
Khidmat Parast Khân. He on 25 3umâda 2 I, 1037 A.H, (İst February,
1628 A.D.) put them ali to death in one day.

On the accession he had an increase of rank and was made Mir
Tuzuk and received an ornamental staff. After that he was made Mir
Atish (Head of the artülery). in the 2nd year when Khân Jahân Lödî
fled from Agra he — in advance of the officers who had been appointed
under the leadership of Khwâja Abül Hasan to pursue Khân Jahan, —
came up with Saiyid Muzaffar Khân Bârah, and Râja Bethal Dâs 3
Gaur— with the enemy in Dhölpür and bravely engaged them. He several
times fiung himself down upon the foe, and received * a wound from an
arrow (bullet ?) which struck his temple and brought him to his end.

They say that as Khidmat Parast Khân went rapidly in pursuit, he
travelled by night, and losing his way, came upon the ladies (qabila)
of Khân Jahân Lödî who had göne off with his son-in-law (Muhammad
Shâh Lödî) 5 towards the Chambal. 6 A great fight took place, and so
much bravery was shown on both sides that it casfc into oblivion the deeds
of Rustam and Isfandiyâr Muhammad Shâh Lödî with his two brothers,
and twelve of the relations and confidential servants of Khân Jahân
were killed, and Ridâ Bahâdur with sixty of his best followers was also
küled in the King's service. His body was conveyed to the Nak^khâs
(cattle-market) of Âgra and a dome was erected there. He was married
to a daughter of Kötwâl Khân a Georgian slave of Daulat Khân — who had
been presented by Khân-Khânân. They loved each other so excessively
that the tale of their affection was celebrated ali över. Khidmat Parast
Khân would say to her: "My life is devoted to the service of the King,
T will probably die to-day or to-morrow in my master's service, what will
happen to you ? " She would show opium and poison which she carried in
the corner of her dress. After his death, though she did not have the
grace of dying, she sat in vrretched circumstances at the head of his
grave. On this account Shâh Jahân gave her Khidmat Parast Khân's
property, and also allowed her a daily pension. A y«ar had not elapsed
when out of the intoxication of wealth and the instigations of bad company
she became enamoured of music and dancing and took to drinking,
When the King became aware of this, he gave her in marriage to Qil'adâr
Khân Chela. After his death she shared her head and agahı sat at the
head of Ridâ Bahâdur's tomb. Shâh Jahân again granted her the daily
pension.

x Punning on his name Ridâ.

2 Khâfî KJhjân, I, p. 394, says the 22nd. in Bâdshâhnâma, I, p. 79, the date is
25th, while in IgbSlnâmâ-i-Jahânglrî, p. 303, it is 26 Jumâda I.

3 Bâdshâhnâma, I, p. 117, has Râja BSthal Dâs son of Râja Gopâl Dâs Kaur
(Gaur). There is a notiee of Râja Bethal Dâs Gaur in MaaViir-ıd-Umarâ, II,
pp. 250-256, Beveridge's translation, pp. 401-404. ît is Râja Vithaldas in Banarsi
Prashad, op. cit., p. 64.

4 Bâdshâhnâma, I, p. 278; also Banarsi Prashad, op. cit., p. 72.
8 Called Shams in Maâfhir-vl- Umara, I, p. 725.

* in the text Chital. it is the Dhölpür river, i.e., the Chambal; see Khâfî
Khân, I, p. 418. Also see Banarsi Prasad, op. cit., p. 72.

-ul- Umara.

KHİDR KHWÂJA KHİN.

813

İt is stated that Ridâ Bahâdur had 200 superior servants and that
every day he ate with 50 of them, and that they were excused from
guard and from (sawârl) personal attendance( ?). After Shâh Jahân's
accession he was sent with a large force to chastise the Mewâs (MSos) of
Mewât. There he committed many murders and put them ali to the
sword. Those who escaped the sword, whether old or young, were
ali castrated so that the race might be extirpated. A large number of
women and children were brought as prisoners to Âgra and daily many
of them used to die of want and hunger.

They say there was a jeweller famous for his wealth. He came to
the chief Dîvân, Afdal Khân. and agreed — in the hope of eternal recom-
pense — to stand surety for the payment in four instalments of two lacs
of rupees for their release. The prisoners were released, and he paid the
first jnstalment in cash. For the second instalment he gave a tömâr
(bond) upon his house and effects worth Rs. 30,000, and for the balance he
came with his sons and daughters into the office (kachehrî) and sat there.
When this was reported to the King, and the jeweller was questioned, he
said that innocent women and children were daily dying of hunger, and
that in lieu of their blood-money he was offering his own life and his wife
and children. Shâh Jahân after this noble payment gave him back his
bond (tömâr) and also let him off the remainder. But it was ordered that
the Dîvânî clerks should not (in future) accept any security without
investigation.

KjnpR Kjiwâja Kpân.
(Vol. 1, pp. 613-615.;

He belonged to the race of the rulers of Mughalistân. The author
of the Tabaqât-i-Akbarî says that he was descended from the Princes of
Kâshıjhar. 1 On joining the service of Hümâyûn he was honoured with
favours. At the time when owing to the unkindness of the heavens
misfortunes made their appearance, he deserted Hümâyûn (Ut. he made
the flank of zeal empty of companionship). When that Sovereign
returned from Persia, he, in company with Mîrzâ 'Askarî, was besieged
in the fort of Qandahâr. When the siege had lasted a long time Khidr
Khwâja Khân threw himself out of the fort at a spot near the royal
battery, and taking the collar of submission in the hand of humility he
fell at Humâyûn's feet, and was again the recipient of royal favours.
As he was adorned with high birth and noble qualities, he was honoured
by an allianee with the exalted family and was married to Gulbadan
Begam 2 the half-sister of Hümâyûn. By the auspiciousness of this
connection he attained to the rank of Amîr-ul-Umart.

When in the beginning of his reign, Akbar proceeded from the
Panjâb to Delhi to extinguish the fiames of the ascendancy of Hemû,
he left Khidr Khwâja Khân with a suitable force to control the distracted
conditions in the Panjâb 8 and to put down Sultân Sikandar Sûr who was

1 See De's edition of Tabagat-i-Akbarl, Toxt II, p. 428, translation II, p. 656.

2 For a detailed account of Gulbadan BSgam, see Mrs. Beveridge's HiMory of
Hümâyûn, pp. 1-79 (1902).

» Akbarnâma, Text II, p. 31 Beveridge's translation II, p. 50.

814

KHIDB, KBWİJA SHAN.

Maâthir

a claimant for the throne of India ; he in the battle of Sırhınd had escaped
from the clutches of Humâyün's heroes and taken refuge m the bıwaiık
hills Sultan Sikandar was looking for an opportunity, and consıdermg
the affair of Hemü to his advantage, he gathered a force and came out
of the hills and set about eollecting tribute in the Panjâb.ı Kh.ı<Jr Khwaja
Khân left Hâji Muhammad Khân Sistânl in charge of the delences ot
Lâhöre and marched out to oppose Sultân Sikandar. When he came
near the town of Chamyârî and there remained a dıstance ol ten kos
between the two armies, Khidr Khwâja Khân separated 2,000 of his choıce
men from his force and sent them ahead as the vanguard Sultan
Sikandar did not lose his opportunity and a great fight took place. He
defeated the vanguard, and Khidr Hroâja did not think it advısable to
stand his ground, but returned to Lâhöre without fighting and set about
strengthenîng the fortifications. Sikand» pursued hım for a short
distance and then İpoked to his ovvn affairs, and levıed tribute and
gathered troops. When Akbar had routed Hemü, he regarded the
Suttina down of Sikandar as the most important matter and returned
to the Panjâb. They say that when Akbar determined upon this expedı-
tion he took an omen from the Dîvân of Hâfiz (Lısan-ul-Qhaıb) and that
this verse tuTned up. 2

Verse.

The water (of life) was not vouchsafed to Sikandar ;
This boon cannot be gained by might or money.

On hearing of this expedition Sikandar saw that he could not resist
and withdrew to his fixed abode in the Sivâliks and shut himself up m
the fortress of Mânköt.» When the siege had lasted about sıx months
and the batteries had been brought close to the fort, Sikandar became
alarmed and begged for the coming of one of the leading officers tocomfort
Mm By the mediation of Shams-ud-Dîn Khân Atga, and Pır Muhammad
Khân Sherwâni— whom Sikandar had won över by a large sum of money—
his petition was accepted and the Atga Khân was sent to soothe hım.
Sikandar made his many enemies an excuse for not waıtmg upon Akbar
and sent his son 'Abd-ur-Rahlm with Ghâzî Khân and some elephants as
a tribute in accordance with his request Bihâr, ete. , was gıven to hım m
fief and_on 27 Ramadân 964 A.H. (24 July, 1557 A.D.) and in the second
year of the reign he delivered över the fort and went off to Bıhar. Atter
two years he died there. 4

ı Akbarnâma, Text II, p. 47, Beveridge's translation II pp. 73, 74.

2 Akbarnâma, Text II, p. 47, Beveridge's translation II, P-J5.

3 For the siege of Mânköt and its capture, see Akbarnâma, Text II, pp. 50, 5J,
>i8 59 Beveridge's translation II, pp. 79, 89, 90.

' 4 Thîsis al unsatisfactory biography- The author breaks off and_ dıgresses
into an aecount of Sikandar Sûr, which is mainly adapted from A kbarnama The
ast mentîonTf Khidr Khwâja in this work is in 1654 A.D. when he helped Hakun
' Ain-ul Mülk in tr7ating~Âkbar when he was wounded by an assassm, see Akbarnâma,
Text II p 202, Beveridge's translation II, p. 313. For his hfe also, see Bloehmann s
translation of Â'in, I (2nd edn.), p. 394, note 1.

-ul-Umarâ. kbudabanda jçhAn. 81ö

KjITJDİBANDA KHÂN.

(Vol. I, pp. 814-816.)

He was the son of Shâyista Khân the Amîr-ul-Umarâ. in the life-
time of his father he in the 36th year of Aurangzib's reign received the
rank of 1,000, with the faujdârî of Bahrâich in Oudh. After his father's
death he came to the Court4n the 39th year, and was by the King's order
married to the daughter of Jumalat-ul-Mulk Asad Khân.

The auspicious 1 planets' conjunetion has taken place in the mansion
of Leo (1101) — Sa'dain kardah and ba Burj-i-Asad Qirân — is the
ehronogram.

in the 40th,year he was made Mir Bakjıshî of the AJpadis in succession
to Murîd Khân. in the 41st year he had the charge of the Buyütât. in
the 44th year he was appointed to the government of Bîdar in succession
to 'Askar Khân Haidarâbâdî, and in the 46th year he Was sent off to the
faujdârî of the Karnâtik Bîjâpür in succession to Chin Qulij Khân. in
the 48th year, on the death of Rüh Ullâh Khân II, he was made Khârı-i-
Sâmân. He held the rank of 2,500 with 1,000 horse. At last he got in
Ahmadnagar an inerease of 500 with 200 horse. At this time the death
of Aurangzîb took place. Among the successors to the Caliphate,
Muhammad A'zam Shâh — who had göne off to the government of Mâlwa
and had proceeded twenty kos away from the camp, immediately on
hearing the news returned to the imperial camp, and ascended the throne.
The lords and nobles of Aurangzîb, willing or unwilling, or rather out of a
show of obedience, embraced his cause, and the Khân in question also
joined them. in the battle 2 with Bahâdur Shâh which took place 3
months and 20 days after Aurangzib's death and in which Muhammad
A'zam Shâh. and his two sons and many officers on both sides fell bravely,
the Khân was severely wounded. 3 He was conveyed to Âgra and though
his wounds showed signs of healing and he was able to wait upon Bahâdur
Shâh, but through carelessness the wounds reopened and he died.

it is said that when they had conveyed him along with Matlab Khân
from the field of battle, 'Alî Mardan Kökaltâsh came up to them and
indulged in reproaches, such as are appropriate to such times, and which
men of the victoriouş side use towards the vahquished thereby rubbing
salt into their wounds. Matlab Khân in his weakness lamented and said:
We had to do it, and came against our will. Khudâbanda Khân. who
was partly unconscious on aecount of his wound, heard him, and at
önce became indignant and said : " Good, we had come with great pleasure
to make prisoners of your wives and children, and *o kül you. it was
not the will of God. This head is ready. Throw it in the worst place
that your malice can discover ". He had sons, buv none by the

ı That is, the conjunetion of Jüpiter and Venüs took place in the house of
Asad, i.e. Leo. But the ehronogram is wrong, for Khudâbanda's father did not die
till 1105 and his marriage took place in 1107, see MaâOiir-i-' ÂUmtgîrt, p. 374.
If we read burüj instead of bûrj the ehronogram would be inereased by 6 and would
be right. The mansion of Leo is the house of Asad (Lion), the father of the bride.

2 Aurangzîb died on 28 Dhul Qa'da, 1118 A.H. or 3rd March, 1707 A.D. The
battle of Jâjau took place on 18th June, 1707 (vide Sir Jadunath Sarkar's edition
of Irvine's Later Mughals, I, p. 26, and Cambridge History of India, IV, p. 320.
The period of 3 months »nd 20 days does not, therefore, seem to be correet.

* Hıâfi lüıân, II, p. 595, also Irvine's Later Muqhals, I, p. 31.

816

khudSwand oIn DECCANl.

Maâthir

daughter of Asad Khân. One of them was granted his father's title, and
contrary to most noblemen's sons — who spend their time in frivoljties —
he lived with great virtue and asceticism, and occupied himself in prayers
and ot her religious duties. At the time of writing he is the Dîvân of
Âşaf Jâh. His honesty — which is a rare jewel in this world — is patent to
ali. He was, however, pronounced incapable by those who could not
appreciate him and was dismissed.

KHÜDÂWAND J KjIlN DeCCANÎ.

(Vol. I, pp. 659, 660.)

He was one of the officers of the Nizâm-Shâhî dynasty of Ahmadnagar.
His father was from Mashhad and his mother an Abyssinian; He was of
imposing stature and great physical strength. He was also noted for
his coıırage. When Khvvâja Mirak of Isfahan known as Chingiz Khân
became the Vakil and Prime Minister of Murtadâ Nizâm Shâh: he brought
forvvard Khudâwand Khân and made him an Amir and procured for him
choice estates in Berâr. He soon acquired much wealth and power and
became a great man. The mosque of Röhan-Khera, 2 which has stood
for ages without being injured or broken, was built by him. in the
year 993 A.H. he came, in company with Mir Murtadâ of Sabzawâr who
was the head of the Berâr army and could not stay in the Deccan on
account of the predominance of Şalâbat Khân the Circassian, to Fatbpür
and entered Akbar's service. He obtained the rank of 1 ,000 and received
promotion at the Court. But in the 32nd year, 995 A.H., he lost favour
on account of improper behaviour betvveen him and his servants at a
royal assemblage, and which was the result of his want of tact, and non-
appreciation of dignities. When Pattan Gujarât was assigned as his fief
he went off there to look after it and died in 997 A.H. (1588-89 A.D.).

They say, that one day Shaikh Abül Fadl invited him to a feast.
There were many Amîrs present. As the Shaikh had provided abundance
of viands, and there was great variety ând much splendour in accordance
with his lavish ways, there were placed before each of his servants nine
dishes, a plate (langar) of mutton-biryân 8 and one hundred loaves. ' Before
Khudâwand Khân were set many dishes of fowl and partridge and varieties
of vegetables and curries (salan). He was displeased and got up because
they had brought to him roasted fowls through scorn and derision. When
this afFair was reported to Akbar, he said to Khudâwand Khân that these
things were the recognized dainties of Upper India "Otherwise if it had
been a question of food (i.e. if you had wanted other food), nine dishes *

1 See Blochmann's translation of Â'ln, I (2ndedn.), pp. 490, 491. Boharıkhed
of Imperial Gazetteer, XXI, p. 304. The statement in that work that the mosqııe
was built by another Khudâwapd seems wrong.

2 Blochmann, op. cit., p. 490, note 2.

3 Biryân is a choiee dish, see Blochmann, op. cit., p. 63.

4 See Darbâr-i-Akbari, p. 721. Apparently it was not his behaviour on this
occasion, but some quarrel between him and his servants that lost him Akbar's
favour. According to Badâyünî, Text II, p. 372 and Lowe's translation of
Muntakhab-ut-Tawâribh, II, p. 384, Khüdâwand died at Karı in Gujarât in 998 A.H.
The chronogram f£hudâwand Dakhinl murda is correet if we read murd înstead of
murda and this seems preferable to Blochmann's suggestion (op. cit., p. 490) of
leaving the h in Dakhinî. Mr. Lowe's calculation on p. 381 n. seems to be wrong.

-ul- Umara.

KHtTDAYÂB EHİN.

817

(langarî) had been plaeed before your servants". Notwithstanding this,
Khudâwand Khân was not satisfied about the Shaikh, and did not go
again to his house. Hence it is that in Upper India men of the Deccan
are reckoned as fools and as persons of weak intellect.

KhudâyIr Khân.

(Vol. I, pp. 825-829.)

He was the ruler of Sindh, known as Letî (Lati) * and he belonged

to the 'Abbasi family. The title of the family in the language of Sind

is Kalhöra 2 and his followers were called Sarâ'yân because most of this

tribe came from Sara s which is the name given to the district between

Bhakkar and. Multân. His ancestors wore the dress of darvishes, and

they were disciples of Saiyid Muhammad of Jaunpür the Mahdavi.

One of his ancestors were corinected with the head of the Abrah tribe 4 —

who from early times had been the rulers of Sindh. He acquired a piece

of land as rrujukuL-ma'âsh B (maintenance-land). His sons lived by it

and gathered many disciples and dependants. At last they became

zamindârs and paid rent to the rulers. Gradually they gained power pver

the Abrah tribe and brought many of their villages under their dominion.

At last came the time of Shaikh, Naşir. He became firmly possessed

of zamîndâri property and after his death his elder son Shaikh Din

Muhammad became the leader. in the time of Aurangzib when Prince

Mu'izz-ud-Dîn (aftenvards Jahândâr Shâh) obtained the government of

Multân and the Prince 's standards reached Sîwistân, Dîn Muhammad

withdrew hi& head from obedience and did not wait upon the Prince.

At last after swearing on the Qur'ân he summoned Din Muhammad and

two of his relatives. After the three had come, he drew up an army to

bind and bring those who had remained behind with their wives and

children. Yâr Muhammad the younger brother of Din Muhammad

quickly sent his family into the inaccessible parts of the hills and prepared

to give battle. The Prince 's army was" defeated and Yâr Muhammad

became bold, and taking up a position in the defiles prepared for battle.

The Prince was contented with imprisoning the three men and returned

to Multân. There he gave orders for putting the three men to death.

Thereafier Yâr Muhammad became more and more powerful; he took

possession of Sîwistân, and took from its old landowners Sibî Dara —

which is an extensive area running from Sindh to Qandahâr, as also

The Darbâr-i-Akbarl says, ön what authority it is not known, that Khudâwand
Sân's offence was a violent dispute with his servants which led to his behaving
presumptuously in Akbar's Darbâr. Khudâwand aân was married to Abûl Padl'a
sıster. in Tabaqât-i-Akbari, De's edition, Text II, p. 445, translation II p 672
it is stated that he died in 995 A.H.

1 it is Lati in Maâthir-ul- Umara, III, p. 312. ' Abbâs was the Prophet Muham-
ttad's uncle.

2 For Kalhöra, see Imperial Gazetteer, XXII, p. 398.

S The Indus from the junction of the Punjab rivers to Sîhwân is called Sara,
e»oe Ellıot, I, p. 526, the Sirai or Tâlpür tribe, see Imperial Gazetteer, XXII, p. 398.
ÖJraıkı ıs a dialect of Sind.

* This is a tribe in Larkâna, see Imperial Gazetteer, XVI, p. 139.
281 5 See Blochmann ' s detailed note in his translation of Â'tn. I (2nd edn.), pp. 280,

818

KhudAyAr EHİN.

Maâthir

other estates. Day by day his star rose higher and bigher. Apparently 1
in Muhammad Farrukb-siyar's time ne reeeived the title of Khudâvâr
Khân and a manşab. " He died in the end of that reign. Among his
descendants there were two principal ones — -Shaikb Nür Muhammad and
Shaikb Dâ'üd. For some timethere was strife between the two brothers.
At last Shaikb Nür Muhammad prevailed and sat \n his father's place.
He made peace with his brother and ar-bigned him a part of the estate.
Shaikb Nür Muhammad reeeived from the Court his father's title of
Khudâvâr Khân, and had a manşab. His power exceeded that of ali his
predecessors. His pomp and grandeur reached the highest point, and
he brought most of the zamîndârs under his power. in the earlier years
of his rule he fought severe battles with the Dâ'üdpütras — -the Zamîndârs
of Shikârpür — and was vietorious. He drove out that tribe from their
original abodes with their wives and children to the number of 6 to 7,000
men and women. The Dâ'üdpütras had been confirmed in the zamîndârî
of Shikârpür in the time of Prince Mu'izz-ud-Din. The reason for this
was that when the Prince sent an army against Bakitiy&c Khân the
Zamîndâr of Shikârpür, a body of the Dâ'üdpütras accompanied it and
did good serviee, and cut off the head of Bakhtiyâr Khân and brought
it to him. The Prince as a reward for this service made över that country
to them. 'Abdullah Khân Barauhî the ruler of Kalât 2 — which is a strong
fort between Sindh and Qandahâr — was always making attacks on
Khudâvâr Khân's territory, and every year levied a tribute. Khudâvâr
Khân in the year 1143 A.H. (1730-31 A.D.) proceeded against 'Abdullah
Khân, who was unique for courage. He came out of Kalât with a amali
force and having erossed the boundaries of his territory, met the enemy
and a severe battle ensued. By Divine decree he was killed on the field,
but though Khudâvâr Khân took some of the dependencies of Kalât he,
on aecount of the mountaiııous nature of the region, could not capture
Kalât. After this victory he reeeived from Court the title of Khudâvâr
Khân Bahâdur Thâbit Jang and the rank of 5,000 and the gift of drums
(naubat, i.e. he was allowed to have music played) and a robe of honour.
in 1J49 A.H. (1736 A.D.) the government of the province of Thatha and
the Sarkar of Bhakkar were conferred on him. The whole of the
country of the Tarkbâns and additional territory came into his possession.
When Nâdir Shâh resolved to march against India he m-ote to
Khudâyâr Khân to alkvw him a passage through his territory. Khudâvâr
Khân refused and fortified the passes so that Nâdir Shâh had to invade
India via Kabul. After his return to Kabul, as he was displeased with
Khudâyâr Khân. he turned his courser's reins towards Sindh. When the
newB of Nâdir Shâh's arrival at Dera Ghâzi Khân — which is 30 kos from
Multân — reached Khudâyâr Khân. he decided to retire from his own
territories. He went off to desertş and sandy places which an army
could not traverse. His intention was to return after Nâdir Shâh left.
Sind. With this design he marehed from Khudââbâd and Sîwistân with
ali his family and the tribe of Kalhöra and his Sardârs and came to .
Amarköt which is a strong fort. On hearing this Nâdir Shâh made a
rapid march and came to Amarköt. Khudâyâr Khân saw no remedy but
to submit and came and waited upon Nâdir Shâh. After Nâdir Shâh had

1 in Imperial Gazetteer, XXII, p.' 398, it is etated that he got the title from
Aurangztb.

* in Balüchistân, Imperial Gazetteer, XIV, p. 305.

.ul-Umarâ.

EHTJSHhIL BİG KİSHOBABl.

810

reproached him he sâid : " Why did you run away from me ? " Khudâvâr
Khân replied : " We from the time of our forefathers were the servants of
the King of India, if we had shown an inclination for you, you would
not have believed us." This saying was approved and accepted, and in
the same interview Nâdir Shâh gave him the good news of his territory
being restored to him 1 . After taking goods, ete, Nâdir Shâh returned to
him one-third of the territory, and gave one share to the Dâ'üdpütras
and the third share to the Zamîndârs of Bhakkar. Some time before this
was written Ghulâm Shâh and Sarafarâz Khân his son — who vere related
to Khudâyâr Khân — managed the government of this province, and at
present also it is in their hands.

KHÜSHHİL BfiG KiSHGHARl.

(Vol. I, pp. 773, 774.)

in the I9th year of Shâh Jahân's reign he held 2 the rank of 1 ,000
with 400 horse, and was out with Sultân Murâd Bakhsh to conquer
Balkb and Badakbshân. After Balkh was taken and the Prince returned
to India, Jumlat-ul-Mulk Sa'd Ullah Khân was appointed to settle the
country there, and he and other Kâshgharîs were appointed to the
thânadârî of Sherpür 8 and Sâm Chârek. in the 20th year at the instance
of Jumlat-ul-Mulk his rank was raised to 1,500 * with 500 horse. in the
22nd year he was sent off with Prince Aurangzîb to Qandahâr and there
along with Bustam Khân and Qulîj Khân he distinguished himself in the
battle with the Persians. in the 23rd year his rank was 2,000 with
1,200 horse, and in the 25th year he went off again with the Prince on the
above-mentioned expedition. in the 28th year he was sent, along with
Jumlat-ul-Mulk against Chittör and displayed great rapidity of movement.
Afterwards he vent off with Khalil Khân to chastise the Zamîndâr of
Srinagar (Garhwâl), and in the end of the 31st year he went to Mâlwa,
and showed courage and loyalty in conjunotion with Jaswant Singh in
ppposing the march of the troops of the Deccan when Prince Aurangzîb
was reported to be proceeding to inquire after the health of his honoured
father. Afterwards in the battle of Sâmügarh he was attached to the
stirrups of Sultân Dârâ Shiköh. His subsequent career is not known.

1 See alsö Maâthir-ul- Umara, III, p. 312, and Blochmann's translation of
A'ln, I (2nd edn.), p. 391, note 2. There is an aecount of Nâdir Shâh's dealing with
I&udâyâr ^ân üı Elliot, ■ VIII, p. 97. The life of Nâdir Shâh which Sir "VVffliam
Jones translater) into French in 1773 is the same as that used by the author of the
ltaâ(hir-ıd-Umara, viz., Târit3k-i-Jahân-Gushâ-i-Nâdirl by Muhammad Mahdî
bin Muhammad Naşir Astrâbâdl (see Ivanow, Descriptive Cat. Per&ian MSS.
As. Soc. Bengal, 1924, p. 30). Nâdir Shâh's invasion of Sindh is deseribed there on
pp. 260-263 (As. Snc. Bengal's edn. of 1845). Nâdir Shâh visited Amarköt in ]Teb-
ruary, 1740, vid» Elliot, VIII, p. 99, but 1152 in that work en p. 98 should be 1153.
For Amarköt see Akbamâma, Beveridge's translation, I, p. 55, note 4.

2 Bödshâhnâma, II, p. 460 Two yoars before this he got a present of Rs.2.000,
op. cit., p. 342.

3 Bödshâhnâma, II, p. 565, has Sarpul and Sân ChârSk. it also calls JGnıshfeâl
Beg, the son of Mirza Sharaf-ud-Dîn Husain. perhaps the officer who was the
Kötwâl of Delhi, op. cit., p. 110.

4 Bödshâhnâma, XI, p. 595.

820 kjjusrau afi — jçhusrau sultân. Maâthir

Khusrau Be.

(Vol. I, pp. 673-675.)

He was an Ozbeg quruqchî.ı His ancestors were men of wealth
and power in Türân, and always held their heads high through their
rank and vealth. They also had a name for bravery. He too possessed
this quality. When he came* to India, he was greatly favoured by
Jahângîr and promoted to a high office. As marks of sense and ability
were apparent in him he was made faujddr of Delhi 8 and Nârnöl which
are hotbeds of strife and sedition. They say that he had 400 plumed
(qarquradâr) Uzbeg troopers mounted on Turkish horses; they were ali
brave men. in oarrying out the duties of this magistracy, he did not
neglect one iota of what was necessary for putting down the disturbers
of the peace. He cleared the country of the weeds and rubbish of rebels,
and was applauded by the Court. When jn the 8th year of Jahângîr 's
reign, Ajmer became the abode of royalty, the heir -apparent * (Shâh
Jahân) was sent with an army against the Rânâ and Khusrau Be was
enrolled among the auxiliaries, and did good service. The Prince loaded
him with favours, and his rank and influence were increased. The Prince
wrote a recommendatory letter about him to the Court. When Shâh
Jahân by the strength of his good fortune established thânas in the hilly
country of the Rânâ, Khusrau Be was appointed to do the thânadâr's
work. There he died a natural death. He had a magnanimous dis-
position and every day he caused food to be prepared for the soldiers,
and every one who did not appear at his table was put down as absent 5
(without leave). He was very liberal with gifts and rewards. A horse
he regarded as if it were a goat. He changed nothing of what had been
his customs and habits in Türân.

Khusrau Sultan.

(Vol. I, pp. 767-772.)

He was the son of Nadhr Muhammad Khân, the ruler of Balkh and
Badakhshân. When in the year 1051 A.D. (1641-42 A.D.) the Khutba
of Transoxiana was recited in the name of Nadhr Muhammad, he in
concert with his eldest son 'Abdul 'Aziz Khân occupied with complete
assurance the maşnad of Khânship at Bokhârâ, and carried on the
administration along the right path. in the year 1055 A.H. he went to
Qarshî 6 and took possession of Urganj, the ruler of which, Isfandiyâr
Khân had died. Nadhr Muhammad's elder brother imâm Qulî Khân
had paid great deference to the Üzbegs and left to them the realiza.tion

1 A sentinel at the entrance to the female apartments, a game-keeper.

2 Vide Rogers and Beveridge's translation of the Tüzuk-i-Jahângîrl, I, p. 206.

3 Vide Rogers and Beveridge, op. cü., p. 229, where M6wâr is apparently a
mistake for MSwât.

* Vide Rogers and Beveridge, op. ait., p. 256.

6 Çresumably his pay was reduced, see article Obair-hâzirî in Irvine's Army
of the Indian Moghuls, p. 25.

• Isfandiyâr died in 1053 A.H. (1643 A.D.). He was the son of 'Arab Muham-
mad and brother of Abûl Ghâzî.

-ul-Umarâ.

&HUSRAU SULTAN.

821

of the revenues and the settlement of Transoxiana and had been content
with the name of Khân. Nadhr Muhammad now called upon them for
the payment of the revenues of imâm Qulî's time. That contumacious
and independent tribe were annoyed and resqlved to get rid of Nadhr
Muhammad and his son. 1 He received a hint of their union and resolved
to throw a stone of separation in their midst. He appointed each of them
to a drfferent place. He gave Samarqand and its dependencies to 'Abdul
'Azîz and appointed Beg Oghli as his guardian and Khusrau Beg as his
Divân. Tâshkand 2 and its dependencies he gave to his third son Bahrâm
and appointed Bâqi Yüz as his guardian. He appointed Nadhr Be,
the guardian of imâm Qulî Khân — who had great influence among the
Ozbegs and whom he regarded as the chief of the sedition-mongers in the
government of Balkh. Qandüz, which is the capital of Badakhshân,
he gave to Khusrau Sultân. Kahmard and its dependencies and the
Hazârajât — which had long belonged to Ilangtösh — he took away in spite
of the fact that no faults had been committed and made them över to his
fourth son Subhân Quli, and made Tardı 'Ali Qatân his guardian. He
also resumed many fiefs and made them remunerative. He also resumed
many old Madad-i-ma'ösh 8 (subsistence-allowances) tenures and
Suyürghâls on pretext of the grants having been forged, and took
possession of them himself .

Inasmuch as his dominion had come to an end, and his fortune
was proceeding to a fail, he, for some reasons, annoyed the Khwâjas of
Türân, whom everybody whether high and low, regarded with respect,
and with this design he made every pasturage qurq (i.e., reserved) for
his own cattle and would not allow these to be used by any one else.
Consequently ali the people became disaffected. Though 'Abdul 'Aziz,
his son and heir, tried to induce him to make, like imâm Qull, Bokhârâ
his headquarters, and to give him Balkh, Nadhr Muhammad refused on
the graund that he had spent forty years in Balkh, and the climate agreed
with him, and it was disagreeable for him to leave the place and the
treasures accumulated during so many years. He also annoyed his son
by thvvarting him in his designs, and in the non-recognition of truth he
shut his eyes to the wishes of the leaders of Falkh — who during a long
period had not omitted the smallest office of loyalty, and were naturally
expecting favours and graciousness. He also disregarded ali the preoepts
of skill and caution and when any one of his well-wishers gaye him a
secret hint about the disaffected, he in his shallowness divulged the
matter and thus ashamed and discredited his informers. At last the
whole of Türân and ali the Türâniyâns suddenly broke out into rebelUor
and beat the drum of opposition, and recited the Khutba of Transoxiana
in the name of 'Abdul 'Azîz, while the Almânân, who were looking for an
opportunity, proceeded to pillage and destroyed many establishments
{hârhhânajât or manufactories). At last Nadhr Muhammad came to an
agreement with his son that he himself will keep the government of
Transoxiana, while that Balkh and Badakhshân will belong to 'Abdul

1 That is, his eldest son 'Abdul 'Aziz. The union here spoken of was that of
his sons, and so he sent them to different places. The aeeount in the Maâüıir-vl-
ümarâ is taken from Bödshâhnâma, II, p. 435, ete.

8 Tashkent in Ferghana in modem atlases.

s For Madad-i-ma'dsh and Suyürghâls, see Blochmann's translation of A'in,
I (2nd edn.), pp. 278-280.

822

EBUSRAU SULTÂN.

Maâthir

'Aziz, and that there should be peace. But on account of the double-
mindedness of the Uzbegs, and the insolence of Almânân he was in daily
fear of his life and property. He left off hunting and for a time shut
himself up in the fort of BalkJ}. When Jahângir died, and his heir Shâh
Jahân was far off in Junair in the Deccan, Nadhr Muhammad thought
the field was empty and in his hot-headedness and arrogance led a large
army to eonquer Kabul. Though it did not succeed, and he had to
make a shameful retreat before the pressure of the victorious imperial
troops, yet he stretched out the hand of oppression över the inhabitantg
of the towns and districts, and every place that the Uzbegs found
unguarded was plündered. From that time it was impressed on Shâh
Jahân's mind that it was necessary, according to the verse :

Verse.
Stones are the retribution of clod-throwers.

That an army should be sent to Balkh and Badakjjshân and that the
ancestral properties should be recovered. On account of other occupa-
tions (in India) this design could not be carried out. At this time when
spontaneously there arose confusion in the country, and the Alman
infidels lighted the flames of oppression and by slaying the good and
noble, and dishonouring their families made themselves deserving of
condign punishment, Prince Murâd Ba"khsh 1 was sent off rapidly in the
19th year with 50,000 cavalry to conquer the country and to punish
the unruly tribes. When the Prince had traversed the pass of Tül and
came to the plain of Sirâ 2 the Uzbegs and Almânân, who had ravaged the
villages of the Badakhshânât, and had made Khusrau Sultân's position
difficult, fled on hearing the sound of the victorious army. Khusrau
Sultân thought peace was best and came with his son Badı' Sultân and
2,000 house-holders of Qandüz — who had suffered from the ravages of
the pillagers— and submitted to the Prince. When Khusrau arrived near
Andarâb the Amir-ul-Umarâ 'Alî Mardan Khân came and saluted him
on horse-back. When Khusrau entered the Prince's tent, the latter acted
according to the royal orders and stepped to the edge of the carpet to
receive him and place him near the maşnad and showed him various
attentions and kindnesses. He made him various presents, including
Rs. 50,000 in cash and sent him to the Court. Marhamat Khân 8 , the son
of Şâdiq Khân deceased, was sent from the Court with four Arab and
Persian horses with gilded saddles and valuable cloths from among the
choice fabrics of India, together with a palanquin and chahâr dûlî (litter)
with silver poles and velvet lining for his ladies, and two complete
advance-tents 4 and directed to bring him with ali honour to the Court.
On 29 Rabi' II, 1056 A.H., when he reached Kabul, the officer in charge
Sa'd Ullâh Khân and Mir Jalâl Şadr-uş-Şudûr went out to meet him and
paid their respects. His request to be alkrvved to wait upon the Emperor

1 For an account of Prince Murâd Babhsh's campaign in Transoxiana see
Banarsi Prasad, History of Shahjahan, pp. 195-201.

2 This apparently should be Sirâb; see Bâdshâhndma, II, p. 517. For Tül
see Jarrett's translation of A'in, II, pp. 399, 400.

» Bödshâhnüma, II, p. 519, and Khâfî Khân, I, p. 625.

* in dû dost peshkjıârıa, the wo"f daet seems to be pleonastic.

•ul-Umarâ.

KHWÂJA JAHÂN HERÂTl

823

was granted. After he had paid his respects, Shâh Jahân raised his head
with the two hands and embraced him, and ordered him to be seated.
He showed him various favours and presented him with Rs. 50,000 in
cash and gave him a manşab of 6,000 with 2,000 horse. The house of
Khân Daurân Bahâdur with carpets and other splendid furniture was
assigned to him. His son Badî' Sultân, who was with him, received an
annual allowance of Rs. 12,000, and Khusrau Sultân, who was a man of a
feeble constitution jınd an opium-eater, and had long endured the
oppressions of the Uzbegs, never seen happiness, and ne ver had had a
moment's peace on account of his dread of the Almânân, suddenly
arrived without çare or effort at God-given comfort. He at his ease
tasted the joys of life. He did not seek for service. Sometimes in
Lâhöre and sometimes in Shâhjahânâbâd (Delhi) and occasionally in
attendance on the Sovereign he passed * his time. in the 26th year he
was removed from 2 his manşab and received a pension of a lac of rupees.
in this year his son Badî' Sultân was raised to the manşab of 1 ,000 with
200 horse. At the end of Shâh Jahân's reign his rank was 2,500.

Khvvâja Jahân HerâtI.
(Vol. I, pp. 630-632.)

He was Kbvvâja Amîn-ud-Dîn Mahmüd, and was known as Aminâ.
He was a pioneer in the science of accounts. He vvrote shikasta very
beautifully, and was exceedingly acute and careful in the valuation of
property and in the correctness of his calculations. He was attached to
Humâyün's stirrups during the journey to Persia, and later was always
the recipient of royal favours and for some time was the Bakhshî of Prince
Mubammad Akbar. When Akbar ascended the throne, he was promoted
to the rank of 1,000 and granted the title of Khân Jahân". For a long
time the administration of the kingdom was carried on in accordance with
his sage advice.

When Akbar left him and Mun'im Khân and Muzaffar Khân. in Karra
Mânikpür, to put in order the affairs of Khân Zaman Shaibâni, and
returned to Agra^ and the officers neglecting the administration of that
part of the country proceeded to the Court in the beginning of the llth
year, Muzaffar Khân made a rapid journey from Etâwah and arrived
first at the Court. He reported * the double-dealings of the officers, and
Khvvâja Jahân was censured and the royal Grand Seal — which was the
in8İgnia of his office — was taken from him, and. he was dismissed to the
Hijâz. Later, on the intercession of the courtiers, the Khwâja's offences
were forgiven. in the 19th year, 981 A.H., when the royal standards
advanced to take Hâjipür and Patna, the Khvvâja ovving to indisposition
remained in Jaunpür. When Akbar returned victorious to Jaunpür

1 Khâfî Khân, I, p. 695.

2 Khâfî Khân, I, p. 716.

3 So in the text, but this is a mistake for Khwâja Jahân. For an account of his
life see Blochmann's translation of A'in, I (2nd edrı.), pp. 467, 468

* Akbarnâma, Text II, p. 270, Beveridge's translation II, p. 401. in the text
it is stated that Muzaffar Khân made a rapid journey from Etâwah, but according
to the Akbarnâma, Muzaffar Khân hurried to Etâwah and there denounced the other
officers.

824

KBWİJA JAHÂN KİBULI.

Maâthir

and proceeded towards Agra, a mast elephant ran at the iwaja
in Jaunpür. His foot caught in a tent-rope and he fell. His condıtıon
at önce became critical, and in the beginning of the month of Shawwal,
982 A.H (January, 1575 A.D.) he died in Lucknow. Mirza Beg, whose
takhallus was Sipihri ı and had a good poetical vein, was the S^aja's
brother's son. As he had acquired tmvakkul (reliance upon God), he
withdrew from service and lived in retirement. He died in 989 A.H.
They say that he secretly used to help the needy. This verse ıs his :

Verse. 2

Remove by a smile the poison of thine angry eyes,
For they sweeten with salt when the almond is bitter.

Khwâja Jahân KâbulI.

(Vol. I, pp. 672, 673.)

His name was Khwâja Dost Muhammad, and he was a native of
Kabul. When Jahângir was the heir apparent, he was his Divân. As
his daughter was married to the Prince, he became distinguished above
his fellows. After the accession he obtained high rank and the tıtle of
Khwâja Jahân. He conducted his duties weH and became a favourıte.
Whenever Jahângir went out to hunt near Agra, the Khwâja was left in
charge of the fort and city . They say that after the morning prayer the
spiritual Mathnavi Ma'navl s of the Maulânâ of Rûm (Jalâl-ud-Dm) was
read in his assemblage for four gharis. After that he attended to work,
and by his discernment and knowledge of business dısposed of dısputes.
Some of his decisions are amusing. They say that a man complamed that
the wife of his brother, who was impotent, had taken possessıon of the
property asserting that her child was her husband's. When she was asked,
she said it was true that her husband was without sperm, but that she
on the advice of a Hakim, had for forty days given hini the head of
the Bühû * fish to eat.' This had produced virility. The Khwâja ordered
that two grooms should make the child run up and down, and catch
the sweat of his face and body in a handkerchief . When the handkerchıef
became wet he took and smelt it. it smelt of fish, and those present ali
confirmed this . On another & occasion, they say that a person pıcked up

ı Blochmann, op. cü., who says that his tafcftaMuş was Shahrî. But it is Sipihri
in Badâyûnî Muntakab-ut-Tavârlih, Text III, p. 241. See also Dorbar-ı-Akban,

P ' 72 * 2 Thi 8 verse and others aro given in Badâyûnî, op.citj. 241 Probably the
salt in the second Une is the white row of teeth seen m the simle, the badam or
almond^ay mjan^ey^^ ^ ^^ j^^ CaL Persian , Mss . As . Soc .
Bengal, 1924, pp. 216-218. Jâmî has said about this Mathnavi :

LS) *

J3S ifi ^jJ

er*

* The famous Indian Çarp Labeo rohita (Ham.-Buch.).
5 This ia a familiar story.

-ul-Umarâ. khwâja jahân khawâfi — &h. Qulî ESİN bahİdae. 825

a purse on the road and restored it intact to the owner. That süly
and avaricious man complained that half of his money had been taken
out. When this dispute was brought before the ^wâja he ordered
that the purse be given to the finder, adding that it was a windfall for
him, and he said to the owner r " Yours must have been a different purse ".
He at önce became penitent and confessed that his money was so much.
When it was counted it was found ali right (i.e., the amount was what the
owner had stated). The Khwâja died 1 a natural death. He buut a
stately mansion in Agra. Among his sons, Jalâl-ud-Dîn Mahmüd held
a jâgîr and a rmnsab till the end of Shâh Jahân's reign. He did not
possess discretion. Mîrzâ 'Arif (another son) was handsome and agree-
able. He had no rival as a polo-player. He was on ternis of İntimacy
with Jahângir. The flower of his life perished in its spring {i.e., he died
in his youth).

S,PWAJA Jahân SbawIfI.

(Vol. I, pp. 748, 749.)

His name was Khwâia Jân, and he was one of the old servants of
Shâh Jahân. When after the receipt of the news of the death of Jahângir,
Shâh Jahân moved from Junair and arrived near Ahmadâbâd he made
the Khwâja, who was exalted to the rank of 2,000 with 600 horse, Dîvân
of Gujarât. in the end of the 4th year he begged to be allowed to visit
the holy places, and this was granted. As the King had allocated five
lacs of rupees to be sent to the needy in those blesşed places, he ordered 2
that the officers of Gujarât should make över to the Khwâja, who was
known for his honesty, 2 lacs and 40,000 rupees worth of such goods as
would be saleable at the two holy places. He was to sçll these goods
and distribute the price (i.e., the capital and the profit) to the poor there.
in the 9th year he returned and presented nine Arab horses as a peshkash.
in the 12th * year he was removed from the Dîvâni of Gujarât and died
in the 17th * year; 1053 A.H. (1643-44 A.D.).

Kbwâja 6 QulI Kbİn Bahİdae.

(Vol. I, pp. 834, 835.)

Son of Nadhr Be who was one of the nobles of Türân. He came to
Aurangzîb on an embassy from there. On his return, he sent Yülbâras
Khân his eldest son to India for service. After his death, his second son
Beglar Begi Khân came with his dependants to his elder brother. The

1 The «uthora of the M aâthir-vl- Umara apparently used only the first volume
of Tüzuk-i-Jdhângîrl. Khwâja Jahân died in the 14th year of Jahângir's reign.
Jahângir gives an account of him in his Memoirs, see Rogers and Beveridge's trans-
lation of Tüzuk-i-Jahângiri, II, pp. 121, 122, note. His being in charge of Agra
is mentioned on p. 67.

2 Bâdshâhnâma, I, p. 406. Hakim Masih-uz-Zamân was associated with him.
His name was Khwâja Jân or Mullâ Khwâja Jân, but his title was Khwâja Jahân.
There is a special notiee of him in Bâdshâhnâma., I, pt. 2, p. 333. He was a native
of Bihâr.

3 Should be the llth year, see Bâdshâhnâma, II, p. 105.
* Op. eit., p. 728. His rank was 2,000 with 600 horse.
6 Khwâiam in the Text,

826

KHAWWİŞ KHÂN BAgHTIYİB gHİN DEOCAlîI.

Maâlhir

Şan at that time was a suckling. Beglar Begi during the days of power
ot tüe baıyıds of Barah, became faujdâr and govemor of the fort of
Mandu, in succession to Marbamat Khân. He also went there with his
brother in 1136 A.H when Nizâm-ul-Mulk, after his second Vazirship
requested leave from Muhammad Shâh and went off to the Deccan ı'
he jomed him on the way. After the battle 2 with Mubâriz Khân he got
a net m the provınce of Burhânpür, and spent his time ^fanjdâr of

flof^ 80 ^ ^^-^^t^ aândgsh - Inthe beginingof the
rule of the martyred Nasır Jang, he was made deputy-governor of Berâr
but after some months he was removed. After that he was at one time
faujdar of Baglana, and at another deputy-governor of Burhânpür. in

te'im W ^İft-^ reCdVed the tİtle 0f ebûlfaqâr.ud-Daula
Qa mı Jang. When gıandesh eame ınto the possession of the Mahrattas
he went away m dıstress to Şalâbat Jang in Haidarâbâd. He received the'
pargana of Jagaon* m Berâr in fief, and went off there. After some
days he dıed in 1179 A.H. (1765 A.D.). Aşaf J âh treated l hün Zh
dıstınctıon, and when he paıd his respects put his hand on his head
But he was very reserved. He composed simple verses and had the
pen-name of Mauzun.

This verse is his :

Verse.

Whene'er without thee I visit the rose-border
The perfume of the bud and the flower gives me a headache.
None of his sons attained any position. They passed awav at

rs a 8 r xive ervaIs after their father ' s d ^ ath - But v^&sr&£

Khawâş Küİn Bakhtiyâe KüZn DeccanI.
(Vol. I, pp . 774, 775.)

Shâ W n S UP • 6rVİCe İn u the reİgn of Jah ângir, and in the 8th year of

of £khfTanLi e 5 gn 7Tv 1 - h0 r Ured by beİn * a PP 0İn ^ as the jaujdîr
ot Lakhi Jangal b and Tharah m place of Sardâr Khân. in the 12th vear
when the Krng had reached the borders of the Panjâb, he İ honoS
by beıng permıtted to offer his allegiance in the U+h ™„, T

sr^therh ^ 6 r d •*^"^^^*ıj«

, .Ji *? J* 6 16 * h y ear h e was exalted by being appointed" as the

SSSÎKS (i TV n the ş f a of Bihâr In ^ he 2 <™ y- £ w a :

f Z ™„ \ ö \ ' "£ a ^ and was ordered t0 Badakbshân. in the
21st year he returned to the Court, and was honoured by being appomted

İn barkar Narnala; see Jarett. on cif n <>i£ o„j r "\ V,

p. 28. p ' ' p / "* 4 ' and Impenca Oazetteer, XIV,

t • 6 , La } ! t î .Ş an al was the extensive uncultivated area sonth «f «,„ o *ı •
Irvme's detaüed note in Manwci, IV, p. 426 e SutleJ ' see

15B

-ul-Umarâ.

KlBAT SİNGH.

827

as the faujdâr and tiyûldâr of Mandsür in Mâlwa. in the 23rd year when
the Şûbadârî of Mahva was granted to Shâh Nawâz Khân, and that of
Mandsür to Mirza Muhammad, son of Mir Badi' of Mashhad, who was
the son-in-law of the said Khân. he was transferred from there and
appointed as an auxiliary in the Deccan forces. in the siege of Gölconda
he served with Sultân Muhammad Aurangzib, and when later*the said
Prince was nominated as the Govemor, he was granted the rank of 2,000,
1,500 horse and the title of Khawwâş Khân. And in the series of battles
wbich took place between Aurangzib and Mahârâja Jaswant Singh and
the rivals for the kingdom, 1 he attended- the royal stirrups, and later
went to Bihâr on being appointed to that Şvbâ. And when before the
second coronation 2 the fort of Chunâr • was delivered from the hands of
Saiyid Abü Muhammad a servant of Sultân Shujâ', he was appointed
as the guardian of that fort"; and in the 2nd year was removed* from that
ofiîce. Nothing further is known about him.

KIbat Singh.

(Vol. III, pp. 156-158.)

He was the second son of Mirza Râja Jai Singh. When the seditious
Mewâs of Kâma 6 , Pahâri and Köh Mujâhid between Agra and
Shâhjahânâbâd troubled the residents and travellers in the tract, and the
parganas were going to waste on account of their attaoks and the fief
holders vere put into difiîculty, Kirat Singh was, in the end of the 23rd
year of Shâh Jahân's reign, raised to the rank of 800 with 800 horse and
the district in question was. assigned.to him as his fief and residence.
An order was sent to the Mirza Râja to extirpate the wicked crowd (the
Mewâs) and to plant his own men there in their stead. The Râja made
the place his home and came with 4,000 cavalry and 6,000 musketeers
and archers and proceeded to cut down the jungle. He put many of the
contumacious innabitants to the sword and made prisoners of a large
number of them. A large quantity of cattle fell into his hands. Those
who escaped the sword Tvere expelled. The Râja received the rank of
1,000 horse tvro-horse and three-horse, and the pargana Hâl Kalyan 6 ,

1 Battle of Dharmat, 26th Aprü, 1658, and the battles with his brothers in the
War of Succession. See Sir Jadunath Sarkar 's History of Aurangzib, II, p. 348-612,
and Cambridge History of India, IV, pp. 222-228.

2 lflth June, 1659. For details of the coronation see Sir Jadunath Sarkar,
op. dt., fap. 613-624.

8 ' Âlamgirnâma, p. 349. The name of the fort is given as Chanâda.

* Shujâ' Khân was appointed his suecessor, see ' Âlamgirnâma, p. 418.

6 The Kâmah of the A'in, see Jarrett's translation, II, pp. 96 and 195, Pahâri
and Köh Mujâhid are also mentioned there. They were in Sarkar Sahâr and pro-
vinee of Agraj see also Elliot's Supp. Glossary, II, pp. 102, 103. The Sarkar is some-
times called Pahâri. For the Mewâs or Meos see Imperial Oazetteer, XVII, p. 313.
Kâma is the Kaman of the Imperial Oazetteer, XIV, p. 325. it is now in the Bharat-
pûr State, and is 39 miles N.W. Mathurâ. in Knâfi &ân, I, p. 701, mention is
made of the attack upon the Mewâtls by the Mirza Râja Jai Singh's son who is
there called Kesarî Singh.

6 This should be Châl Kalânah in Nârnöl Sarkar, ş£e Jarrett's translation of
Â'in, II, pp. 97 and 194. See Maüthir-ul-Umarâ, III, p. 673, where the revemıe of
Châl Kalana is mentioned as 70,000 dama. it was really much more, being över
7J krors according to Jarrett, op. cü., p. 194. See also the article Kaliâna, Imperial
Oazetteer, XIV, p. 307. it is now in the Jind State.

828

(BUa) KİSHAN SİNGH BHADlWABIYA.

Maâthir

the revenue of which was 80 lacs of dama, was assigned to him to pay
for the increase. Kırat Singh ı also had an increase of rank and was
made faujddr of Mewât.

As the cypress of his talent grew by the streaıh of the Mîrzâ Râja
and the plant of his intelligence was nourished in the garden of knowledge
of that great mân, his tact and skill soon became. impreâsed on the mind
of the King. in the 28th year when the royal standarda came to Ajmer
he received the rank of 1,000 with 900 horse and was sent off to guard the
Capital. After the end of the 30th year when the buildings of Faidâbâd
known as Mukblişpür in pargana Muzaffarâbâd Sarkar Sahâranpûr*
were nearly completed on the banks of the Jumnâ near the northern hiüs
— which are in the vicinity of the Sirmûr hills— the King often visited
that delightful place which was 47 kos from the Capital ; Kirat Singh was
sent off to guard the environs of Shâhjahânâbâd. When his father
separated from the Sulaimân Shiköh, and was proceeding to join
Aurangzib, Kirat Singh, who, after the battle wjth Dârâ Shiköh, had
göne to his home, joined his father and entered into service with him.
He received a flag and was sent off to put down the Mewât rebels. For a
time he was faujdâr of the Metropolitan district . Aftenvards he did good
service along with his father in conquering Sivâ's territory, and with
3,000 men erected batteries in front of the fortress of Purandhar.»

When Sivâ submitted, and ali the officers of the army received royal
favours, Kirat Singh obtained the rank of 2,500 with 2,000 horse. After-
wards, when the Mirza Râja went off to attack Bijâpûr, and the Iltimiah
was under Kirat Singh's charge, he fought bravely with the Bijâpüris,
and when the Mirza Râja died in Burhânpür, he came to the Court and
received drums, and the rank of 3,000 with 2,500 hörse. He again joined
the Deccan auxiliaries and spent a long time in that country. in the
16th year, 1084 A.H. (1673 A.D.) he died.*

(Râja) Kishan Singh 5 Bhadawabiya.

(Vol. II, pp. 228-230.)

Bhadâwar is a tract three kos from Âgra, and the inhabitants of
this area receive their name from it. This tribe is bold and undaunted,
and formerly it was turbulent. Akbar had the head of the tribe trodden
under the feet of elephants. 6 After this they were always law-abiding

1 it is mentioned in Elliot's Supp. Olossary, II, p'. 103, that Kırat Singh got
the parganas of Sarkar Sahâr in fief from Shâh Jahân.

2 Sarângpür given in a note as a variant is incorrect.

3 Purandar of the Cambridge History of India, IV, p. 254, is famous for the
masterly campaign of Râja Jai Singh against Shivâjî in 1665. it is now a
military sanatorium in Poona district, see Imperial Oazetteer, XX, pp. 396, 397.

4 MaâQjir-i-' Alamgîrî, p. 128. According to Tod, Annals and Antiquities
of Bajasthan (1914 edn.) II, p. 288, Kirat Singh poisoned his father at the instigation
of Aurangzib, and was rewarded by th&gift of the district of Kamah. See, however,
Sir Jadunath Sarkar's History of Aurangzib, IV, pp. 128, 129, where the death of
Jai Singh and his character are diseussed in detail.

* See Blochmann's translation of Â'in, I (2nd edn.), pp. 547, 548. Ay.A^ı
in the Text.

• The only reference to the expedition against the tribe in Akbarnâma is in
Vol. II, test, p. 78, Beveridge's translation, pp. 119-120, where Adham Khân is stated
to have been appointed to subdue the country and punish the seditious tribe.

-ul-Umarâ.

kishan singh bathöb.

829

^İ

and did service, in the time of the said King, Muktaman Bhadâwariya
was the head of the tribe and held the rank of 1,000. in the time of
Jahângîr the chief was Râja Bikramâjit who accompanied 'Abdullah
Khân in the campaign against the Rânâ and afterwards was appointed
to the Deccan. He died in the llth year and his son Bhöj came from
the Deccan and did homage. in Shâh Jahân's time the chief was Kishan
Singh. He in the İst year served with Mahâbat Khân in the affair of
Jujhâr Singh. and in the 3rd year he was sent off with Shâyista Khân to
devastate the country of Nizâm -ul -Mülk who had given protection to
Khân Jahân Lödî. in the 6th year he did good service in the siege of
Daulatâbâd, and -in the 9th he went with Khân Zaman to punish Sâhü
Bhönsle. in the 17th year corresponding to 1053 A.H. (1643 A.D.)
he died. As he had no son except one by a concubine, Badan Singh his
uncle's grandson received a robe of honour, and was granted the rank
of 1,000 with 1,000 horse and the title of Râja. in the 21st year he
had one day göne to pay his respects at the Darshan (the King appearing
in the Jharöka) when suddenly a mast elephant ran at him and pinned one
of his retainers under his tusks. The Râja boldly'struck the elephant
with his dagger and as a fireball * (charkhî) was discharged at the same
time, the Râja escaped injury and his retainer was released. The Râja
was rewarded by the gift of a robe of honour, and the remission of
Rs.50,000 out of a peshkash (tribute) of two lacs of rupees which he had
agreed to pay when he was confirmed in his chiefship. in the 22nd
year he had an increase of 500 and went off in attendance of Prince
Mubammad Aurangzib Bahâdur to the Qandahâr campaign. in the 25th
year he again accompanied the said Prince, and in the 26th year he was
sent with Prince Dârâ Shiköh on the same expedition. İn the 27th
year he died. His son Mahâ Singh attained the rank of 1 ,000 with 800
horse and was granted the title of Râja, and the gift of a horse. in the
28th year he was appointed to Kabul, and in the 31st year he had the
rank of 1,000 with 1,000 horse. Afterwards, when Aurangzib became
viotorious, and Dârâ Shiköh was defeated, the Râja entered the Emperor's
service, and in the İst year of his reign he went with Subkarn Bundela
against Champat Bundela. in the lOth year he did good service with
Kamâl Khân in chastising the Yûsuf za 'i tribe, and as a reward 500 of his
troopers were made two-horse and three-horse. He died in the 26th
year. His son Udai Singh — who had already been in the King's service
and a favourite and had been appointed to accompany the Mîrzâ Râja
Jai Singh in the Deccan campaign — was in the 24th year made governor
of the fort of Chittör. On the death of his father he obtained the title
of Râja.

Kishan Singh Râthöe.
(Vol. III, pp. 150-152.)

He was a half-brother 2 of the well-known Râja Sûraj Singh and full-
brother of the mother of Shâh Jahân. By virtue of this great relation-
ship, he, in the time of Jahângîr, became an intimate courtier and rose to

1 Bloehmann, op. cit., p. 134 under CharhM.

2 'allâtî a half-brother in Text, but Jahângîr calls him his own or full brother,
see Bogers and Beveridge's translation of Tüzuk-i-Jahângirî, I, p. 291. The bio-
graphy of Süraj Sing Râthör called Soor Sing by Tod — Annals and Antiguüies of
Rajasthan (1914 edn.), II, p. 29, is given in Maâthir -ul-Umarâ, II, pp. 179-183.

830

LASHKAR KHAN.

Maâihir

a high position. He behaved treacherously and m»lioiously to his elder
brother who was one of the pillars of the State, it happened that Göbind
Dâs BhâtI — who was Râja Sûraj Singh's agent and manager — killed, on
account of a quarrel, Göpâl Dâs the Râja's brother's son. As the Râja
(Süraj Singh^ was very fond of him, he did not resort to vengeance for
the murder. Kishan Singh was annoyed at this indulgence, and lay in
wait looking for an opportunîty to avenge :his nephew. in the İOth
year of Jahângîr, 1024 Â.H.,.when the royal oamp was at Ajmer, on a
day when Jahângîr visited the Pushkar lake, Kishan Singh got on horse.
back before morning with the intention of exacting retribution and
came to the place where Râja Süraj Singh was staying. He sent some
of his tried men on foot to the quarters of Göbind Dâs, and they attacked
a party of men who were on guard there. Puring the tumult Göbind
Dâs awoke, and came out without previous warning from one side of the
house. Kishan Singh's men — who were searching for him— ■-killed him
ıs soon as they saw him. Kishan Singh; as he did not yet know what
aad happened, came on foot in great agitation and anger to the place,
and though men 'w&rned him, it was of no use. Meanwhile Râja Süraj
Singh also awoke- and came out with a sword in his hand, and sent his
men to oppose. in the tumult, Kishan Singh and some of his men were
killed. The othere got to their horses and escaped. The Râja's men
follöwed and a hot fight took place in front of the royal wihdow (jharöka).
Whösoever's head was struçk by the scimitar (shamsher), it was cut down
to the waist, and whenever the swords (tegthâ) of Indian steel reached the
waist the body was divided into two. Sixty-eight * Râjpüts of the two
parties displayed the devotion of their life. They say that from that
day the scimitars öf Siröhi 2 are held in respect, and are sought after.
Jahângîr, after this catastrophe, divided his (Kishan Singh's) manşab
among his -sona and confirmed them in the possession of his native
place of Kishangarh. 3

Lashkar Khan. 4

(Vol. III, pp. 161-163.)

His name was Muhammad Husain Khurâsânî, and in the reign of
Akb&r he held the rank of 2,000 and was Mir Bakkshl, and Mir 'Ardl
(Superintendent of petitions). in the llth year he was removed from his
office on account of charges brought against him by MuzaflFar Khân
Turbatî. in the 16th year he insolently came in öpen daylight drunk to
the Darbâr and created a disturbance. When this was reported to the
Emperor, he was, in spite of his high rank and connections, Ied round

1 in Jahângîr's Memoirs, Rogers and Beveridge's translation, op. cit., p. 293,
the number ia given as 66, viz. 30 on Râja Süraj Singh's side and 36 on Kishan
Singh's. Perhaps the author of the text has added Kishan Singh and his nephew
Kafan. Tod, op. cit., p. 33, refers to the slaying of Govindas and ascribes it to
the instigation of Shâh Jahân when a Prinee, and puts it near the end of Jahângîr's
reign I

2 Capital of the native state of that name. it is 28 miles north of the Âbü
Road Station and 171 miles from Ajmer (vide Imperial Oazetteer, XXIII, p. 37).
The manufacture of swords is stili carried on there. See Irvine, Army of Indian
Moghuls, p. 77.

* Imperial Oazetteer, XV, p. 317.

4 See Bloehmann's translation of A'ln, I (2nd edn.), pp. 446, 447, and Akbar-
nâma, Text II, p^364, Beveridge's translation, p. 529.

-ul-Umarâ. lashkar khan abül hasan mashhadl. 831

tied to a horse's tail. For some time he was imprisoned and then released.
He was appomted along with Mun'im g£n Büln-Eıânân to take part in
lıLTS?-^ ?^«« «"d Bengâl. in the battle *ith Dâ'üd Kararanı,
who had la.da claım to those areas, he was m the centre and aupported

^T a ^ der " m '? hl ? fand ^ Severel y ^«nded. ThoughM^ounds

SSh VÎ° r W ^ ° f °* re i dled " Ben « &1 - ** e was a manof wealth
and had a thousand mounted servants of his own

tn «Z he ex f 88İV ? P u ^fK>^ imposed by the Emperor may seem
to savour of wrath, for the role *ith wise kings— wno regard canital
pumehment ete, as inseparable from their position-is to apportion
chastasemşnt accördıng to the (.»ak of the) individıîal. Somethev
rebuke only by a stern glance or a frovn, another they reprimand by a
serere talk, another they punish by fclows of the fist, 4ile stili another
they chastıse by the whıp and the stick. As some one has \vell said :

Çuatrain.

If it be neoessary to punish some one,

'Tis wrong to chastise every one in equal measure.

O players on the instrument » of justiçe, .

Beat the drum with the fist, the flüte with the breath.
But if we consider the idiosyncrasy of this pomp-loving man, the
pumshment was just, for in spite of ali his high rank he endured suoh
contemptuous treatment and out of hİB meanness of spirit did not
rehnquısh service. Yet many servants of inferior rank, at a frown or a
hareh eipressıon, give up their lives so as to preserve their honour
and so acquıre undying fame. '

Seflection* (or Warning).

AW^J he id , ios y ncra fy of «1^ Pe«on is diatinetive; and moreover
dıfferent people may have dıflferent notions of this idiosyncrasy, Wal
orders should not ha*e reference to the personality but to the deed and
reward or pumshment should be awarded acoordingly.

Verse.
Each deed has its recompense and its retribution.

Lashkar Ejiİn Abül Hasan MashhaM.
(Vol. III, pp. 163-168.)
At first he was the Dîvân of Prinee Sultân Murâd. On his death he
came baok from the Deccan and entered the service of Prinee Sultân

1 Oünün which has two meanings, a mueical instrument and a canon or law

on The at^fi *\ 0hmmt & f r S6 ?r *° «o 11 *"^ 04 »»»» h«a been stated earlier
^onZrr,^ ^IV 8 * 7 ? that **"**»* a^'s pımiflhment was justified bTbis

™ totriw . bel î avl ° ur which 8howed that he was tbick-skiJed, anTthen he
seems to say that legal orders must deal with the fact and not the oereonautv

fr^S 6 "? Iana !, 10n İS tha * ^ kb8r ' 8 ordOT was not ° ne of the^lS^U
epeçıal order and an exception which proves the role. Certamly\C S T â

hSEü ıT" T* * ' egal P^ 81 »» 6 »*- We are remmded of the pUshmS? Akbar
EK' " f D * w?' 0n T° me ne e U g ent dor-keepers; see AkbarnâL, Teıtl p 3U^
Bevendge s translation, I, pp. 590. 591. p ' '

832

LASHKAR KHİN ABÜL HASAN MASHHABl.

Maâthir

Salim . He did good service and this formed the f bundation of his good
fortune. \Vhen the Prince became King, Abûl Hasan received the title
of Lashkar Khân and was granted a high office. For a while he vvas
Divân and Bakhshî of Afghânistân. but as Khân üaurân the Governor
there disliked him, he was summoned to the Court. Afterwards he was
commissioned to chastise the Afghâns who were a stumbling-block to
travellers between India and Kâ,bul. He did everything possible in the
way of smiting and binding the robbers and highwaymen, and so put
things straight. in the 14th year, when Jahângîr paid his first visit (as
King) to Kashmîr, Lashkar Khân was granted a flag and drums, and
entrusted to guard Âgra. 1 When the imperial army marched in company
with Prince Parviz and under the leadership of Mahâbat Khân in pursuit
of Prince Shâh Jahân, Lashkar Khân was sent as an auxiliary to the
army 2 of the Deccan. When the army reached Burhânpür, 'Âdil Shâh
the ruler of Bljâpür made friends with Mahâbat Khân on account of his
enmity with Malik 'Ambar, and sent his general Mullâ Muhammad Lârî
with 5,000 horse to Burhânpür .3 Mahâbat Khân left Râo Ratan Sarbuland
Râi in charge of the city, and appointed Lashkar Khân with a number of
other officers as his assoeiates. , The control of affairs there was entrusted
to Mullâ Muhammad. Mahâbat Khân himself hastened ofF with Prince
Parvîz to Allahâbâd. Malik 'Ambar, who was waiting for the oppor-
tunity, proceeded to Bîjâpûr and besieged it. 'Âdil Shâh engaged in
strengthening the walls and fortifications and sent off couriers to summon
Mullâ Muhammad. He also wrote to Mahâbat Khân that he hoped for
his assistance in return for his loyalty, and he sent three lacs of hûns,
which are about twelve lacs of rupees, for the expenses of the army. in
accordance with a letter from Mahâbat Khân, Lashkar Khân left Sarbuland
Râi with a few men in the city and marched as the auxiliary of Mullâ
Muhammad to extirpate Malik 'Ambar. Malik 'Ambar heard of this
and wrote to Lashkar Khân that he had not behaved presumptuously.
to the King's servants, and asked why he was to be ill-treated. There
had long been a boundary dispute between him and 'Âdil Shâh, and he
asked that he might be allowed to settle matters with his adversary.
Whatever was fated would happen. No answer was returned and the
troops marched on to the neighbourhood of Bîjâpûr. Malik 'Ambar was
obliged to raise the siege and to proceed to his own territory. Mullâ
Muhammad followed him. in proportion as Malik 'Ambar showed a
disposition to surrender, and to behave humbly, Mullâ Muhammad —
believing that Malik 'Ambar was weak and in distress — increased his
aeerbity and hostility. When the situation for Malik 'Ambar became
critical and he was hard pressed, he was obliged to fight at the stage of
Bhâtûrî,* five kos from Ahmadnagar. it happened that Mullâ Muhammad
was killed, and 'Âdil Shâh's forces were thrown into confusion. Jâdü
Râi and Üdâ Râm on the King's side did not exert themselve in the

1 Rogers and Beveridge's translation of Tûzuk-i-Jahângîrî, II, p. 81. On p. 83
it is stated that he was promoted to the manşab of 3,000 peraonal and 2,000 horse ;
also gee p. 102.

? Rogers and Beveridge, II, p. 197.

3 For a detailed account see Beni Prasad, History of Jahangir, pp. 379-383.

* in Igbâlnâmai.Jahângirî, p. 236, the name of the place is not mentioned, but
it is stated that it was a distanre of 5 Kos from Ahmadnagar. See also Khâfi Khân,
I, p 348, and Beveridge's translation of MaâtKir-nl-Umarâ, p. 269, not« 3.

■ul-Umarâ.

LASHKAR &HİN ABÜL HASAN MASHHADİ.

833

battle but fled. Ikjjlâş Khân and_others to the number of twenty-üve
officers, who were the mainstay of 'Adil Shâh's power, were made prisoners.
Malik 'Ambar put to death Farhâd Khân out of their number, as he was
after Malik 'Ambar's life. Lashkar Khân and forty manşabdârs, arnong
'• whom were Mîrzâ Manûchehr and 'Aqidat Khân were made prisoners
and were for a time imprisoned and fettered in the fort of Daulatâbâd.
After Sultân Parviz's death, when Khân Jahân was entrusted with
the government of the Deccan, Lashkar Khân and the other officers were
released and came to Burhânpür. After Shâh Jahân ascendcd the throne
he had regard for Lashkar's Khân' s earlier serviees — Lashkar Khân had
lent him 10 1 lacs when he was a Prince — and paid 2 him the amount —
and increased his rank by 2,000 personal and horse, so that his rank
became 5,000 with 4,000 horse. He \vas also appointed 3 governor
of Afghâniştân in place of Khwâja Abül Hasan Turbati. it happened
that before he entered upon this office, Nadhr Muhammad Khân the ruler
of Balkb and Badkjjshân, out of his short-sighted view, and the thought
that the death of Jahângîr was an opportunity, led a large army into
Afghâniştân, and arrived near the city of Kabul. Lashkar Khân did not
wait for the reinforcements which Mahâbat Khân was directed to bring,
but marched on rapidly-. When he came to Bârîk Âb twelve kos from the
city, Nadhr Muhammad raised the siege and came forward to fight.
Lashkar Khân advanced to meet him, and vvhen Nadhr Muhammad saw
that Lashkar Khân's army was coming on with great boldness, and that
the mercenary servants who would help him in a difficulty were few, he
did not think it advantageous to engage, and on 9 Muharram, 1038 A.H.
turned his rein. He traversed the heights and hollows — which he had
formerly taken a month to travel through — in four 4 days and reached
Balfch. Lashkar Khân entered Kabul and rejoiced the citizens who had
been afflicted by the plundering of the TJzbegs. Ht> sent troops wherever
tbey were required, and drove off the raiders. 6 But as the inhabitants
of the province were Hanafls and were opposed to Ijashkar Khân on
account of his religion, he was removed from there in the 4th year. 8
in the 5th year he was appointed in place of Mahâbat Khân to take charge
of Delhî, but as on account of his great age he could not render proper
service, he, in the 6th year, entered the üst of those who pray for suceess
(of the reigning Sovereign). He and his sons paid their respects.

Though the Bâdshâhnâma 7 does not give any reason for his retire-
ment except old age, yet it appears that he had not attained to such an
age as to be unfit for service. But for some reason he was not in favour
with the Sovereign. They say, that after his resignation he resolwd to
go for pilgrimage. After he had visited the shrines and had spent large

1 According to Rogers and Beveridge, II, p. 250, Shâh Jahân entered Lashkar
Bjân's house and seized Rs.9,00,000 in the İ7th year of Jahângfr's reign.

2 Bâdshâhnâma, I, p. 189.

' See Banarsi Prasad, History of Shahjahan, pp. 185, 186.

* Bâdshâhnâma, I, p. 214. Sa'd Ullâh made a rapid journey from Kabul
to Balkh in 1056 A.H., but he took 11 days, id., II, p. 564. He, however, returned
il- four days, id., II, p. 584.

6 There is a long account of Nadhr Muhammad's invasion and cf Lashkar
Khân's victory in the Bâdshâhnâma, I, p. 206, ete. The ehronogram was: Lashkar
Fath or Lashkar's victory = 1038 (id., p. 215).

6 See Banarsi Prasad, op. cit., p. 295.

7 Bâdshâhnâma, I, p. 472.

834

lashkar khIn, othersvise jİn nithİr KjgÂN. Maâtfeir

sums of mouey there, he weut to his ııative country, and became a sweeper
of the holy threshold (of Mashhad). He founded Serâ'is there, and bought
many propfirties. And there he died. His sons remained in India.
His eldest son was Sazâvrâr Khân. of whom an account x is given in this
work. Another son was Mirza Lutf üllâh. He was a Sünni and became
Bakhshî of the Deccan. One night when trayelling in his palanquin some-
one suddeniy attacked him with a dagger and killed him, and ran away.
it was never known as to who he was. Lashkar Khân 's aon-in-law Bâbâ
Mirak distinguished himself in Jahângir's time in the hills of the Kângra
range. When Prince Shâh Jahân besieged Burhânpür Bâbâ Mirak was
witH Râo Batan. One day when Shâh Qulî Khân s entered the city, he
fought and was killed. His son Latif Mirak ended his life in governing
the forts of Anki ■ Tankı in the Deccan. Outside the walls he had made
a small garden and erected his tomb, and there he was buried.

Lashkar ]£hİn, otherwise JiN NikhIb Khân.*

(Vol. III, pp. 168-171.)

His name was Yâdgâr Beg and he was the son of Zabardast Khân s
a Wâlâ-Shâhî (belonging to the bodyguard) of Shâh Jahân. He became
known in his father's lifetime, and did good service, in the 19th year
his rank was 1,000 with 200 horse and he was superintendent of the
mace-bearers and of the naqdl officers. in the same year he got an increase
of 500 with 300 horse, and was honoured by the grant of the title of Jân
Nithâr Khân. There was always friendship bet»een the house of Tîmür
and the great sovereigns of the Şafavi famiîy, and the exchange of letters
and messages and present was customary with them, but in the end of
his reign Shâh Safi became armoyed about the afifair of Qandahâr and
severea the chain of old affectîon. When he died, Shâh Jahân did not
like that old relations should be altogether lost, and in the same year
appointed Jân Nithâr Khân as ambassador 6 to Pereia. He gave him and
his companions two years' pay and sent them off with presents worth
three and a half lacs of Tupees, and a letter of oondolence ' on Shâh Şafi's
death and of congrat"lations on the accession of Shâh 'Abbâs II, the
son and successor of Shâh Safî. He also apologized for the coming to
India of 'Alî Mardan Khân, who had not left (Qandahâr) for any ambitious
reasons or from a desire to enter service, but had been obliged to with-
draw on account of the machinations of envious persons. Jân Nithâr
Khân returned tomarda the end of the 21st year, and received the rank of
2,000 with 700 horse and the office öf Master of the Horse. in the 23rd
year he was made Mir Tuzulc, and in the 24th year ne became 2nd BakhsM
in place of Siyâdat Khân. in the 25th year he had an increase of 500

1 Maâfhir-ul-Umarâ, II, pp. «8-441.

2 AIbo called Muhammad Taql, the Sbnsâz/see MaSğiir-vl-Vma/râ, II, p. 210.
s BâdshShnârna, I, pt. 2, p. 166. These were 18 kos from Dauıatâbâd, Elliot,

vn, p."57.

* He should not be confused with Kamâl-ud-Din Jân Nifchâr ghân of Maâ&ir-
Hl-Umarâ, I, pp. 627-529.

« Maâ&tvr-ul.O'marâ, II, pp. 372, 373.

• BâcUhdhnâma, II, pp. 492, 493; £hâfl Ehâıı, I, p. 620.

' BâdehâhnSma, II, pp. 493-600 ; Banarsi Frısad, Hintory ofShahjahan, pp. 221,
222.

-ul-Umarâ.

LASHKAR KHAN BAHÂDUR NAŞİR JANG,

835

with 300 horse, and received the title of Lashkar Khân. in the 26th
year his rank was 3,000 with 1,000 horse and he was appointed Bakh8h%
of Prince Dârâ Shiköh's army when it was sent on the Qandahâr expedi-
tion. in the 27th year he was summoned to the Presence from Multân
and appointed, as formerly, to the post of 2nd Bakhshî, in succession to
Irâdat Khân. in the 29th year certain facts came out, which indicated
a want of honesty on his part. it appeared that in the Bakhshî depart-
nıent he had opened the hand of covetousness and committed embezzle-
ment. He was rcmoved from oflBce and his rank was reduced by 500.
After that he was appointed to chastise the seditious elements in Hisar
and Bîkânir. in the 31st year, on the death of 'Alî Mardan Khân Amîr-ul-
Umarâ he was appointed governor of Kashmir and received an increase
of 500 horse. in the beginning of Aurangzib's reign a-robe of honour was
sent to him and his rank was increased by 500, and 500 horse, so that
he held the rank öf 3,000 with 2,500 horse. He was nominated governor of
Multân, and in the 3rd year he was made governor of Sindh in succession
t o Qubâd Khân. Later he was appointed governor of Bihâr. in the
llth year he became governor of Multân in succession to Tâhir Khân
and in the 13th was appointed Mır Balçhshî on the death of Dânishmand
Khân 1 . He then had an increase of 1,000 with 1,000 horse,, and his rank
became 5,000 with 3,000 horse. in the end of the same year, 1081 A.H.
(1671 A.D.) he died. None of his sons reached eminence. His daughter
was married to Lutf Üllâh Khân 2 the son of Sa'd üllâh Khân.

(Rukn-üd-Daula Saiyid) Lashkar I£hIn BahIdur NaşIb Jang.

(Vol. II, pp. 359-361.)

His name was Mir Ismâ'îl and his ancestors came from Sirpul near
BalkJ). His lineage goes back to Mir Saiyid 'Ah Dîvânah whose shrine
in a village of the Panjâb is greatly respected, and who was a descendant
of Shâh Ni'mat üllâh Vali. His uncle Saiyid Hâshim Khân was in the
royal service. As the father of Mir Ismâ'îl died at an early age, Hâshim
Khân brought him up. He became a servant among the 'Servants of the
Special Brotherhood ' which is a phrase for the Mughal Manşabdârs,
and received the title of Musâfir Khân. in the İst year of Muhammad
Shâh 's reign in the battle with 'Alam 'Alî Khân 8 he in company with
Nizâm -ul-Mulk distinguished himself and overcame his opponents with
the sword. Aftervvards when Nizâm-ul-Mulk at the summons of
Muhammad Shâh * came to the Court, he described his braveryto the
King. Accordingly, he was made faujdâr of Attock. Afterwards he
resigned that post, and went to the Deccan to the Nizâm-ul-Mulk and
was made Bakhshî of Sayar Sarkar (the customs) and given the title of
Saiyid Lashkar Khân. For a time he was employed in the settlement of
Râjbandarî in Farkhundâbunyâd (Haidarâbâd). For a long time he

1 Maâtiıir-i^Âlamgirl, p. 105.

-■ For his life see Maâthir-ul-Umarâ, III, p. 171-177.

3 'Alam Alî Khân the nephew of Saiyid brothers of Bârah opposed Nifâm-
ul-Mulk Âşâf Jah in the Deccan, and the battle took place close to Bâlâpür town
in the Aköla District on lOth August, 1720. See Sir Jadunath Sarkar's edition of
Irvine's Later Mughals, II, pp. 47-49.

4 Khâfî Khân. II, p. 939 and Irvine, loc. cit., p. 106.

836

(Ril) lünkarn kachavaha.

Maâthir

vvas governor of the pro vince of Aurangâbâd. Later he accompanied
Nizâm-ul-Mulk to Upper India, and did good service during the time of
Nâdir Shâh. When the disturbance of Bâjî Râo, the general of Râja
Sâhû Bhönsle, which took place in the Deccan led to the battle with
Naşir Jang the Martyr, and the Râo having received a severe chastisenıent
died shortly aftemards, 1 Ismâ'il, at the request of (Nizâm-ul-Mulk)
Bahâdur, went and offered consolation to the brother and son of the
deceased and established cordial relations. He again went to Upper
India with the said Bahâdur and returned to the Deccan in 1153
A.H. After the death of Naşir -ud-Daula he was appointed as the
Deputy Governor of Aurangâbâd, and had the rank of 4,000 with 2,000
horse and was given the t itle of Bahâdur and the gift of a flag and a
drum. in the time of Naşir Jang the Martyr* he received the title of
Naşir Jang. After the battle of Pondicherry he again became Governor
of Aurangâbâd. in the time of Şalâbat Jang 8 his rank became 6,000
with 6,000 horse, and he had the title of Rukn-ud-Daula, and was made
the Prime Minister. On resignation from this office he became Governor
of Berâr, and when that post was given to Nizâm-ud-Daula Âşaf Jâh
he vvas appointed to the charge of Aurangâbâd. He died in 1170 A.H.
( 1 757 A . D . ) . He was distinguished for his good nature and his observanee
of the religious laws. He honoured the learned and the poor. He was
very charitable, and was well aequainted with administrative work.
But he was less experienced in financial matters. He left some daughters.
His cousins Saiyid Arif Khân and Saiyid Zarif Khân came to him from
Lâhöre, and he behaved kindly to.both of them. He gave oneofhis
daughters (in marriage) to Mîr Jumla younger son of Zarif Khân. At the
time of writing he (Mîr Jumla) has the rank of 5,000 with 5,000 horse and
the title of 'Azim-ud-Daula Naşir Jang Bahâdur, and is in charge of
Aurangâbâd and the management of the estates of Nizâm-ud-Daula
Aşaf Jah in that pro vince, and is an object of favour with the said Nizâm-
ud-Daula. His elder brother Raf 'at -ud-Daula Bahâdur Zorâvrar Jang
\vas for a long time the Bakhshl of the Mughal Risâla (cavalry) in the
Nizâm -ud-Daula's service. At present he is the Deputy Governor of
Nânder. His rank is 5,000. He is a bold and sincere man.

(Riı) Lünkarn Kachwİha. 4

(Vol. II, pp. 116, 117.)

He was a Shaikhâwat, and his estate was in the pargana of Sâmbhar.
He entered the service of Akbar and vvas kindly received. in the 21st
year he vvas appointed along with Kun\var Mân Singh against the Rânâ,

1 See Kincaid and Parasanis, History of the Maratha People, p. 270, and
Cambridge History of indin, IV, p. 383. Bâjî Râo died on 25th April, 1740.

2 For his biography see Maâlhir-ul-Umarâ, III, pp. 848-862. He was killed
by Himmat Khân the Pathftn chief of Kurnool on 16th December, 1750.

3 His fııll title was Aşaf-ud-Daula İŞafar Jang Amîr-ul-Mamâlik. For his
biography see Maâthir -ul-Umarâ, I, pp. 368, 369, Beveridge's translation, pp. 279,
280: Lashkar Khân is mentioned as having been made the Prime Minister after
Râja Rughnâth Dâs \pas killed.

* See Blochmann's translation of Â'in, I (2nd edn.), p. 554, under " Rây
Manohar". For the derivation of hia name see Beveridge's translation of Akbarnâma,
III, p, 295, note 4.

•ul-Umarâ.

LUTF ULLÂH £HÂN.

837

and in thesame year he went with Râja Birbar ı (Birbal) to bring the
daughter of the Rajâ of Döngarpür vvhom the latter wanted to be admitted
m the royal harem, in the 22nd year he came with her, and offered his

TöSrT? 1° ^ ? ° Ve + T gn - v- ^ the 24th y ear hf! ™* °ff with Râja
Todar Mal to chastıse the rebels of the Eastern districts. in the 28th
year he was sent off to Gujarât along with Mirza Khân son of Bairâm

InÎL 99 T WM t 1 Ma A f, har Wh ° Was liked and cherished by Akbar.
İn the 22nd year, when Akbar was at Amber, Manohar represented *
that there was an old cıty in that neighbourhood, of vvhich nothing
remamed but heaps of earth. The Emperor applied himself to rebuildlng
it and several ofhcers vvere appointed to look after this project in a
short time it was completed. As the Zamîndân belonged to Lünkaran
it was called Mül Manöharnagar. ««««.n,

When Muzaffar Husain Mirza fled, and no Amir offered to pursue
hım, the Emperor sent Manohar along with Râi Durgâ Sâl in the 45th
year to follovv hım. Though Khvvâja Waisi had seized the Mirza, they
ako jomed near Sultânpür. After Akbar's death, Manohar vvas an object
of favour wıth Jahânglr, and in the first year 3 he vvas sent off along with

? OOO^h^n h PUm 4 h « ânâ A T r Sİngh - In the 2nd y ear his ra ^ *as
fK ı uT u h T e A S e Was lon « attaeh ed to the Deccan Sûba. In

the llth year he died." His son attained the rank of 500 with 300 horse
Manohar vvrote poetry *nd Tausanî « vvas his pen-name. This verse is hİB \

Verse.

Learn from the eyes to be separate and unitea

For the two eyes are distinct, and yet do not see separately.

His two brothers Isar Dâs and Sânval Dâs left children.

Lütf Ullİh Kjian.
(Vol. III, pp. 171-177.)

,, He was * he e ! dest 7 son 5> f Sa' d Ullâh Khân Jumalat,ul-Mulk whose
noble quahtıes wıll remaın famous for ages. When that famous Vazh
died ın the begmnıng of Shâh Jahân's 30th year, Lutf Ullâh Khân was
eleven years old. He received the rank of 700 vvith İ00 horse~and was
the subject of royal favours. When the reins of po W er fell into the hands
ol Aurangzıb, he was gracıously treated on account of his father's having
had a closer connectıon with Aurangzib than with the other princes and

295.

» See Akbarnâma, Text III, pp. 196, 210, Beveridge's translation Ilı, pp . 278

^6o*v^ma,.Text III, p 221, Beveridge's translation III, p. 311 note 1

t hZZSrZSZŞfâ - ^ Öh -P^ «1 - «"uated 28 mil^N.E. öfT^ll

l ^ e R °g er8 »nd Beveridge's translation of Tüzuk-i-Jahânglrl, I, p 17
ge In Rogers and Beverıdge, op. cit., p. 112, his rank is given as 1,000 and

600

horse

6 Rogers and Beveridge, op. cit., p. 321.

' w?^ îî. eanS * 8 P| rite ^ hor8e ' see Muntathab-ut.Tawârlhh, Text III, p 201

838

LUTF ULLİH KBİN.

Maâthir

.ul-Umarâ.

LUTF ULLİH lifliK-

83»

received the rank of 1 ,000 with 400 horse. He was continually cherished
by Aurangzîb and received accessions of rank. There were few of the
higher dâröffb/aahvpB (süperintendencies) which he did not fiil. in the
12th year he was appointed in charge of the Dük chaukî (Post Office)
in the room of 'Âqil Khân. in the 13th year he was made Superintendent
of the office of the Revision of Petitions in place of Hâjî Ahnıad Sa'id
Khân. in the 14th year he was married to the daughter of Lashkar
Khân Mir Bakhshî, who had died earlier. in the 19th year after the
King's return from Hasan Abdal to Lâhöre he was, in succession to Faid
Ullâh Khân made the Dârögka of the elephant-stables. in the 21st year
he was, on the death of Shaikb 'Abdul 'Aziz Âkbarâbâdi again made
Reviser of Petitions. in the same year he was honoured among his
peers by being allowed to enter the fort in his palanquin. in the 23rd
year the government of Lâhöre was entrusted to Prince Muhammad
A'zam in succession to Qiwâm-ud-Din Khân. and Lutf Ullâh Khân was
made the Prince 's deputy. Next year he came to the Court and was
made Superintendent of the Ohuslkhâna in succession to 'Abd-ur-Rabîm
Khân. in the 25th year he was made Wâqi'a Khıvân (Recorder) in the
room of Kâmgâr Khân. Next year he was superintendent of the Jilau
Khâşş (Special stables) and of the Chaukî Khdşş (Special guards).

As the abilities of Lutf Ullâh Khân were well known, and he possessed
ali kinds of exeellences, he impressed ali with his courage during the siege
of Gölconda. Especially was this so on that midnight when the besieged
fell upon the royal battery (damdama) — which had. been carried up to the
level of the battlements — -and spiked the cannon. Saiyid 'Izzat Khân
the Chief of the artillery together with Sarbarâh Khân disciple of Jalâl
were made prisoners. 1 Lutf Ullâh Khân with a body of the special guards
(Chaukî Khâşş) had been appointed to guard the battery, and for three
days he bravely maintained himself in the middle of the river which is
at the foot of the fort, till another body of troops arrived and drove off
the enemy, and secured the battery. The Khân had his rank increased 2
by 500. As his courage had been tested, he was sent s in the 34th year
to the thâna of Kahtâ'pn to chastise the robbers (the Mahrattas). in
the following year he was again appointed to superintend the Post
department in succession to Şalâbat Khân. in the same year his rank
was reduced * on account of some error, but after a time he was restored
to favour. in the 39th year he was made Master of the Horse in succession
to Şaf Shikan Khân, and in succession to Khânazâd Khân was made the
Dâröjfia of the Khâşş-Chaukî. in the 43rd year his rank was 3,000 with
2,000 horse and he was given drums, and appointed to the government
of Bijâpür. in the 45th year he was removed from this office, and had
an increase of 500 horse and appointed to the government of Aurangâbâd.
in the 46th year that government was, after the taking of thefortress
of Kbelnâ, given to Prince Bîdâr Baki t, and Khân Firüz Jang wag ordered
to come from Berâr and to take charge of the royal encampment. Lutf
Ullâh Khân. who was the brother-in-law of Firüz Jang, was made the
Deputy Governor of the province. The Khân died 6 before he reached the

1 Maâ(hir-i-' Âlamgirî, p. 291.

2 in Maöthir-i-' Mamglrl, p. 303, it is stated that his rank was 2,000 with 1,000
horse and that he had an increase of 200 horse.

*>* Maâtjıir-i^Alamgirt, pp. 337-341.
5 Maâdıir-i-'Âlamgîri, p. 461.

P ZXot -S »Seviti,. »d oto def.*, ,n h,, d,.po,,U..
»'"at^Mto*™ that o» d.y the Klng «. reading . report whiça

he *aa for «mu- days .«cl.ıded taulK J» dicion.ry to «plain
Bârah Saiyids, who were * " ™^ ^™ n it a p pea red that the

Muhammad Amin fi^n, j ^™££Jl ^ and reC eived the name
of Şabıb Begam. V"» j- Hafiz-ud-Din and Muhammad Sa'ıd Khan,

ÎÎtk ^Se oftL^Kİng. Both had distinguished quaht.es,

x Battle of Jâjau 18th Jun*. 1707, see Sir Jadunath Sarkara edition of Irvine's
Later Mughals, I, PP- 25 ~j*t'_ ~ .„ ırhalda some 80 miles from Aurangâbâd

, rl xî^^^f^îS^"»Sr^S«, »n and N^-ui-Mu,,
Asaf Jâb, 3eo Irvine, <*p. at., II, PP- 145-löU.

840 LÜ T F ULLİH MAN şidiq. MaâMr-ul-Umarü.

LüTF ÜLLİH KjIÂN ŞiDlQ.

(Vol. III, pp . 177, 1780
One of the Anşâri Shaikjjzâdas. His honıe was in Pânînat T,»

^Abdullah ^ ân i£ %^ t İ^^S&STûSf
ııl-Mulk nomınated him to the ZKra»» of the Khdlsa The kK , W *
th s office to Chabla Râm Nâgar, and on thl account there^f fflfiSK
between the Kına .and his IW. Quth-ul-Mulk said that T he Wz?!
nrst recommendatıon had not been arwnt P H if , 7j . , s

(Qutb-uI.Mulk's) position was TtlasTS ^ ""V What ^

confinned. in MuVnnnad Shâht r^n he SS^^^TL ^
and had the rank of 6,000 and the titU nf ^! t Khan-ı-Saman

Mutahawwar Jan a . After^ Nâdh- Shâh nm 1^™^^ BahSdUr

h» sons, Wat ^^ LL^^^^^,^^

370, ^cT^z^^'^L't^ir^ \ir> *■ •*. n. p^

date ■^efo^er wo rk i/affift £& Ol'd S#to ^ ^ W 22nd M&rch : the
"* Khafı Khaıı, II, p. 730 J

of the bodyguard ; op. c'£ p. 769 g * **™tt-»ıyar to dismİ88 a numbor

1NDEX

Abad Ullah K., 85

Abagh Khan, 743

Abbas, 817

Abbas I, p. 186, 213, 296,

358, 361, 373
Abbas II, 59, 121, 189, 363,
379, 389, 398, 468, 484,
501, 525, 582, 605, 670,
689, 755, 763, 782, 797,
813, 816, 836, 910, 922,
928, 973
Abbasi, 817
Abbas Sultan, 359
Abdal K., 465
Abdali (s), 777
Abdarha, 767

Abdu-1-Aakim K. Miyana, 598
Abdul Ali Mirza, 689, 744,

745
Abdul Aziz, 546
Abdul Aziz Abkarabadi, 838
Abdul Aziz Dilavvar Khan,

486
Abdul Aziz Khan, 48, 190,
191, 192,298, 820,821, 822
Abdul Aziz Khan Bahadur,

33, 34, 579
Abdul Aziz Khan Shaikh, 34,

35
Abdul Baqi, 663
Abdu-1-Ghaffar, 521
Abdu-1-Ghaffar K., 492

Abdu-1-Ghafur, 326

Abdul Ghafur Bohra Mulla.,

638
Abdul Ghani, Mir, 25
Abdul Hadi, 663
Abdul Hadi, Khvvaja, 35, 36
Abdul Hadi K. Khvvaja, 310
Abdul Hadi, Mir, 295, 296
Abdu-1-Hakim, 224, 492
Abdu-1-Hakim Mir, 486
Abdu-1-Hakim, Mulla, 639
Abdu-1-Halim, 493
Abdu-1-Hamid of Lahore, 4^

391
Abdu-1- Haqq, 78
Aadu-1-Hayy, 639
Abdu-1-Hayy, Mir, 1, 24, 26,

30-32, 228, 406
Abdul Jalil Bilgrami, Mir, 637
Abdu-1-Karim, 491
Abdu-1-Karinı, 71
Abdu-1-Karim, Mir, 106, 253,

382, 484
Abdu-1-Karim Miyana, 235,

766
Abdul Karim Mükafat Khan,.

Mir, 106
Abdul Khaliq, 744
Abdullah, (Mir Jumla Khan,

Khanan), 309
Abdullah (Mulla of Sialkot),

665

842

Abdullah (son of Khan Azam
Koka), 314

Abdullah, Haji, 719

Abdullah, Khwaja, 162

Abdullah, Shaikh, 775

Abdullah Ansari Makhdumu-
1-Mulk, 93-97, 201

Abdullah Beg, 193, 304, 305

Abdullah Khan, (son of Ali
Muhammad Khan Rohilla),
195

Abdullah (son of Inayat
Ullah Khan), 682

Abdullah Khan, (son of
Iskandar Khan), 284, 356-
359, 361, 565, 605, 606.

Abdullah Khan, Khwaja, 84,
85

Abdullah Khan, Saiyid, 80,
81, 637, 648, 649

Abdullah Khan, Shaikh, 85-93
Abdullah Khan Bahadur Firuz
Jang 57 biography 97-105
185, 285, 340, 381, 407, 417
419, 452, 457, 462, 493,
576, 577, 659, 660, 716,
730, 756, 762, 779, 781,
802

Abdullah Khan Barha, Saiyid,

79, 80
Abdullah Khan Barauhi' 818
Abdullah Khan Khweshgi,

250
Abdullah Khan Qutb-ul-

mulk, Saiyid, 439, 478, 555,

711, 840
Abdullah Khan, Said Khan,

81, 82

"The Maâthir-ul-Umara"

Abdullah K. (Khan) Ozbeg,
80; biography, 82-84; 180,

396, 457
Abdullah Niyazi, Shaikh, 94
Abdullah Qutb Shah, 244,

557, 661, 774
Abdullah Rezavi, Mir, 317
Abdullah Sahib, 597
Abdullah Shattari, Shaikh, 88,

93
Abdullah Yamani Shafai, 771
Abdu-1-Latif, 469 (Diwan of

Qundahar).
Abdu-1-Latif (son of Aziz

Koka) 326
Abdul-1-Latif, Mir (son of Mir
Yehya), 378

Abdul-1-Latif, Shaikh, 34
Abdul-1-Latif Burhanpuri,

Saiyid, 35
Abdul Majid of Herat, 36-40,
201, 202, 984

Abdu-1-Majid Khan, 492
Abdu-1-Mannan Mir, 66
Abdul Matlab (Abdul Matlib)

Khan, 40, 41
Abdu-1-Mumin K., 351, 357,

359, 361

Abdul Qadir (son of Amanat

Knan), 225
Abdul Qadir (son of Bahlul

Khan), 225

Abdul Qadir Badayuni, 3,

96, 326, 332, 568
Abdul Qadir Bedii, Mirza, 713
Abdul Qadir Dianat Khan,

Mir, 13, 14, 229, 472-475
Abdul Qadir M.atbar K., 166

îndex

843

Abdul Qadir, Maulana, 93
Abdul Qadir, Mir, 66
Abdul Qawi (I'tinıad K.

Shaikh), 44-48
Abdu-1-Qawi, Mulla, 45
Abdu-r-Rahim' Mir, 486
Abdu-1-Wahad Qaziu-1-Qazat

Qazi, 73-79
Abdul Wahad Bokhari, 809
Abdu-1-Wahad, Hakim, 189
Abdu-1-Wahad K., 269
Abdu-1-Wahad Saiyid, 352,

442
Abdu-1-Wahid K., 137
Abdu-n-Nabi, Mir, 24
Abdu-n-Nabi, Sadr, Shaikh,
41-44,95,96, 118, 514, 515
Abdu-n-Nabi K.,132, 492

(faujdar of Cuddapah)
Abdu-n-Nabi K (faujdar of

Mathura), 437, 618
Abdu-n Nabi Kor, Miyana,

492, 493
Abdu-n-Nabi Mahtavi, K.,
' Mulla, 160, 162
Abdur Rahim (Divvan of

Laore), 621
Abdur Rahim (son of Diler

Khan).. 491
Abdur Rahim (son of Fazil

Khan), 554
Abdur Rahim (son of Hadi

DadKhan), 597
Abdur Rahim (son of Sultan

Sikandar, 814
Abdur Rahim Beg Uzbeg, 48,

49
Abdur Rahim Khan Khann,
Mirza, 65, 66

Abdur Rahim Khwaja Juibari

605
Abdur Rahim Miana, 492
Abdu-r-Rahim Shaikh, 49,50
Abdu-r-Rahman, 19, 20, 26
Abdu-r-Rahman (Müslim

divine) 72
Abdu-r-Rahman (Sultan) 68-

70, 190. 356, 365
Abdu-r-Rahman Afzal Khan,

66-68, 122, 127
Abdu-r-Rahman Duldai, m,

389
Abdu-r-Rahman Jami, 569
Abdu-r-Rahman, K., 555
Abdu-r-Rashid K. Bahadur

Himmat Jang, 311
Abdu-r-Rasul, 533
Abdu-r-Rasul Barah, 235
Abdu-r-Rasul K,33
Abdu-r-Rasul M. 45
Abdu-r-Rauf, 492
Abdu-r-Razzaq, 107
Abdu-r-Razzaq (son of Amir

Khan), 106
Abdu-r-Razzaq, Mir, 12,31
Abdu-r-Razzaq K. Lari, 70,

71, 703
Abdur Rida, Mirza, 686
Abdu-s-Salam, Shaikh, 63
Abdu-s-Samad Khan Bahadur
Diler Jang, 71-73, 642, 643,
688
Abdu-s-Samad Khwaja, 455
Abdu-sh-Shahid K. Bahadur
Haibat Jang, Khwaja. 311
Abdu-sh-Shakur, Haji, 29, 30
Abhai Singh, 175, 631

844

Abhang K, 54

Abha Ram, 31, 487, 488

Abid K. 503

Abid Khan, Mirza, 99

Abrah, 817

Abshar, 698

Abu Bakr Taibadi, Shaikh, 36

Abu Bakru-s-Sadiq, 281

Abu Harıifi, 771

Abu Hashim, Khwaja, 360

Abu-1-Baqa, 157

Abu-1-Baqa Amir Khan, Mir.,
105, 106

Abu-1-Barkat K. Bahadur
imam Jang, 132

Abul Fadl, Shaik, 693, 706,
744,762, 816

Abul Fath, Hakim., 49, 107-
110,243,421, 543, 606, 607

Abu-1-Fath Qabil K. wala
Shahi, 554, 556

Abu-1-Fazl, 513

Abu-1-Fazl (Shaikh) 'Allami
Fahami, 3, 42-44, 63, 66,
86, 89, 90, 117-128, 144,
179,181,185,267, 301,326,
409, 421-423, 506, 514, 517,
536, 566, 567, 586, 587

Abul Hasan, 831-834

Abu-1-Jasan (Asaf Khan) 287,
434

Abu-1-Hasan 'Ishqi,. 92

Abu-1-Hasan K. 70, 71, 79,

80, 111, 254, 279, 288, 382,

751, 809
Abu-1-Hasân ,Khwaja, 57, 99,

120, 128-130,328, 401,408,

417,494, 812, 833

"The Maâthir-ul-Umara"

Abu-1-Hasim, 65
Abu-Khair, 35
Abu-1-Khair, K., 259
Abu-1-Khair K. Bahadur

imam Jang, 131, 132
Abu-1-Khair Khan Bahadur

Tegh Jang, 132
Abul Ma, ali Khawafi, Mir,

783
Abu-1-Magali, Mir, Shah 132-

136, 519, 659, 701
Abu-1-Ma'ali, Mirza, 136,137
Abu-l-Ma 'ali, Qadiri, Shah,

124
Abu-1-Makaram Jan Nisar

Khan, 110-112
Abu-1-Masur Khan Bahadur
Safdar Jang, 137-140, 428
Abu-1-muid Muhammad, 88
Abul Muzaffar, 791
Abu-1-Qasim, 369
Abu-1-Oasim Qandarsakî

(Çandarsagi) Mir, 45
Abu-1-Wafa, Mir, 106
Abu-1-Wafa Mir (grandson oi

Ziyau-d-Din Khan), 259
Abu Muhammad, 166
Abu Muhammad, Saiyid, 827
Abu Nasr Khan, 140
Abu-n-Nabi, 351
AbuSaid Mirza, 141, 142
Abu Said, Saiyid, 76
Abu Said, Sultan, 371
Abu Said Khan, 640
Abu-s-Subhan, M. 392
Abu Turab Gujrati, Mir., 142-

144, 172, 707
Abu Turab Shah, Mir, 742

Index

845

Abyssinian, 54

Abysinians, 145, Slaves, 404;

Amirs, 706, 816

Achad Rup Asram, 603

Acham Nir, 703

Achh, 747

Adam, 585

Adam Gakaar, Sultan, 133,

758-760
Adham (Adam) K., 145-148,

374, 384, 395, 828
Adam, Mir, 411
Adharbaijan (Adhurbaijan),

777
Adilabad, 99
Adilf, 37, 199
Adil K. (Khan), 72, 177, 235,

491, 506, 597, 664, 766,

793, 794
Adilkhanis, 54, 88, 667
Adil Shah, 57, 71, 149, 165,

217, 241, 246, 296, 300,

311, 317, 342, 464, 495,

501, 533, 543, 571, 579,

580, 589, 594, 595, 661,

700, 732, 734' 742, 753,

774, 781, 832, 833
Adil Shah (s), 149, 528, 536,

612
Adina Beg Khan, 676
. Adits, 541
Adli, 394

Adoni, 205, 239, 589, 612
Adud-ud-Dauia, 742
Abud-ud-Daula (title of Iwad

Khan), 702
Afghanistan, 155, 243, 338,

393, 405, 599, 657, 670,

676, 755, 758, 833

Afrasiyab Khan, 699, 700
Afrasiyab Khan, Mirza

Ajmeri, 719
Afrasiyab, 25
Afridis, 284
Afshar, 720, 777

Afzal, 567

AfzalKhan, 148, 149, 259,
413

Afzal Khan 'Allami Mulla

Shukurullah Shirazi, 149-
153, 259, 413

Aghr (Aghur) Khan Pir

Muhammad, 153-155, 248,
313, 314, 648,

Agharabad Garden, 311

Aghuzan (Oghuzan), 511

AghuzKhanli, 155

Agra, 35, 39, 44, 74, 75, 86,

87, 89, 101, 105, 111, 129,

134, 141, 143, 146, 153,

155, 169, 172, 173, 188,

197, 201, 203, 204, 219,

245, 261, 264, 275, 283,
286, 288, 295, 300, 302, 304,

315, 322, 372, 381, 383,

391, 392, 396, 398, 402,

411, 426, 430, 435' 436,

440, 441, 448, 453, 462,

478, 513, 518, 524, 542,

546, 547, 550, 564, 571,

604, 615, 616, 618, 625,

628, 630, 634, 635, 636,

645, 646, 647, 653, 654,

662, 673, 676, 679, 680,

683, 689, 691, 694, 697,

705, 709, 715, 719, 722,

725, 727, 728, 731 733,

846

734, 738, 742, 749, 754,
756, 763, 769, 775, 784,
789, 793, 795, 800, 808,
811, 812, 813, 815, 823,
824, 825, 827, 828, 832

Ahad, 800

Ahadi, 97, 222, 234, 366, 760

Ahang Khan Abyssianian, 120

Amir, 194

Ahamad, 804

Ahamad 'Arab, Mir., 294

Ahmad, Haji, 205, 206

Ahmad Khattu, Shaikh, 142

Ahmad, Mir, 475

Ahmad Saiyid (Father of

Saiyid Atai); 475
Ahmad Saiyid (retent of

Gujarat), 164, 802
Ahmad, Shaikh, 169, 170
Ahmad, Sultan, 142, 702
Ahmadabad, 44, 50, 51, 53,
62, 75, 77, 78, 96, 99, 106,
142, 143, 144, 174, 242,
244,281,282,291, 309,318,
320, 321, 325, 331. 412,
413, 419, 493, 495, 519,
528, 591, 601, 602, 608,
656, 657, 679, 706-708,
737-739, 749, 755, 811, 825
Ahmad A'zam Shahi, 641
Ahmad Bahmani, Sultan, 771
Ahmad Beg Khan, 155, 156,
284, 455, 650, 658, 659, 683
Ahmad Beg Khân Kabuli,

156, 157, 284, 488
Ahmad Beg M., 281
Ahmad Chak, 715
Ahmad Kashi, 125,
Ahmad Khan, 596,

"The Maâthir-ul-Umara"

Ahmad Khan, Mir, 157-160

Ahmad Khan the Second Mir,
160-163

Ahmad Khan Bangash, 138,
139, 676, 677

Ahmad K. Barha Saiyid, 163,
164

Ahmad Khan Niyazi, 167,
168 .

Ahmadnagar, 54, 56, 58, 113,
114, 119, 120, 122, 165,
168, 178, 179,204,217,226,
271, 287, 366, 449, 451,
465, 468, 486, 532, 590,
685, 732, 750, 753, 774,

798, 805, 816, 832
Ahmad Naitha, Mulla, 164-

167, 445
Ahmad Niyazmand Khan,

Mir, Saiyid, 231
Ahmad Cadiri, Saiyid, 624
Ahmad Sa'id Khan, Haji,

839
Ahmad Shah, 16, 230, 675,

840
Ahmad Shah Sultan., 706
Ahmad Shah Durranı, 138,

139
Ahrar, Khvvaja, 71
Ahsan Khan Sultan Hasan,

170-172, 622, 623, 687
Ahsanu-d-dula Bahadur

Sharaza Jang, 66
Ahubara, 179
Ahwant (Hanunat), 669
Ai Khanim 361-363
Aimal Khan Tarin, 802
Aimanci, 209
Aimaq Badakhshi, 284

INDEX

847

Aimaqs, 188

Aindi, 788

Ain K., 178

Ainul-1-Mulk Shirazi, 172,

173
Aiwan (Avvan), 758
Ajai Chand, 594
Ajanta, 1 14, 590
Ajit Sıngh Rathor, Maharaja,
173-176,602,630,634,710,
711,735,756
Ajmir, (Ajmere, Ajmer), 97,
141, 170, 173, 175, 179,
223, 225, 235, 242, 244,
245, 263, 271, 304, 322,
329, 351, 366, 400, 408,
409, 410, 428, 431, 438,
442, 449, 453, 458, 497,
505, 536, 584, 602, 615,
618, 625, 628, 637, 639,
642, 657, 663, 680, 724,
731, 733, 734, 755, 760,
763, 764, 777, 786, 795.
805, 820
Ajmiri gate, 591
Ajudhan, 319
Akaji, 420

Akbar, 8, 9, 36, 37, 39-43, 49-
52, 56, 63, 66, 74, 80, 82,
83.86,88, 89, 95-97, 108,
109, 113, 114, 123, 125,
126, 128, 142-149, 157, 163,
168-170, 177, 178, 180, 182-
184, 196, 198, 200-203, 222,
243, 247, 262, 266, 267, 281,
285,301,302, 321-324, 326,
327, 332-334, 337, 348-352,
357, 358, 372-374, 384, 386,

389, 392-394, 396, 398,
399, 404, 408-411, 414,415,
420, 421, 423, 431, 434, 453,
454, 457, 458, 465, 505, 506,
513, 514, 519, 521, 523, 526,
527, 534-536, 544, 546, 565,
566,568, 569,571, 575, 576,
582, 584-586, 598, 600, 601,
606-608, 653 660, 679, 682,
691, 692, 703,705-709,724,
725,727-730, 737, 740-742,.
746, 747, 749, 759, 762,
813, 814,816, 828, 830
Akber Prince, (Emperor

Akbar), 133
Akbar Prince (3rd son of
Emperor Aurangzib), 175*
176, 787, 788, 805
Akbarabad (Agra) 601, 605,

653, 741, 760
Akbari buldings, 578
Akbarnagar, 455, 463, 511,.
521,530,658,661,671,692,

697
Akbarnamah, 3, 11, 89, 127,.

267, 333, 515, 536
Akbarpur, 112, 793
Akbarshahi, 178
Akhiraj, 487

Akmahal (Akmahl), 648
Akola, 761

Alai, Shaikh, 94, 95, 513
Alam, 247
A'am (son of Khan Jahan.

Lodi), 804
Alam Ali Khan, Saiyid., 112*
239, 309, 479, 635, 751, 835
Alam Arai, 3, 391

S48

Alam Barha, Saiyid, 176, 177,

211
Alam Guman (Kaman), 97,

98, 243
Alam Kabuli, Mulla, 585
Alam Khan I.odi, 800
Alam Khan river, 386
Alamgir, Badshah, Ghazi, 9,
12, 21, 71, 154, 223, 224,
270, 300, 303, 654, 662, 683,
686
Alamgir the 2nd., 5 8, 675-677,

691, 777
Alamgirnamah, 4, 47
Alamgirshahi (Alamshahi),

537, 541
Aland, 652
Alang Tosh, 208, 209
Ala-ud-Daula Sarfraz Khan

Bahadur Haidar Jang, 206,

720

Ala-ud-Din, 692

Alau-d-din Ahmad Shah

Bahmani, 406
Alau-d-Din Muhammad,

Khwaja, 222, 371
Ala-ul-Mulk, Mulla, 193, 260,

550, 551
Alavval K., 460
Aleppo, 698

Alexander the Great, 517
Alexander Zu-1-Qarnin, 416
Alexandria, 105
Ali (Harmasi), 459
Ali (stream), 84
Ali (the adopted son of the

Prophet), 326
Ali, M., 308
Ali, Mirza, 77, 691

"The Maâthir-ul-Umara"

Aii, Saiyid, 740

Ali, Adil Shah, 54, 165, 181,

685
Ali Ahmad Maulana, 327
Ali Akbar Müsavi, 177, 178
Ali Aqa Turkoman, 115
Ali Ariz, Saiyid, 101
Ali Asghar, M., 286, 287
Ali Baz, Hakim, 616
Ali Beg, (Pir), 368
Ali Beg (son of islam Khan

Rumi), 699
Ali Beg Akbar Shahi Mirza,

178, 179
Ali Cak, 488

Ali Divanah, Mir Saiyid, 835
Ali Dost Barbegi, 41
Ali Gillani, Hakim, 180-184,

544
Ali Hamadani, Mir Saiyid,

544
Ali Hazrat, Shihabu-d-din
Muhammad Sahib Qiran
Sani, 9
Ali Jah, 137
Ali Jah Muhammad Azim

Shah, 157, 158
Ali Khan, 643
Ali Khan, Mirzada, 180
Ali Khan, Raja (Rajah), 53,

54, 328, 544
Ali Khan Faruqi, Raja, 1 14
Ali K. Qarawai, 310
Ali Khanim, 361
Ali Mardan Bahadur, 67. 98,

185, 186
Ali Mardan Kokaltash, 815
Ali Mardan's Turks, 238
Ali Mardan Khan, 657

Index

Ali Mardan, K., 194

Ali Mardan R. Amir-ul-Umara,
186-194, 223, 250, 363,
512,639,715,726,732,768,

822, 834,835
Ali Mohan, p. 83
Ali Muhammad K. Rohilla, p.

j 38, 194-96
Ali Murad Khad Khan Jahan

Bahadur Kokaltash K. Zafar

Jang, 196, 197
Ali Muttaqi, Shaikh, 74
Ali Naqi, Mir, 475 '
Ali Naqi. K., 14
Ali Pasha, 698
Ali Qarawal, 207
Ali Quli, 380
Ali Quli, K. (Brother of

Rustam Khan), 470
Ali Qüli, K. (of Andrab), 196
Ali Quli Khan Zaman, 36, 84,

196, 197, 204, 349, 600, 660,

691
Ali Sher, Mir, (of Herat), 569
Ali Shir, Mir, 62
Ali Sher K., 204
Ali Shukr Bahariu, 368
Ali Tabar, 388
Alif Khan, 204

Alif Khan Aman Beg, 204, 205
Aligarh, 138, 659
Alim Sultan, 356, 357
Aliverdi Khan, Mirza Bandi,

205-208, 720
Ali Yar Sultan, 720
Ali Yusuf Khan, Mirza, 239,
Allahabad, pp. 60, 97, 104,

112, 115, 137-140,202,247,

849

267, 285, 318, 323, 325,338-
340, 367, 387, 393, 429, 430,
441, 446, 455, 464,497, 521,
523, 527, 537, 593, 601.618,
625, 626. 627, 656, 673,730,
753, 775, 784, 785. 789,832,
840

Allah Quli Khan Uzbeg, 208,
210

Allah Yar, 45

Allah Yar Khan, 210-212

Allah Yar K, 542

Allah Yar Khan, Mir Tuzak,
212 .

Allaman (Alamanan), 69, 189,
208, 212, 345, 364, 471,521,
727, 737, 821, 822, 823

Allami Fahmi, Shaikh, 117

Altamash (Altamish), 185, 693

Ahvar, 134

Amaldar, 720

Amal Salih, 4

Amanat Khan, 260

Amanat K. Mirak Muinu-d-
Din Ahmad, 12, 13, 3 1 , 221,
230, 271,472, 509, 555,558,
687, 790

Amanat K. Saiyid, 101

Amanat Khan the 2nd., 230-
232, 473, 681

Aman Beg, 204

Amani, 218

Aman, Mirza, 640

Aman-nama, 469, 800

Aman Ullah Khan, 219-221,
839

Aman Ullah Khan (son of
Ilahwardi Khan), 673

850

Aman I Ulah Khan Zaman

Bahadur, M., 212-219
Amarcatiya, 433
Amarkot, 63, 767, 819, 901
Amar Singh, 102
Amar Singh, Rana, 98
Amar Singh, Rao, 232-236,

403, 660, 703
Ambaghat, 802
Amba Patar, 87
Ambar, Khwaja, 695
Ambar, Khwaja (name of

itibar Khan Nazir), 705
Ambari, (name of gun), 779
Ambari, (tank at Auranga

bad), 450
Ambarkot, 167, 180
Amber (Ambar), 409, 410, 634,

640, 732, 735, 736
Amethi, 151, 659
Amil, 29
Amin, 107, 575
Amin Ahmad Razi (Radi), 3
Amin K. Deccani, 236-240,

811
Amin K. Ghori, 325
Amin Khan (Muharnmad) Mir

Muhammad Amin, 241-245
Amina, (Nickname of Khwaja

Jahan Herati), 823
Amina (Peacock-Throne fur-

ther adorned at a cost of a

kror of rupees), 399
Aminu-d-Daulah Aminu-d-Din

Khan Bahadur Sambali, 240,

241
Aminu-d-Daulah Bahadur Saif

Jang, 137
Aminrud-Din, 650

"The Maathir-ul-Umara'*

Aminu-d-Din K., 241
Amin-ud-Din - Mahmud.

Khwaja, 823
Aminu-1-Mulk, 543
Amir, 8

Amir the Great, 26
Amir Beg (brother of Fazil

K.), 548
Amir Hamza, 454
Amir Khan, (father or Mir

Khan), 367
Amir Khan (title of Abu-i-

Baqa) 106
Amir Khan Khawafı, Saiyid,

46, 245-246, 765
Amir Khan Mir Ishaq, 'Umdat-

ul-Mulk', 252, 367
Amir Khan Mir Miran, 194,

244, 246-253

Amir Khan Sindhi, 25,3-259,,

613, 761
Amir Khusrau Shah, 368
Amir Lulaji, 743
Amir Najm, 385
Amir Najm Thani (Sani), 142
Amir Taimur Gurgan, 322,

398
Amiru-1-Mamalik (Mumalik)

Nawab, 17-23, 25, 26, 31,

280
Amir-u-1-Muminin, 130
Ami Qamari, 556

Ami Shamasi, 556

Ammu, 292

Amr Singh, (son of Rai

Chanda), 508
Amr Singh (son of Rana
Pratap), 404

lndex

S5L

Amra, Rana, 761-763

Amar Ullah, Mirza, 64

Ana Sagor, (tank at Ajmer),

366, 465
Ana Sagor (in Bellary district),

419
Anam Chand, Raja, 646, 647
Anand Rao Jaiwant, 751
Anand Singh, 766
Andakhud (Andkhud), 190,

345, 360
Andarab, 297, 298, 727
Andarkhi, 593
Andur, 433, 475, 665
Anhal, 137
Ani Rai Singhdalan, 261, 623,

730
Anir Raja, 442
Ani\vard (aniverd), 777
Anjarayi, 669
Ankar (Firuzgarh), 205
Anki Tank, 834
Anrudh Singh, 406
Antarbed, 475, 676
Antarmali, 121
Antri, 123
Antur, 802
Anup Singh, 765
Anup Singh Badgujar, Rajah,

261-263, 730
Anurudha Gaur, Rajah, 263,

264, 403
Anwar K., 255
Anwar Malik, 621
Anwar, M., 334
Anvvari, 606

Anwar-ud-Din Khan, 16
Anwar Ullah Khan, 123

Anola (Anvvala), 195

Apostle, 124

Aprup (Abrup), 183, 184

Aqa Afzai, 548, 549

Aqa Mulla, 280, 282

Aqadat Khan, 301

Aqcha, 191

Aqibat Mahmud Kha»

Kashmiri, 674, 675
Aqibat Mahmud Sazawar

Khan, Mirza, 652
Aqidat Khan, 833
Aqil, 690
Aqil Khan'Inayat Ullah., 153,.

259-261, 484,615
Aqil K. Mir Aksari, 217, 264-

266, 612,752,807,861

Aqsiqal 335

Arab (and Arabian) 319, 404,.

539, 809
Arab (s) 508, 567, 638, 699
Arab Bahadur, 172
Arab Khan, 268, 805
Arabia, 124, 164, 169, 534,

558, 596
Arabian Iraq, 567
Arabian Persia, 368
Arabshahi, Saiyids, 301
Arcot, 16, 19, 29, 85, 166, 171
Ardistan, 607
Arbhandab, 187
Arghun, 269, 370, 744, 745 r

746

Aries, 127
Arif, Mirza, 825
Arif Khan Chela, 643
Arif Khan Saiyid, 836
Aristotle, 28

■852

.Arjan, 233, 234, 403

Arjmand Baba, 186

Arjmand Banu Begam, 9, 288

Arjmand K., 475

Arjun, 763

Arkiwat, 744

Arlat, 388

Arracan, 177, 428, 697

Arrah, 178

Arsh Ashiyani, 7-9, 329. 330

Arshad Khan Abul Ula, 681

Arslan Aqa, 559

Arslan Khan, 268, 269

Arz mukarrar (mukarrir), 140,
260

Arz Waqai, 260

Asad, Mulla, 583

Arzain, 203

Asad, Mulla, 583

Arzain, 203

Asad Ali K. Julaq, 238

Asad Khan Asafu-Daula-
Jarnal-ul-nıulk (Jumlat-ul-
-Mulk), 224, 243, 270-279,
364.367. 382, 383,519,540,
625,681,703,735, 816

Asad Khan Mamuri, 269, 270

Asad-ud-Din, Mirza, 652

Asad Ullah, (Faujdar of

Talner) 20
Asad Ullah, Mir, 787
Asad Ullah, Mir (martyr, son

of Mir Fazl Ullah Bokhari),

557
Asad Ullah Khan, 637
Asad Ullah K.. 253
Asadi., 583
Asaf Jah. Nawab Nizam-ul-

Mulk, 2, 11, 15, 16, 18, 21,

"The Maâthir-ul-Umara"

34, 48, 84, 85, 138, 167,
240, 283,300,301,310,316,
370, 375, 430, 434, 450,
475, 482, 483, 611, 669,
682, 684,751, 811, 826

Asaf Jah the 2nd, Nizamrul-
Mulk Nizam-ud-Daulah,
22-25

Asaf Khan (known as Asaf
Jahi), 129, 141, 184, 214,
287-295, 329, 330, 419, 430,
434, 483, 564, 574, 714,
770, 799

Asaf Khan Khwaja Ghiyasu-
d-din Ali, 280-282

Asaf Khan Mirza Qi\vamu-d-
Din Ja'afar Beg, 56, '10,
121, 129, 252-287, 315. 393,
556, 568

Asafu-d-Daula Amiru-1-
Mamalik, 279, 280

Asalat Khan, 254

Asalat Khan (son of Iftikhar
Khan Sultan Husain), 663

Asalat Khan, 804
.Asalat Khan, Mir, 295, 773

Asalat K. Mir 'Abdu-1-
Hadi, 189, 190, 295-298,
344, 345, 363, 364, 507,
520, 577, 581, 662, 726,
731, 767, 768, 770

Asalat Khan Mirza Muham-
mad, 299-301

Asam (Asim) Khwaja, 259,
775

Asas, 133

Ashna, 5

Ashraf Khan, 776

Index

853

Ashraf K. Khwaja Barkhur-

dar, 302, 303
Ashraf K. Mir Muhammad

Ashraf, 303, 304, 528, 760
Ashraf K. Mir Munshi, 149,

301, 302, 348, 660, 691
Ashta, 781, 782
Ashti, 54, 168
Ashwari, Khwaja, 177
Asir, 35, 59, iOI, 120-122,

327, 329,401,465, 623, 651,

693, 709, 746
Asiya. 33

Askar Khan Haidarabadi' 815
Askar Khan Najm Sani, 304,

305
Askaran Raja, 410
Askari Mirza, 701, 740, 813
Askar Aii Khan, 450
Asmat Begam, 573
Atai, Saiyid, 475
Ata Ullah, 562
Ata Ullah, K. 221
Ata Ullah, Khwaja, 464
Ata Ullah, Mirza, 640
Atak (Attock), 209, 289, 506,

609
Atea(Atka) Khail, 646
Atga (Atka)Khan, 147, 374
Atish Karzai, 27
AtiSh K. Habshi, 305
Atish Khan Jan Beg, 305-308,

528, 547
Atit Ullah Khan, 682
Atit Timur, 743
Attock, 95, 405, 835
Auranggarh, 353, 579

Aurangzeb (Aurangzib), 4, 12,
33, 35, 44,47, 49, 65, 69,.
70, 72, 75, 76, 78, 79 81,
82, 106, 111, 131, 134, 136,
137, U0, 141,153,157, 165,
170, 171, 173, 175-177,191,
193, 194, 204, 211, 212,
218, 221, 222, 231, 235,
242, 244-246, 248, 250,
251, 254, 255, 258, 259,.
264, 266, 268, 271-273, 278,
286, 292, 300, 303- 306,
308, 309, 311, 312, 314,
335, 339, 347, 352, 354,
355, 365, 366, 367, 381,
383, 388, 399 403-405,.
407, 412, 424, 428, 437,
442, 443-445, 447-450, 459-
462 464, 470-473, 477,
484, 486, 497, 505, 510,
518-521, 528, 530, 532, 538,
541, 542, 551-554, 556, 557,
563, 572, 577, 579,581,587,
588, 590, 591, 593, 596,
597, 601, 607, 610, 611,
613-615, 617-619, 622, 624-
629, 635, 640, 641, 652,
654-657, 659, 671-673, 677-
679, 681, 682, 687, 688,
700, 702, 713, 718, 719,
722, 723, 732, 734, 735,
750, 751, 757, 760, 764,
765, 769, 773, 774. 783,
784, 788-791, 805, 806,
809-811, 815, 817, 819,
827, 828, 835, 835, 837,
839

Aurangzeb's Rauza, 34

Ausa, 33, 781

'854

'The Maâthir-ul-Umara''

Autad Muhammad, Saiyid,

839
Avis, 116

Awarif-u-l-Muarif, "281
Awas, 558
Ayatu-1-kursi, 118
Ayinadar, 251
Ayudya,585
Azad Husaini Wasiti 'Abdu-r-

Rahman,608
Azad Wali, Shaikh Abdu-r-

Rahman, 608
Azam (Azim) Khan Savaji,

314,801
Azam Shah, Muhammad, 665,

688
Azan, 42

Azarbaijan, 368, 389
Azdu-d-Daulah, 544
Azdu-d-Daulah 'Iwaz K.

Bahadur Qaswara Jang (Lion

of Battle), 308-311
Azhdar K., 178
Azim Aullya, 318
Azim Khan, 197
Azim K. Kola, 248, 311-314

544, 563
Azim Khan Mir Muhammad

Baqir, otherwise Iradat Khan

214, 268, 289, 293, 315-319

341, 457, 494, 506, 571,

663, 664, 718, 731, 753,

756, 779, 792, 804
Azim Shah, Muhammad,

Prince, 11, 174, 308, 407,

438, 443, 579
Azimu-d-Din, Prince, 111, 271

Azimu-sh-Shah, Prince,

Sultan, 236, 429, 444, 600,

664, 775, 776
Aziz,577, 801, 802
Aziz Khan Bahadur, 347
Aziz Koka M. Khan Azam,

319-334
Aziz-ud-Daulah, 675-677
Aziz-ud-din (name of

Bahramand Khan), 365
Aziz-ud-din- (son of

Bahramand Khan) 366
Aziz Ullah, 770
Aziz Ullah Khan, 334, 335
Aziz Ullah Khan (son of

Khalil Ullah K. Yezdi), 335
Azmat, 800
Azmat Khan, 701
Azmat Ullah Bilgrami

Bekhabar, 713
Azuk, 292
Azzu-d-Din, Prince, 429

Baba, 331

Baba Dost Bakhshi, 740

Baba Haji, Sahar, 682

Babahan, 699

Babai Pir, 226 .

Babai Turani, Khwaja, 589

Baba Khan, 335, 336

Baba Khan Qaqshal, 202, 333-

337, 349
BabaMirak, 834
Babar, 98, 198 313
Baba Sani, 186
BabuNaik, 132
Babur, 169, 298, 322, 369,

371, 385, 569, 621, 636,

701, 705, 749, 762

Index

Babur, Mirza, 676

Badakhshan, 69, 135, 177, 178,
188, 189-192,235, 247,284,
297, 344, 356, 363, 368, 369,
402, 471, 495, 507, 509,
520, 524, 537, 551, 584,
600-605, 647-648,664, 667,
678, 679, 701, 727, 731,
• 767, 772, 775, 819, 822,
826, 833

Badakhshanat, 822

Badakhshanis, 584

Badakhshi, 135, 621

Badan, Malik 317

Badanpara-i-Bidi, 702

Badon Singh, 829

Badavvard, Ganj, 218

Badfarosh, 420

Badgujar, 261

Badhona, 702

Badia, Mirza, 299

Bad-i-barut, 243

Badi Chand, 646

Badi, Mir. 827

Badin, 747

Badi Sultan, 822, 823

Badi 'uz-Zaman, 684

Badi 'uz-Zaman, Mirza, 281,
282, 684

Badlica, 499

Badr Bakhsh Januha (Janjua)
562

Badresa, 688

Badri, 230

Badri, S., 85

Badru, 530

Badshah Quli Khan, 680
Tahawwur Khan

Badshahi, 158

855

Bagdad, 281, 468, 588

Bagh A 'zabad, 722

Bagh Begam, 23

Bagh Cakalthana, 215
(Caklthana)

Bagh Gulshan, 773

Bagh Jamal, 773

Bagh, Mirza 617

Bagh Murad, 190,364

Bagh Nur, 722, 927

Bagh Shalamar (Shalimar) 770

Bagha, 724, 762

Baghamar, 557

Baghdad, 698, 699

Bağla Ghat, 498

Baglana, 98, 131, 351-353,
398, 443, 445, 503, 558,
579, 615,765, 766, 787, 826

Bahadur, 337

Bahadur Bachgoti, 785

Bahadur Chand, 768

Bahadur Dil, Mir 751

Bahadurgarha, 433, 588, 810

Bahadur Khan, 37, 39, 197,
199, 201-203, 691

Bahadur Khan (brother of
Daud Khan Pani), 460

Bahadur Khan (son of Alif
Khan), 132, 461

Bahadur Khan, (son of Khizr
Khan Pani), 458, 460, 461

Bahadur Khan title granted
by Shah Jahan to Khan
Bahadur Zafar Jang
Kokaltash), 492, 508, 673,
697, 766, 775, 784, 785

Bahadur Khan (title of Daud
Khan), 458

856

Bahadur Khan (title of ibrahim

Khan), 461
Bahadur K. Baqi Beg, 338-340
Bahadur Khan Gilani, 185
Bahadur Khan Lodi, 80i, 802

Bahadur Khan Rohila, 340-
347, 495, 731, 801, 802

Bahadur Khan Shaibani, 134,
348-350

Bahadur K. Uzbeg, 351
Bahadurpura, 159, 786, 806
Bahadur Shah, Emperor, 9,
11, 72, 158, 172, 174, 196,
197, 221, 231, 237, 251,
252, 258, 274, 306, 307,
367, 384, 388, 407, 438,
449, 460, 461, 474,477, 504,
529, 542, 555, 591, 610,
614, 627, 630, 641, 642,
652, 656, 657, 663, 664,
665, 680, 681, 684, 709,
735, 776, 808, 815, 839,
840

Bahadur Shahnamah, 4

Bahadur Singh, 621

Bahadur Sultan, 445, 745

Bahadur'u-1-Mulk., 350

Bahalwan, 157

Bahar Ajam, 243

Baharawar, M. (M. Bihruz)
289

Baharji, 346, 351-354

Baha-ud-Daulah, 676

Baha-ud-Din, 299, 770
(Aslat Khan)

Bahau-d-Din (Mir, son of
Alam Shaikh) 308

"The Maâthir-ul-Umara'"

Bahau-d-din (Shaikh, father

of Abul,Khair K. Bahadur

imam Jang), 131
Bahau-d-din (Shaikh, father

of S. Salim Chisti of

Fathpur), 169
Bahau-d-Din (topachi, had the

title of Baraqandaz Khan),

630
Baha-ud-Din Zakariya

(Zikaria), 747
Bahlul Khan (Miyana) 215,

491,495, 528, 700, 779, 781,

801
Bahlul Khan (son of ismail

Khan Bahadur Pani), 702
Bahlul Khan, (title of Abdul

Karim), 459, 491, 493

Bahlul, Shaikh, 87, 88, 90

Bahman Yar 354, 355

Bahr Mawwaj 629

Bahraich 397, 579, 715, 743,
815

Bahrm (son of Jahangir Quli

Khan) 730
Bahram (Mirza, father of

Bahramand Khan),. 365
Bahram Sultan (also Bahram)

64-70, 190
Bahramand Khad, 65, 252,

258, 365-368, 382, 449,

450, 760
Baharampura Khan (title of

Munammad Taqj), 367, 449-
Bahtampura, 730
Bahrawar Khad, 576
BahrB W ar, M., 289
Bahroji Sirkar, 419, 420
Bahu Begam, 686

Index

Bahuda, 505

Bahwa, Saiyid, 505, 740

Baidapur, 802

Baikunth, 720

Bairagis, 809

Bairam, 87, 348, 369, 377,

569, 570, 600
Bairam BegTurkaman, 59, 60,
Bairam Deo Solanki, 98
Bairam Khan Khan Khanan,
35, 36, 50, 64, 68, 89, 95,
133, 134, 145, 149, 196,
198, 199, 301, 368-378,
393, 465, 644, 645, 703,
740, 741, 837
Bairam Mirza, 365
Bairam Qulij, 435
Bairam Shah, 352, 353
Baisanghar, M., 290
Baisanqar, 468

Bais\vara, 156, 670, 683, 758
Baizavi, 117
Bajaur, 421, 509
Bajirao, 33, 441, 736, 777,

836
Bakavval Beg, 575, 606, 607,

690
Bakhyah Bagi, Bibi, 457
Bakhshanda Bakhsh, 278
Bakht Mal, 392, 393
Bakht Singh, 175
Bakhtan Beg, Ruzbihani, 305
Bakhtawar K., 4
Bakhtavvar Khan, 674, 678
Bakhtiyar Khan, 816
Bakhtiyar Khan Deccani,

826, 827
Baksar (Buxar), 266

857

Balaghat, 57, 58, 176, 217,
272,285, 317,451,484,498,
529, 530, 627, 687, 717, 732,
752, 753, 780, 781, 796,798

Balalnvan, 794

Balaji (Balaji Rao), 18, 23,
433, 676

Balandi, 40, 421

Balapur, 54, 58, 61, 417, 451,
608, 635, 652, 702, 731, 801,
833

Balasore, 206

Balawal, 326, 327, 729

Balbah, 56

Balbhadar, 458

Baldacus, 233

Baiju Qulij Shamsher Khan,

379, 380, 435
Balkhand, 237, 239, 240
Balkee, 21, 280

Balkh, 19, 48, 68, 176, 177,
189, 190-192, 208, 209, 212,
222, 228, 235, 247, 344, 345,
355, 357, 359, 360, 362-365,
369, 380, 388, 403, 404, 468,
471, 495, 507, 509-511,
521, 531, 557, 580, 589, 599,
605, 619, 627, 662, 664, 667,
679, 690, 727, 731, 733,^767,
768, 772, 778, 819-822, 833,
835

Balkhu, 380

Balkonda, 239, 611

Balsana, 321

Baluch, 188, 703, 717

Baluchistan, 386, 609, 633,
703, 818

Balukat, 344

•858

Balun Rathor, 234

Bamian (Bamiyan), 188, 380,

716
Banadar, 446, 456
Banalkar, 750
Banarsi, 290, 749
Banda (Bandah), 614, 665
Bandalkand, 343
Bandar Abbas, 670
Bandar Lahari (Lari), 558, 559
Bandelkand, 381, 425
Bandhu (Bandu), 412, 793
Bandi, M., 205
Bandila, 129

Bangala (Bangalah), 547, 656
Bangalore, 555
Bangang, 178
Bangarha, 196
Bangash, 157, 380, 640, 663,

741, 746
Banhatiyah, Jam, 745
Bani Shahdrug (Banishah

Durg, 273, 703
Bani Shahgarh, 612, 613
Bankapur, 18, 205, 492
Banu, 338

Baqamhai gharur, 243

Baqi, 363

Baqi Beg, 381

Baqi Billah, Khwaja, 587, 650

BaqiKhan, 351, 689

Baqi K. Celah Qalmaq, 103,

380, 381, 611, 615
Baqi Khan Hayat Beg, 382-

384
Baqi Muhammad, 356, 359-

361

"The Maâthir-ul-Umara"

Baqi Muhammad Khan, 148,

384, 385
Baqi Yuz, 821
Baqirabad. 386
Baqir Khan, Mir, 351
Baqir K. Najm Sani (Thani),

296, 385-388, 518, 714
Baqir, M. 331
Baqir, Mirza, 720
Bara Pula (Barapul and

Barahpur), 276
Barah (Barha), 207, 524, 627,

677, 826, 835
Barahdari, 310
Barahmula (Baramula), 52,

489
Baramba, 423

Bareli (Bareilly 172. 195, 564
Bareli (Rai), 201
Barfi Koh, 438
Bargi, 58

Bargi-giri (Bargigiri), 796
Bargir kalamash, 62
Bari, 262, 38i, 623
Bari Duab (Cana!), 193
Bari Duab (tract), 313, 392,

665
Bari (Pari) Khan, 789
Barik Ali, 607, 833
Barkhurdar, 302, 389-392, 430
Barqandaz Khan, 640
Barquisera (Barke Serai), 123
Baroda, 100, 493, 550, 707
Barumji alias Baru Mahi), 565
Barwani, 558
Banva Sağar, 425
Basarat, 363

lndex

Bashavvada, 456

Basmat, 665

Basalat Khan, 750

Basalat Khan M. Sultan, 388,

389, 665
Basant, 270
Basantpur, 645
Basi (Bassein), 445
Basra (Bussorah), 559, 677,

698, 699
Bassa (Pasha), 503, 699
Basu, Rajah (Raja), 233, 392-
394, 407, 413, 623, 726, 732,
794
Baswant Rao, 766
Batak, S.uükh, 642
Batakzaı, 641, 642
Batala, 4
Batiala, 120
Batoh (Batwa), 738
Batuzakl, 675, 676
Bauna, 353
Bawar, 668
Bayazid, (name of Baz Baha-

dur), 394
Bayazid (son of Sulaiman

Kararani), 692
Bayazid Bistami, Sultanu-1-

Arifın, 92, 93
Bayazid Biyat, 457, 599
Bayazid Khan (brother of
Husain Khan Khweshgi),
641
Bayazid Khan (father-in-law

of Mustafa Khan), 643
Bayazid Khan (nephew of

Daud Khan), 460
Baz Bahadur, 394-396

859

Baz Bahadur (title of Jahangir

Quli Khan), 728
Bazarak, 313
Beas, 133, 462, 524
Bebadal, 399
Bebadal Khan Saidai Gilani,

294
Beema, 273
Begams, 44

Begam Sahib, 261, 274
Begam Sahiba,9, 69, 261, 295,

304, 512, 564, 615, 739, 782
Beg Babai, 519
Beglar Begi Khan, 825, 826
Beglar Khan, 399-401
Beglar Khan (title of Parvez

Beg), 205
Beglarnama, 583, 584
BegOghli, 191, 821
Behar, 336, 338, 379, 563
Belgaum, 115
Bellary, 419
Benaras, 136, 258, 305,349,

379, 434, 442, 452, 456, 496,

603,617,627,671,775,779

Bengal, 52, 60, 80, 84, 87,
105, 107, 136-140, 154, 173,
177, 178,206-208, 210,211,
227,231,242,266,274,283,
288, 289, 301. 305, 314,
318, 327, 335, 336, 379,
383, 401, 405, 429, 431, 432,
437, 444, 446, 452, 455, 456,
462, 474, 476, 478, 496, 497,
510, 511, 521-523, 530, 531,
537, 548, 550, 555, 562, 563,
580,600,617,622, 627, 630,
647, 649, 653, 656, 660, 667,

860

668, 671, 680, 682, 683, 692-
694, 703, 709, 725-727,
729, 730, 736, 748, 775, 776,
778, 795, 798, 819, 824, 831
Bengali, 126, 208, 714

Berar, 6, 15, 16, 18, 22, 24,
31, 32, 54, 58, 64, 77, 78,
98, 130, 168, 176, 194, 207,
217, 231, 237-239, 309,
310,324, 350,417,451,459,
460, 464, 474, 484, 529, 590,
591, 594. 596, 620, 652, 664,
670, 686, 708, 718, 719, 731,
761, 781, 782, 793, 794, 801,
805,816,826,836,887
Bernier, 448
Beschan (Vishnu), 736
Besul, 353

Bethal Das Gaur, Rajah, 68,
233,263,401-404, 521, 682,
800, 809, 812
Bettiah, 208
Betu (Bethu), 718
Bhabha, 699
Bhadarkot, 488
Bhadrak, 725
Bhadawar, 441, 828
Bhaduriyas, 145
Bhagwan Rai, 442
Bhagvvant Das, Rajah, 393,
394,404,405,410,411,487,
679, 703, 762, 954

Bhagwant Singh (brother of
Rao Bhao Singh Hara), 406

Bhagwant Singh (father of
Rajah Gopal Singh Oaur),
593

"The Maathir-ul-Umara"

Bhagwant Singh (grandson of
Raja Sujan Singh Bundela),
883
Bhagwant Singh (Zamindar of

Karra Jahanabad), 112
Bhagalpur, 305, 619, 648
Bhagirathi, 530
Bhagironvval, 524
Bhajja, 436

Bhakkar (Bhakar), 4, 7, 106.

134, 187, 253, 462, 575, 582,

704, 709, 717, 745, 748, 784 T

817-819

Bhalki, 21, 296, 317, 341, 433,

Bhamber, 632

Bhandair (Bahnder), 343, 668.

802
Bhaner, 632
Bhanpura. 505
Bhao Begam, 690
Bhao Rathor, 234

Bhao Singh Hara, Rao, 405-
407

Bhara, 689

Bharatha Bandila, Rajah, 407..

408, 471
Bharatpur 674, 789, 827
Bhartrihari's Centuries, 603
Bhartrihari's Gumpha, 603
Bhaskar Pandit, 207
Bhat, 420, 423
Bhata, 33
Bhath, 737
Bhati, 649, 727
Bhatti, 467

Bhaturi, 269, 732, 753, 832:
Bhavvan, 647
Bhera, 736

lndex

861

Bhik, 641

Bhikan, K. S., 462

Bhils, 236, 254, 761, 787

Bhilsa, 53,471, 472, 487

Bhim, 403

Bhima, 491, 502, 790

Bhimbar, 290

Bhim Narain, 728, 757

Bhim, Rajah, 60, 417, 419,
455, 456, 730

Bim Sen, 4

Bhojbal, 669

Bhojpur, 103, 502

Bhoj, Rai 408, 409

Bhojraj, 669, 781

Bhonslay, 703

Bhopal, 441

Bhugiyal, 758

Bhukiyal, 758

Bhunger (Bohonaghir), 306,
307

Biak, 39

Biana, 39, 88. 94, 134, 169,
599

Bibi Jiu, 722

Bica Jiu, 327

Bidar (Mahamudabad), 33, 42,
133, 181, 192, 204, 230, 280,
306, 317, 433, 475, 477, 530,
594,661,772, 774, 784,787,
815

Bidar (Bedar), 652

Bidar Bakht, Prince, 236, 437,
438, 539, 540, 590, 625, 645,
656, 664, 789, 810, 838

Bihar, 43, 48, 49, 66, 67, 88,
103, 107, 136, 178, 180, 200,
207-209, 236, 247, 266,

267, 285, 305, 314, 318, 323,
327, 566, 389, 391, 405, 411,
429, 431, 436, 441, 446,452,
455, 476, 477, 519, 522, 564,
584, 616, 619, 622, 627, 648,
658,671,693,715, 729,730,
742, 814, 825, 826, 827, 831,
835

Bihara, 413

Bihara Mal, Rajah, 404, 409-
411,458, 617, 724

Bihari (Biharimal) 409, 724,
727

Biharu Chand, 444

Biharpur Buriya, 312

Bihar Singh 593

Bihar Singh Bundela, Raja,
802

Bihat, 268, 407

Bihroz, Mirza, 289

Bijagarh, 64, 267, 396, 652,
781, 826

Bijai Singh, 640, 735

Bijai Singh (grandson of
Maharaja Aji tSingh), 175

Bijai Singh (real) name of
Raja Jai Singh Siwai),735

Bijan Sultan Lakzai, 675

Bijapur, 13, 33, 54 63, 76, 77,
79, 80, 85, 115, 121, 149,
151, 165, 171, 172, 181,205,
214,217,219, 226 231,237,
255, 256, 269, 271, 273, 292,
293, 296, 308, 309, 311, 315,
317, 342, 366, 382, 413, 416,
420, 446, 460, 464, 471, 491,
492, 502, 526, 528, 531, 533,
534, 543, 547, 579, 580, 588,

862

589, 594, 595,610,611,619,
620, 626, 661, 663, 667, 673,
694, 700, 734, 742, 743, 750,
753, 764, 765, 780, 783, 785,
788, 789, 793, 794, 809, 828,
832
Bijapuris, 580, 589, 774, 828
Bijli, 779,

Bijuaur (Bijnor), 177, 677
Bikaner, 234, 245, 373, 570,

725, 747, 764, 765, 835
Bikram, 609,
Bikramajit, Rai Rayan
(Rajah), 64, 99, 100, 412-
419,451, 726
Bikramajit, Rajah 411, 412
Bilal, 536
Bildar, 344
Bilgram, 31, 32,
Bilqis, 515
Biluchpur, 418
Bindhasni, 442
Bindeshwari Devi, 442,
Bindraban, 79, 382
Bir, 106, 123, 217, 316, 457,

475, 504, 772, 793, 801
Bir Bahadur, Rajah, 419, 420
Birbar (Birbal) Rajah, 107,
243, 414, 415, 420-425, 704
837

Birbhum, 405

Birgaon, 342

Birmbhat, 423

Bir Narayan, 262, 263

Bir Sağar, 425

Bir Sah, 38

"The Maâthir-ul-Umara"

Bir Singh Deo Bandila, Rajah,
407,411,412,423-425, 442^
471, 756

Biryah, 816

Bishan Singh (father of Raja

Jai Singh Siwai) 735
Bishan Singh (grandson of

Ram Singh) 592
Bishan Singh, Kuar, 594
Bishanpur, 405, 406
Bishan Singh, 407
Bishotan, 66, 67
Bistai, 92

Bisvvapatan, 487

Biswas Rao 23

Biyan Khan, 425

Biyas, 621, 652, 688

Biyutat, 66, 231, 260, 390,

476, 485, 547
Black Sheep, 368
Bohra (Bohara), 73, 78, 86,

638
Bokhara, 21, 191, 209, 298,
304, 320, 356, 357, 363, 505,.
511, 521, 524, 526,556,605,
740, 744, 820, 821
Bola, 408

Bolaqi Begam, 136
Bombay, 18, 217, 230, 705,

765
Bondela, 403, 406
Borah, 79

Boudier, Father, 735
Brahma, 730
Brahmanabad, 747
Brahmapura, 273
Brandingand Verification, 66.

Index

863

Brimhapooree, 273

Brindaban, 425

Broach, 53, 706, 707

Buchanan, 102

Budagh K. Shah, 349

Budai Chand, Raja, 647

Budaun, 195

Budh Chand, 420, 421

Budha Singh, 407

Budhnagar, 404

Budhnur, 764

Budrukh (Budgrook), 446

Bulagi, 743

Bulaqi, 291, 292, 688

Bulaqi, Sultan, 564, 811,812

Bulaqi Begam, 136

Bulaş, 306

Bulghur Khanas, 638

Bullubghur, 276, 277

Buloo, 234

Bundela (Bundila), 442, 457,
682, 683, 728, 802

Bundelkhand, 442, 683

Bundi, 405, 407, 408, 409

Burdwan, 158, 522

Burhan, 705

Burhan Nizam Shah, 54, 115,

Burhanpur, 5, 25, 34, 35, 47,
56, 57, 58, 60, 78, 100, 115,
119, 120, 122, 149, 151, 158,
160, 167, 194, 214, 216, 219,
231, 232, 253, 265, 268, 269,
270, 285, 294, 300, 303, 310,
315, 32 >, 329, 369, 378, 379,
388,391, 396,401,417,443,
446,451, 452, 457,460,464,
468, 530, 532, 533, 534, 537,
550, 554, 579, 651, 652, 668,

682, 685, 686, 695, 696, 714,
717, 720, 728, 734, 746, 749,
750, 752, 753, 764, 779, 781,
783, 784, 786, 787, 792, 796-
799, 802, 804, 805, 807, 826,
828, 832, 833, 834, 839
Burhan Oati, 45, 315, 368
Burhan Shah, 113, 114, 534
Burhanu-d-din, 553-555
Burhan-ud-din Gharib, 310
Burhan-ud-dın Qalandar, 205
Burhan-ud-din Raz ilahi Shah,

265
Burhanu-1-Mulk-Sa'adat Khan,.

425, 428
Buriya, 312, 667
Burj Ali, 199
Burke, 16
Bussy, M., 17, 19, 20, 23, 25,

26, 27
Büst, 49, 667, 726
But Ashrafi, 6
Butkhana, 739
Buyutat, 815
Buzurg, 445
Buzurg Umed Khan, 428, 429,

629
Buzurgumedpur, 428

Cabila Ram Nagar, Rajah,
429, 430, 601, 655, 808, 840

Cabul, 370

Caghaman, 370

Caghata, 123, 156, 297, 388,,
513

Caghatai Barlas, 204

Caghatai K., 410

Cahal rawati, 127

864

Cahal Zina, 469

Caklthana (Çakal th ana), 215

Calcutta, 46, 47

Calicut, 598

Caliph, 568

Caliphate, 270, 640

Çalma Beg, Rhan 'Alam, 430-

32
Camargonda, 217
Combal, 129, 505
Camday, 55, 78, 143, 320, 609,

616, 738
Campanir, 83, 142
Campat Baııdila, 103, 381, 443,

472
Canda, 103, 502
Candan, 367
Canda, Rao, 506-508
Candargarha, 433
Candar Sen, Rajah, 433, 434
Candaur, 53, 557
Cand (Chand) Bibi, Sultan,

54, 56, 120
Candrawat, 505
Candwar, 520
Candi, 339
Carbilli, 163
Carju, 261
Carnatic, 111, 167, 194, 598,

687
Carnatic Haidarabad, 84, 85,

460, 702
Carqab, 68
Caspian, 45
Catra, 381
Causa, 266
Chaghatai, 347, 377
Chait Singh, 267
Chakla, 673, 808

"The Maâthir-ul-Umara"

Chakla Bareilly, 680
Chakla Eminabad, 160
Chakla Muradabad, 808
Chakna (Chakan), 684
Chaldiran, 772
Chalisgaon, 102, 457
Chal Kalanah, 827
Chamarkunda, A6S
Chambal, 729, 800, 812,
Champanir, 707
Champat Bundila (Bundela),

343, 683, 829
Chamyari, 814
Chanada (Chanda), 343, 406,

540, 686, 687, 765, 827
Chanartus, 741
Chandar Sen, 646, 737
Chand, Shaikh, 756
Chandor, 669
Chandpur, 677
Chand Sultan, Queen, 534
Chandu, 747
Chandvvar, 741
Chanhat, 267
Charikar, 580, 701
Charikaran (Charikar), 135,

701, 767
Charkhi, 829
Charjama. 70
Chatra, 425
Chtatr Bhoj, 695
Chatr Bhoj Chauhan, 769
Chauk, 225
Chaurasi, 580
Chausa, 730

Chauth (Chaut), 132, 633
Chavvashan, 743

Chenab (Cinab, Chinab) 313,
489, 621

Index

Chengiz Khan, 706

Chhatardawar, 387

Chibh, 758

Chicacote, 20, 26

Chinapatan, 555

Chingez Khan, (Khwaja Mirak

of İsfahan), 816
Chingez Khan (of Gujarat),

84
Chingiz Hati, 290
Chinpat, 267, 268
Chini Ka Rauza, 153
Chira, 556
Chiraghchi, 728
Chisht, 42, 642
Chitor (Chittor), 39, 40, 164,
235, 244, 264, 505, 507, 514,
646, 667, 733, 761-763, 786,
819, 829
■Chittagong, 305, 428, 694

Chobdar, 30

Chopra, 530, 557, 787

Chota Nagpur, 715

Chunar, 37, 88, 138, 349, 628,
721, 827

Churagarh, 38, 472, 584, 661,
714, 728, 757, 793

Churaman Jat, 735

Cinapatam, 27

Cingiz, 504, 564, 568,621,743

Cingiz K., 172, 396

Cin Qulij, Mirza, 434, 435

Cintapur, 353

Circassian, 404

Cita K., 56

Cital, 598

Citkuba, 317

Citur, 411

•Codanda, 648

865

Condore 27
Constantinople, 698
Cossacks, 208, 277, 451
Cuddapa, 492
Cuddapah, 272, 461
Curagarh, 103
Curaman Jat, 426, 436-442
Cutch, 318
Cuttack, 156, 658

Dabil, 747
Dabistan, 603
Dacca, 156, 563, 658, 659
Dadi, 386
Dagh-u-tashiha, 66
Dahbid, 360
Dahina Jadu, 589
Dak Chauki, 838
Dakhil, 283
Dakhin Gang, 549
Dakhliya, 376
Dalawa, 237

Dalpat Bhurith Rao, 725
Dalpat Bundila, Rao, 272,
442-446, 766

Dalpat Singh, 593

Dalpat Ujjaini (Ujjainiya),
267, 389

Dam (s), 765

Daman, 445

Daman-i-Koh, 195, 726

Damdama, 838

Damtur, 108

Dana, Shah, 172

Danatji, 718

Dandes, 56, 159

Dandi Rao, 934

Danduqa, 608, 609

Daniel, Shaikh, 116

866

Daniel, Sultan, Prince, 48, 56
120, 121, 122, 128, 136, 169^
179, 290, 291, 292, 423, 465,
548, 795, 812
Danishmand Khan, 241, 446-

448, 699, 835
Daniyal, Sultan, Prince, 742,

755, 796, 812

Darab Khan, 112, 448-450

Darab, Khan Mirza Darab,

59, 63, 64, 417, 489, 450-453

Darab, M., 550

DaraShikoh, Prince, Sultan,

4, 35, 36, 45, 46, 49, 65, 81,

136, 137, 192, 194, 204, 212,

223, 233, 235, 242, 245,

264, 292, 239, 303, 304'

311, 312, 338, 339, 355, 403-

405, 428, 447, 449, 462, 471,

472, 486, 496, 508, 510, 5ı2,

518, 520, 521, 551, 563, 577,

578, 58;, 590, 617, 618, 628,

640, 652, 654, 661, 662, 667,

• 670, 671-670, 679, 680, 683,
686, 696, 697, 722, 727, 732-
734, 751, 754, 755, 758, 763,
765, 766, 768, 769, 770, 774,
775, 784, 785, 794, 805, 807,
819, 828, 829, 835

Dara Shikohi, 685

Darbar, 765

Darbar, K., 453-455

Darbhanga, 137, 564

Dardangarha, 540

Dar fanah, 613

Darogha, 834

Darshan, 829

Daru-1-insha, 556

"The Maâthir-ul-Umara"

Daru-1-khilafa, 449

Darvesh Muhammad, 594,
595

Darya Khan Rohilla, 36, 102,
150, 340, 341, 455-457,
376, 629, 728, 798, 801-803

Dasna, 675

Dastam Khan, 458, 459

Dastgah. 258

Dataji, 718

Data (Datta) Sardar, 677

Datia, 425, 615

Datya, 615

Daud, 80, 194, 648, 819

Daud, 195, 196, 228

Dauda, Rao, 506

Daud Khan, 238, 388, 458-
462, 631-633, 785

Daud Khan Kararani (Karani),
431, 432, 831

Daud Khan Pathnai, 171

Daud Khan Qoreshi (Qureshi),
462-464, 493, 805

Daudnagar, 464

Daudputras, 818, 819

Daud Shaikh, 818
Daudzai, 386, 455
Daulat, (a musician & gover-
norofthe fort of Bijapur),
595
Daulat (of Kot Bharta), 10,

26
Daultabad, 21, 22, 29, 31m
32m34, 98, 102, 106, 113,
167, 168, 179, 193,214,215,
217, 218, 232, 303, 316,
433, 450, 451, 457, 469,
473, 490,491, 506, 532,533-

Index

867

536, 547, 550, 590, 613, 635,
669, 717, 719, 728, 732, 751,
752, 764, 765, 780, 781, 795,

797, 801, 802, 804, 829, 833,
834

Daulatabadi, 629

Daulat Khan, 688

Daulat Khan Lodi, 51, 55,

464-467, 795
Daulat Khan Mayi, 325, 467-

471, 872
Daulatmand K., 393
Daur, 338
Dau-s-Salab, 141
Dawai, 173
Dawar Bakhsh, Sultan, 269,

279, 290, 291m 331, 549,

798, 799, 811
Dawat, 85

Daya Bahadur, 430

Daya Ram. 429

Debi Das, 665, 666

Debi Singh Bandila, Rajah,
408, 471, 472

Deccan, 3, 14-16, 20, 32, 33,
36, 45, 66, 71, 98, 99, 100,
103, 108, 122, 123, 127, 150,
155, 158, 165, 167,172, 173,
177, 178, 179, 181, 185, 188,
204-206.218, 221-223, 225,
227, 230, 232, 234, 235, 237,
239, 242, 254, 264, 274, 290,
303, 305-307, 310, 316, 318,
320, 324, 329, 341, 350, 352,
353, 354, 366, 368, 388, 394,
396, 398, 401-403, 413, 416.
417, 418, 423-426, 430, 433,
437-439, 442, 443, 446, 449,

450-453, 456, 457, 459461,
464-466, 471-478, 480-487,
591, 492, 494, 495, 500, 502-
508, 510, 517, 518, 520, 521,
528-531, 533, 535-537, 542-
544, 549, 550, 555, 557, 567,
570, 571, 573, 576-578, 580,
586, 588, 592, 593, 593, 597,
600, 602, 607, 610. 614, 617,
619, 622,623,626-628, 631-
635, 638, 640, 644, 650, 651,
652,661,663-665,670, 674,
677, 680-686, 689, 693-695,
700, 710. 711, 717, 718-720,
724, 725, 728, 730-736, 742,
743,750-757,763,764, 771,
772, 774, 776, 779, 780, 782-
787, 790, 792, 794, 796-799,
801,803,805,806,809, 811,
816, 817. 819,822, 826-829,.
831, 832-837, 839
Deccani, Mirza, 120
Deeg, 684
Deg, 440, 674

Delhi, 15, 16, 18, 19, 45-47,
55, 61, 72, 83, 14 , 169, 179,
195,208,248,265,279,295,
296, 311,348,368, 372, 374,
376, 384, 399, 400, 402, 410,
413, 414,427,440, 442,448,
462, 482, 505, 521, 525, 526,
554, 555,575,577, 5'1, 587,
591,600,610,617,624, 627-
629, 631, 633, 634, 644, 646,
650, 655, 670, 672, 674-677,
688, 690, 691, 701, 705, 714,
715, 722, 727, 733, 734, 736,.

868

744, 745. 748, 755, 776, 777,
778, 784, 785, 799. 800, 804,
813, 819, 820, 833, 839, 840
Deogarh (Deogarha), 300, 502,
596, 597, 686, 728, 736, 766,
782

Deola Khatra, 590

Deosa (also Deosah), 410

Deo Sultan, 454

Dera Ghazi Khan, 818

Descartes, 448

Deshmukhi, 112, 633

Despandya (Despande), 77

Desuha, 415

Deulaghat, 590

Dev-Afkan, 485

Devalgaon (Devvalgaon), 316,
801

Devalgaon Raja, 719

Devanagari, 548

Devapur, 255

Devgarh, 782

Devi Das, 737

Dewal Khiyat, 590

Dhadhar (Dadar), 784

Dhahjrah, 748

Dhaka, 694

Dham, 350

Dhamim-ul-ausaf, 653
Dhamturi Janu, 647
Dhamuni, 102, 103, 232, 287,

700, 757, 781
Dhanaji Jadun, 433
Dhandera, 402, 682
Dhanderi, 612
Dhanduka, 608
Dhanger, 419
Dhankot, 312

"The Maâthir-ul-Umara"

Dhanpur, 689

Dhar, 83, 131, 723

Dhara, 668

Dharangaon, 802

Dharap (Dharab), 450, 669

Dharasin, 482, 794

Dharmat, 766, 774, 784, 827

Dharur, 482

Dharvvar, 18, 316, 317, 598,

794, 801
Dhat, 669, 767, 768, 792, 793
Dhirai 735
Dholka. 608
Dholpur, 150, 304, 410, 455,

462, 467, 762, 769, 792, 800,

812
Dhuki, 580
Dhulfaqar Beg, 632
Dhulfaqar-ud-Daulah Qaim

Jang, 826
Dhurpad, 737
Dhu-un-Nun, Amir (Mir),

744

Dianat Khan, 13, 14, 472-

475, 674
Dianat Khan (title of Mir Ali

Naqi), 14,475-483, 555, 635
Dianat Khan (title of Hakini

Jamala Kashi), 484, 485
Dianat Khan (title of Muham-

mad Husain Dasht Biyazi),

485, 486, 749
Dianat Khan Qasim Beg, 99,

109, 483, 484
Dianat Rai Nagar, 153
Dig, 488
Dihari, 120
Dikdar, 645

INDEX

869»

Diklur, 408

Düail Firuzshahi, 417

Dilawar, 347

Dilavvar Ali Khan, Saiyid,

635, 701, 702
Diîavvar Khan (Jamadar), 307
Dilavvar Khan Abdul Aziz 486
Dilwar Khan Kakar, 487-490,

736
Dildar, 657
Dil Dilavvar K, 487
Diler Ali, 154
Diler Dil Khan, 840
Diler Jang, 72, 642, 643
Diler Khan, 718
Diler Khan Abdu-r-Rauf

Miyana, 491-493
Diler Khan Barha, 493-495
Diler Kh n Daudzai, 154, 339,

347, 406, 443, 495-505, 665,

686, 718, 765, 766
Dinavvar, 368
Dindar Khan, 162
Dindar Khan (of Bokhara),

505, 740
Dinkot, 312, 313
Din Laqab, 741
Din Muhammad (Shaikh of

Sindh), 817
Din Muhammad (son of Yar

Muhammad), 357, 360
Dipalpur, 134, 319, 709
Divali, 126, 800
Divan (Divvan, Devvan), 127,

252, 253, 719
Divine Era, 546
Diwan-i-Tan, 666
Diyanat Khan, 639
Diya-Ullah Khan, 682, 719

Dohad, 613

Dohoni, 580

Dola, 631

Dolatabad, 469

Dongarpur, 837

Dost Muhammad, 824

Duda, 408

Dudayan, 386

Dughlats, 636

Duhak, 716, 768

Duhra (Dohra), 420

Dutah Rai, 267

Dulqa, 608, 609

Dumraon, 389

Dun, 768, 769

Dundi Khan, 195, 196

Dungarpuı', 394, 706

Dupleix, 20

Durga Bhavani, 415

Durga Das, 588, 640

Durga Das, Rai, 332

Durga Sisodia. Rai, 505-509

Durgavati, Rani, 37, 394

Durjan Sal, 728, 837

Durjan Singh Kuar, 594

Durrani, Shah, 72, 138, 195,.

592, 676, 677
Durranfans, 676
Dusserah, 126, 407
Dutch, 132, 233
Duvanagar, 572, 573
Dvvarka, 325
Dvvarka Das, 526

Earth, 538
Egypt, 558

Eilgundal (Elgandal), 306
Ekataz Khan 'Abdullah Beg',
509-511

870

Ektash Khan, 773
Elichpur, 22, 324, 590, 597,
Ellara (Ellorah), 53, 783
Eminabad, 163

English, 598, 677, 869, "1047,

1067,
Erich, 340
Etah, 687
Etawah, 348, 408, 808, 823

Fadil (Fazil), 437, 618
Fadl Ullah Shaikh, 804
Faghfuri Gilani, 583
Fahim, 64, 65
Faidabad, 560, 690
Faidabad (known as Mukhlas-

pur or Mukhlispur), 581,

828
Faid Oadiri, 808
Faidi, 737
Faizi Fiyazi, 27, 28, 42, 52,

108, 118, 226, 326. 333, 513-

518, 544, 545, 567
Faiz Ullah Khan, 449, 512,

513, 700, 838
Faiz Ullah Khan (Ali Muham-

mad Khan Rohila's son)

195
Faizyab Khan, 579
Fakhir Khan, 388, 518, 519
Fakhranisa B., 136
Fakhr Khan Najra Sani, 355
Fakhr-un-Nisa Begam,

(daughter of Mah Cucak

Begam), 135
Faudarsag, 45
Faqir Ali, Mir, 87
Faqir Ullah Khan, 539

"The Maâthir-ul-Umara"

Faqrai, 193

Faquir, 291

Farah, 117

Farakhabad, 138

Fardapur, 114, 115, 532, 590,

720, 787
Farhad, 188. 548
Farhad Khan, 533, 833
Farhang Jahangiri, 743
FarhangKhan, 519, 520
Farhat Khan Khasa Khail,

147
Farid, (half brother of Amin

Khan) 236
Farid (son of Khan Zaman),

804
Faridabad, 526
Farid Attar, 87
Farid Bakhshi, 121, 327, 330,

537, 623
Farid Bhakari. 7, 105
Farid Bokharı. 105, 351, 415,

467, 521-527, 548, 609,659
Farid Fathpuri, 520, 521, 754
Farid Sahib, 811
Farid Shaikh, 740
Farid Shakr Ganj, 169, 319
Faridu-d-din Ganjshakar 33,

131
Faridun Khan Barlas, 527,

528
Farji, 100

Farkhanda-Buniyad, 720, 721
rarmanbari,696

Farrukhabad, 573, 676, 677,

761
Farrukh Siyar, 72, 73, 111,

112, 166, 174, 237,240,258,

INDEX

871

309. 388, 425, 426, 429, 433,
439, 450, 478, 600, 630, 631,
634, 639, 642, 666, 688, 735,
776, 808

Fara, 565

Farsakh, 187

Faruqi Hanifi, 657

Faruqi, Shaikh, 131, 425

Farwardin, 220, 546

Farzana Begam, 722

Farzand, 132

Fasi rabi, 344

Fasl-ul-Khitab, 77

Fat (Mota) Raja, 571

Fatawa-i-Alamgiri, 619

Falhabad, 170, 191, 524,

778
Fathabad Dharvvar, 317
Fath Dost, 41 '
Fath Gate, 425
Fathiyah lbratiyah, 498
Fathiyyah, 4
Fath Jang, 239, 338, 710
Fath Jang ibrahim Khan, 792
Fath Jang Khan Miyana, 528,

529
Fath Jang K. Rohilla, 529-

432
Fath Khan, 214, 498, 504
Fath Khan Patni (Pani), 200
Fath Khelda, 718
Fath Ma'mur, 504, 505
Fathpur, 101, 169, 170, 202,

288, 320, 323, 622, 634, 635-

636, 649, 653, 693, 816

Fathpur Hanswa, 759
Fathpur Sikri, 283, 568, 604
Fath Singh, 238, 239

Fath Ullah (son of Hakim

Abu-1-fath), 109, 110
Fath Ullah (son of Mirza Isa

Tarkahan), 690
Fath Ullah Khan Bahadur

(Alamgirshahi), 273, 363,

537-542
Fath Ullah Khvvajagi, 536,

537
Fath Ullah Shirazi, 226, 543-

546
Fathyab Jang, 611
Fathyab K, 579
Fatima Begam, 355
Fatu Khan, 37
Fatwa, 96
Fautas, 726
Fayaz Ajam. 516
Fazal, 246
Fazail Khan Mir Hadi, 546-

548
Fazil, 33
Fazil K, 193, 550-553, 623,

662, 670, 722, 769

Fazil Khan, (Buhanu-d-din),

553-555

Fazal Khan (name Aqa Afzal

of Ispahan), 270, 548-550,

798, 799
Fazil Khan (Shaikh Mukhdum

Sadr), 559
Fazilpura, 425,
Fazal Ullah Bokhari, 556-558
Fedai Khan, 311-314, 559-563
Fedai Khan (title of Mir

Zarif), 558, 559
Fedai Khan Muhammad Salih,

314, 563, 564
Ferghana, 65, 821

872

Feringhi, 20, 24, 207, 444,

446
Ferishta, 3, 45, 54, 113-116,
133, 181, 202, 278, 373, 416,
765
Fidai Khan, 657
Fikirya, 193
Firdus Aramgah, 9, 601
Firdus Ashiyani, 11, 603, 604
Firdus Makani, 8
Firman, 570
Firuzabad, 189
Firuz Baba 596
Firuzgarha, 589
Firuz Janı, 745
Firuz Jang, 57, 97, 98, 102-104

392, 592, 667, 674
Firuz Jang (title of Ghaziu-d-
K. Bahadur), 33, 71, 192,
236, 280, 587, 588, 590, 591,

610, 619, 809, 838
Firuz Jang (title of Rustum
Khan Muqarrab Khan). 338
Firuz Khan (the eunuch), 291,

564, 565
Firuz Khan (Saiyid), 668
Firuz K., 65
Firuz Mewnti, 668
Firuzpur, 808

Firuz Shah, 78, 143, 414, 416,
634, 744
Fitarat, 419
Francisco Pareira de Silva,

428
Franks, 326
Frendi, 17, 19, 27, 390, 446,

778, 819
Frenchmen, 280
Fulad, M, 565, 566

''The Maathir-in-Umara"

Fulad, Mirza, 565-568
Fulful, 387
Fulk-u-mulk, 141

Gadai Afghan,123

Gadai Kambu, Shaikh, 568-

570
Gadai, Mir, 144
Gagraun, 82, 146
Gahlot, 761
Gajmoti, 781, 782
Gajdiwan, 772
Gajpati, 494,
Gajpati, Rajah, 520
Gaj Singh, 766
Gaj Singh, Rajah, 232, 401,

570-572, 725, 754 779 .
Gakkhars (Gakhars), 133, 759,

760
Galen, 184
Galgala, 231
Galna, 214, 353, 537, 538,

623

Gambhir 636

Gandak, 431, 767

Gandamak, 314, 519

Ganesh, Rajah, 374

Ganges, 178 (Ban Gang river)

Ganges (Ganga river), 138,

154, 199-201, 266, 332, 339,

349, 379, 428, 431, 441, 455,

463, 572, 574, 659, 676, 697,

721, 768

Ganges (Godavari river), 742„

Gang Kafn, 594,

Ganj, 286

Ganj 'Ali Khan, 186
193, 470, 572

Index

873

Ganj Badaward, 218

Ganj Siwai (Gaj Siwai), 446

Gardia. 27

Garez Jang, 99

Garh. 33, 38, 324 343, 344,

394, 757
Garh Katanka, 385, 757
Garh Muktesar, 645
Garh Pathli, 304
Garh Patli, 175, 602
Garhi, 52, 323, 452, 648
Garhi 72
Garjisian, 322
Garmisir, 740
Garshasp, Sultan, 292, 811
Gassendi- 448
Guhati 668
Gaur (old capital of Bengal),

301, 336, 795
Gaur (a Rajput tribe), 401
Gaur Dhannagar, 574
Gaur Dhan Suraj Dhvvaj, 130,

572-574
Georgian 812
Gesu. Mir, of Kurasan, 575,

576
Ghairat K, 338
Ghairat Khan (Khwaja

Kamgar), 576, 577, 670,
Ghairat Khan (son of Husain

Khan Barah), 640, 641
Ghairat K. (Ghairat Khan

Saiyid), 426, 637, 771
Ghairat Khan Muhammad

Ibrahimm, 577-579
Ghajdavvan 385
Ghakar. 145
Ghakkar, 163

Ghani. 697

Gharibkhana, 313

Ghat Rohangir, 114

Ghati Canda, 123,

Ghati Daultabat, 122

Ghaus, M., 90

Ghausiyat, 91

Ghazanfar Khan, 580-582,

640
Ghazi, 757
Ghazi (Mirza, son of Mirza

Jahi Beg), 351, 689,
Ghazi Beg, 351, 582, 583
Ghazi Khan, 133
Ghazzi Khan, Badakhshi, 43,

583-587
Ghazi K. Sur, 599
Ghazi Khan Tanur (Tannri).

37
Ghazi Khan Wajih, 703
Ghazi pur, 178, 200, 372, 721 -
Ghaziu-d-din K., 593, 674
Ghaziu-d-din K. Bahadur

Firuz Jang, 443, 538. 587-

592

Ghaziu-d-din K. Bahadur

Firuz Jang (Amir-ul-Umara>

11, 280,592,593
Ghazni, 88, 187, 209, 213.

701, 716, 740, 746, 758
Ghiasu-d-din (grandfather of

Abu Turab Gujrati), 142
Ghiasu-d-din Malik (ruler of

Heart), 36
Ghilzai, 777
Ghiyas Beg, 67
Ghiyasu-d-din (Ali Asaf Khaa

Bakhshi), 280-283, 288

874

Ghiyasu-d-din Mansur

Shirazi, 543
Ghiyasu-d-din (Ghiyath-ud-

Din) Tarkhan, 156
GholamAli, 229
Ghoraghat. 335
Ghorband, 297
■Ghori, 260, 580, 767,
Ghulam Ali Azad, 3,5, 9, 10,

25, 28, 30, 31
Ghulam Ali Khan, 690
Ghulam Husain, Mir, 687
Ghulam Muhammad. 235
Ghulam Müstafi Kartalab

Khan Shaikh, 808
Ghulam Shah, 819
Ghulam Rida, 670
Ghur, 716
Ghurband, 664
Ghuri, 609
Gilan, 107
Gingee, 194, 272, 366,446,

460, 589, 598, 702
Girami, 13,
Giranbar, 183
Girdhar Bahadur, Rajah. 430,

601, 635
Girdhar Das, 403
Girih, 62
Girishk, 334
Girjhak Nandana, 562
Girna, 353
Giru, 540

Goa, 71, 413, 445, 536,
Gobind Das Bhati, 830,
Godak, 115
Godavari, 67, 120, 142, 179,

316,317,451, 594,801

"The Maâthir-ul- Umara"

Godeheu, 20

Godrah (Godhrah), 495

Goharara Begam, 294

Gohar-un-Nisa, 741

Golconda, 24, 30, 70, 79, 1 C3,
111, 194,254, 257, 272,434,
557, 568, 596, 597, 652, 766,
774, 781, 789, 809, 827, 831,

Gondah, 103

Gonds, 37, 103, 757, 782

Gondwana, 37, 103, 757, 782,
801

Gopal Das, Raja 830

Gopal Singh (son of Munrup)
725

Gopal Singh (son of Muhakam
Singh) 508, 509

Gopal Singh Gaur, Rajah,
593, 594.

Gopal Singh Hindupat
Mahinder Rajah, 594

Gopamau, 16

Gorakhpur, 67, 137. 312, 313,
562, 563, 626, 692

Goshpech, 715

Govardhan, 267

Govardhan, Raj, 332

Govind Das, 425

Graven, 20

Gudhar Sami, 654

Gujerat (Gujarat), 34, 40, 51-
53' 59, 63, 74, 78, 80, 83,
84, 86, 88-92, 98, 100, 106,
108, 116, 134, 142-144, 150,
158, 163, 170, 174, 175, 180,
185, 244, 245, 269, 281, 282,
285, 291, 304, 315, 318, 322,
324, 325, 329. 331, 334, 335,

Index

875

338. 352, 369. 373, 374, 387,
390, 396, 400, 404, 413, 429,
445, 457, 460, 465, 475, 493-
495, 505.510, 513, 523-526,
534, 544, 650, 569. 575, 579,
591, 600-602,601, 610, 616,
617, 632, 647, 654, 658, 689,
690, 694, 704, 705, 707, 727,
729, 730, 738, 739, 745, 747,
749, 755, 757, 762, 763, 776,
785, 796, 798, 799, 811,825,
837

Gujar K., 432

<jujranwala 160

Gul, Mirza, 819

Gulalbar, 257

Gulbadan Begam, 813

Gulbarg, 371

■Gulbarga, 171, 205, 610, 684

Gulbihar,189, 297

Gulgaz, 133

Gulshanabad, 131, 168,445,

Gulshan Ibrahimi, 3

Guljar-i-Abrar, 91

{Jumti, 49, 318,

<îunna Begam, 677

Gurdaspur, 393

Gurgani tables, 546

Guru, 438

•Gwalior, 85, 88, 89, 111, 219,
232, 245, 258, 274, 314, 329,
334, 369, 483, 534, 550, 564,
614, 647, 681, 704 759, 774,
783, 792, 794

Habib Ardistani, 207
Habib Chak, 715

Habid Ullah, Shah, 772

Habsh K., 266

Habsh Khan, 594-596

Hada, 409

Hadhiq, Hakim, 604-606

Hadi Dad Khan, 597, 652,
661

Hadi, K., 253

Hadiqatu-1-Aqalim., 45

Hadis, 42, 86

Haliz, 619

Hafiz Khan, 684

Hafiz-ud-Din (Khan), 131,
839

Hafiz Ullah Khan, 611

Hafiza Maryam, 681

Haft Chauki. 253

Haft Hazari, 7, 8

Haft Iqlim, 3, 128

Haft Kishwar, 515

Haft Paikar, 515

Haidar, 620

Haidar, Mir, 636, 637

Haidar, M., 389

Haidar, Mir, 516, 687

Haidar, Mirza, 87, 450, 636,
767

Haidarabad, 17, 18, 20, 23, 24,
26, 30-32, 45, 70, 71, 72, 76,
79, 84, 137, 171, 194, 226,
240, 241, 244, 254, 255, 265,
279, 280, 307, 310, 382, 425,
459-461, 474, 489, 491,
492, 503, 548, 557. 589, 594,
663, 681, 696, 702, 718, 719,
721,751, 785, 788,809, 811,
829

876

Haidarabad, Karnatik, 132,

372, 446
Haidar Ali K. 478
Haidar Ali Khan Bahadur,

597, 598
Haidar Beg, 719
Haidrians, 128
Haidaris, 712
Haidaris Saiyids, 308
Haidar Jang, 23-27, 30
Haidar Muhammad Khan

Akhta Begi. 599, 600
Haidar Qasim Kohbar, 135
Haidar Quli Khan Mu'izzu-d-

Doulah, 166 237,309,430,

475, 600-602. 635, 636, 638,
Haidar Sultan Ozbeg Shaibani,

197
Haidar Zai, 128

Hajabat, 65, 696

Hajaj, 165

Haji Habib Ullah Kashi, 536

Haji Hamid, 88

Haji Hur Parwar Khanam,

659
Haji K., 409
Hajim K., 356
Hajipur, 323, 324, 337, 431,

823
Hakim, 20

Hakim, Mirza, 653, 724, 728
Hakim Beg, 602-604
Hakim-ul-Mulk, 607, 608
Hal Kalyan, 733, 827
Hamadan, 130, 485, 772
Hanadani Shaikhs, 514

"The Maâthir-ul-Umara'*

Hamdami, 432
Hamdam Koka, 430
Hamida Banu, Begam, 248,

767
Hamida Banu Begam

(Mariam Makami), 9. 267„

767
Hamid Bokhari, Saiyid, 608-

610
Hamid Khan, 532, 798
Hamid,K., 350, 464
Hamid Khan Bahadur Salabat

Jang (Murzz-ud-Daulah),

610, 611
Hamid-ud-Daula (title of a

son of Imad-ul-Mulk), 678
Hamidu-ud-Din, 141
Hamid-ud-Din Khan

Bahadur, 221 258, 273, 278,

540, 611-614
Hampi, 419
Hanafis, 833
Handia, 216, 550
Hansi, 177, 716
Haqiqat Khan. 614, 615
Harawai 236
Har Das Jhala, 763
Hardvvar, 312, 339, 639, 668,

769
Harem, 44
Harfi Savahji, 108
Hari Dev, 405
Haringan, 557
Haris, 218
Harjas, 403
Harkarn, 573
Harm,807

Index

877

HarNathSingh,263

Harsal, 218. 225

Harvey, 448

Harz Ullah K. Bahadur. 15

Hasan, (Hakim), 565

Hasan (ikram Khan Saiyid),

615
Hasan (Khvvaja, Attar), 371
Hasan (Known as Hassu,

Muqarrab Khan Shaikh),

616, 617
Hasan (Mir, grandfather of

Amanat K. Mirak), 221,
222
Hasan (Safavi, Mirza), 318
Hasan (Saiyid, son of S. Diler

Khan Barha), 494, 495
Hasan (Shaikh of Panipat),

94
Hasan (son of ibrahim
Tabatai Husaini), 742
Hasan (Ozzun Hasan), 368
Hasanabad, 163
Hasanabdal, 76, 108, 222, 245,

313,625, 838
Hasan Ali (Arab), 52. 284
Hasan Ali (Mir, father of
Samsam-ud-Daulah), 14
Hasab Ali (Qutb-ül-Mulk
Saiyid Abdullah Khan
Barah), 610
Hasan Ali Khan Bahadur,
246, 437, 443, 581, 587, 617-
620, 625, 673, 686, 764
Hasan Barhana, Shah, 132
Hasan Beg, 379
Hasan Beg Badakhshi, 358,
393, 620-622, 742

Hasan Beg Safsikan Khan

630
Hasan K (son of Balju Qulij

Shamsher Khan), 380
Hasan K (son of Khan Jahan)

802
Hasan Khan Cagatai. 411
Hasan Khan Khazar.ci. 390
Hasan Khan Patni, 200
Hasan Naqshbandi. Kh\vaja.

97, 136
Hasan Sultan, 171, 220
Hasan Sultan (son of Sultan
Husain of Sabazwar). 113
Hasan Mir, 133
Hasim (great-grandfather of
Prophet Muhammad), 629
Hashim (Saiyid, son of Saiyid
Muhammad Khan Barah),
164
Hashim Khan, 141,497. 500,

671, 835
Hashiya, 93
Hashtar Khan (for Hajj

Tarkhan), 356
Hasli (or Shahi), 193
Hassu. 616
Hatgarh, 693
Hathkantha, 145
Hatim 693
Haweli, 310
Hayat, 531

Hayat Khan, 255, 262. 263,
623. 624

Hayat K. 382, 383
Hazaras, 209, 213, 346
Hazarajat, 208, 213, 767, 821,
Hazari, 188, 298

878

Hazrat Shah Isa. 64

Hebrew, 791

Hedayat Mahiu-d-din K., 461

Hedayat Ullah, 559

Hedayat Ullah K. 561

Helmand, 188

Hernu, 82,148, 149, 198, 409,

599,600, 691, 759,759, 813,

814
Hernu Baqqal, 196, 301
Herat, 36, 93, 117, 136,221,

253, 322, 357, 358, 389, 390,

485, 569, 575, 582, 721
Hibbat Ullah, 142

Hidayat Mohiu-d-Din Khan,

16
Hidayat Ullah, 175
Haidayat Ullah Sadr, 624
Hifz Ulla K., 592, 643
Hijaz, 95, 116. 149,325, 373,

375,378, 430, 515, 537, 558,

569, 644, 729, 757, 823
Hijra era, 546
Hikmat, 514
Hilan, 760,

Himma K. Badakhshi, 65
Himmat Khan (Muhammad

Hasan), 429, 612, 625, 626,

664,696, 788-790
Himmat Khan Mir Isa, 304,

504, 624, 625, 693
Hindal Mirza, 87
Hindaun Biana, 426, 429, 636
Hindi, 547, 569, 625, 644,

839
Hindia, 95, 173
Hindu, 45, 105, 124, 161, 245,

341, 395, 435, 576, 644, 665,

804

"The Maâthir-ul-Umara"

Hindu Koh, 297, 345, 346
Hindustan, 15, 18, 513, 562,

649, 713
Hindustanis, 55, 202, 479, 796,
Hippocrates, 713
Hiraman, Bakseria, 460
Hiranand, 195
Hisam Shaikh, 375
Hisar, 97

Hissar, 133, 134, 462, 676,
835

Hisar Shadman, 368,

Hisari Naqashbandi, Khwaja,
772

Hizbr Khan (Saiyid), 176, 627

Hizbr, Khan (son of Ilahvardi
Khan), 627

Holkar, 430, 675, 676

Hooghly, 210

Hoshangabad, 736,782

Hoshdar Khan, 648

Hoshdar Khan (Mir Hoshdar..
biography),628

Humam (Hamam) Hakim,
102, 109, 604, 606, 607

Hümayun, 8, 36, 50, 61, 82^
87, 88, 90, 91, 93, 95, 125,
133, 135, 148, 177, 196, 197,
301,348, 370, 371, 376, 377,
392, 409, 430, 431, 510, 569,.
584, 599, 600, 606, 621, 636,
659, 691, 701, 705, 712, 721,
740, 745, 757, 785, 813, 814,
823

Hümayun Quli, 606

Humayub Shah, 772

Huri Jan, 512

Huri Khanim, 512

Harmuz (Ormuz) 689

Index

87£

Husaiu, 584, 800

Husain (successor of Nizam

Shah) 533
Husain Mir, 221, 222
Hasain, Mirak, 222, 223
Husain,Tukriya, Shaikh. 334
Husain Ali Khan, 10, 11, 15,
111, 112, 166, 174,277,310,
388, 389, 426, 430, 450,
460, 478, 479, 480, 487, 555,
579, 601, 628-639, 641,
666,711,735,750,776, 839
Husain Amanat Khan, 13, 14
Husain Arghun, Mirza Shah,

745, 746
Husain Beg, 639
Husain Beg K., 581
Husain Beg Khan Zig, 639.

640, 788
Husain K (Fath Jang Khan

Miyana of Bijapur) 528
Husain K (of Mewat), 50
Husain Khan Barah, 640, 641
Husain K. Khweshgi 73
Husain K. Shamlu, 582
Husain Khan, Sultan, 620
Husain Khan Tukriya 644,

645
Husain Munawwar Khan, 811
Husain Nizam Shah, 113
Husain Pasha, 698, 699
Husaini, 302
Husaini, Mir, 194
Husaini Saiyids, 201
Husain Quli, 154
Husain Quli Beg, 373, 375

414, 420, 421, 645-649, 703
Husain Safavi, 777

Husam-ud-Din, Mir 586, 587,

649, 650
Husam-ud-Din Hasan Mirza,.

651
Husam-ud-Din Khan, 651,

652
Hushang, 292, 812
HushdarK, 212
Hydrabad, 279

Ibad Ullah, 361

iblis, 332

ibrahim (Dilawar Khan

Kakar), 487
ibrahim (father of Bahadur

Nizam Shah), 56
ibrahim (Pir of Patha) 747
ibrahim (Shaikh, son of

Shaikh Musa) 653
ibrahim (Sultan, son of Rafi-

us-Shan), 426, 602
ibrahim Beg Basri, 839
Ibrahimgarha, 589
ibrahim Husam, 414, 421,

644, 647, 727, 757
ibrahim Khan (son of Amir-

ul-Umara), 653-657
ibrahim Khan (son of Ghazi

K. Sur), 599
ibrahim Khan Daulat, 703
ibrahim Khan Fath Jang,
155, 156, 455, 650, 657-659»
792
ibrahim Khan Gardi. 25
ibrahim Khan Ozbeg, 200,

201,348,599,659,660
ibrahim Lodi, 198
ibrahim, Mir, 252

«80

"The Maâthir-ul-Umara"

ibrahim Quli, 704

İbrahim Tabatabai Husaini,

742
Idar,164, 281, 283, 320, 404,

762
Idgah, 697
Iftıkhar, 519
İftikhar Khan, 770
Iftikhar Khan Khwaja Abdul

Baqa, 660-662
iftikhar Khan Sultan Husain,

299, 662 663
iftikhar K, Turkaman, 210
ihtimam Khan 663, 664
ihtimam K. Kotwal, 382, 473,

578,611. 663,664
Thtisab, 78
Ihtisham Khan, 665,
Ihtisham Khan II, 665
Ihtisham K. Ikhlas K., 520,

521
Ijitihad, 514
Ikataz, 156
Ikhlas Khan, (an Adil Shahi

Officer) 833
Ikhlas Khan (title of Ahmad

Khweshgi), 521
Ikhlas Khan (title of Abu-1-

Muhammad Bijapuri), 493
Ikhlas Khan Ilklas Kesh, 633,

665, 666
Ikhlas Khan Khan

Alam, 664, 665
Ilklas Khan Shaikh Hahdiya,

666,667

Ikatisas Khan, 652, 667, 668,

694
Ikhtisas Khan (title of islam

Mashhadi), 694

Ikhtiyar-ud-Din, 781
lkhtiyar-ul-Mulk, 143, 320-

322
Ikluj, 611. 810
ikram K (Governor of Asir

fort), 101
ikram K (title of Muhammad

Asad), 166
ikram Khan (Saiyid Hasan,

biography), 615
ikram Khan Hushang, 693
Ilahdad K, 532
Ilahdad. Saiyid, 114
llahddiya, Shaikh, 666, 667
ilahi, 40, 729, 805
llahwari Khan, 217, 268, 291,

580, 581, 668-672
Ilahwardi Khan (Alamgir-

shahi), 137, 219, 617, 672,

673
Ilangtosh, 188, 212, 213, 821
Ilangtosh Be, 360
Ilangtosh Khan Bahadur,

673, 674
Ilcapur. 167
Ilgharab, 132
ilham Ullah. 597
Ilichpur, 269, 670, 686, 689,

701, 797, 807
Ilkandal. 306, 548, 720
Imad, 513
Imadpur, 204
Imau-d-din, 11
Imad-ul- Mülk, 11, 140, 593,

674-678
imal K., 248-250, 577
imam, 42, 43
imam Abu Hanifa, 41

îndex

881

imam Ali bin Musa, 299

imam Hamam, 101

imam Haman, 521

imam Husain, 283

Imamiya, 63, 78, 115, 245,
566, 662, 738, 778

imam Musa Kazim, 771

imam Quli Khan, 101, 209,
356, 360-363, 366, 650, 678,
820, 821

Imtiazgarh (Imtiazgarha), 443,
589, 766

Inabat, 92

inam, 536

Inayat, 453

Inayati, 269

Inayat Khan, 224, 678-680

Inayat K, 279

Inayat K, Ashna, 5

Inayat Khan Rasikh, 840

Inayat Ullah Khan, 160, 162,
210, 278, 486, 613, 680-682,
690

Inayat Ullah K (son of Fedai
Khan), 560

Inayat Ullah K (title of Aqil
K), 153, 259-261

Ind, 18

Indarman Dhanera, 402, 682,
683

India, 28, 36, 41,43, 50, 62,
69, 72, 75, 87, 92, 93, 95,
97, 101, 107, 116, 126,
132, 138, 148, 152, 156, 157,
169, 178, 180, 187, 192, 193,
195, 196, 198, 222, 241, 276,
281, 282, 292, 295, 296, 299,
301, 309, 315, 322, 348, 351,
357, 363, 365, 370, 377, 383,

386, 388, 391, 394, 395, 399,
411, 413, 424,441, 447, 448,
453, 454, 468, 470, 471,
501, 507, 545, 546, 548-550,
556, 565, 566, 569, 573, 576,
583, 584, 587, 599, 600, 605,
609, 611,621, 629, 635, 637,
638, 646. 659, 668, 676, 690,
691, 698-701, 713, 720, 739,
740, 741, 753, 755, 757-760,
762,773, 777, 778, 801, 803,
814,815, 818-820, 822, 825,
832, 834,839

Indian Armour, 559

Indian doctors, 649

Indian Empire, 678, 679

Indian steel, 830

IndraSingh, 136

Indus, 52, 312, 313, 369, 405,

414, 430, 663, 748, 758, 784,

817

Intizamu-d-daula, 139, 140,
674, 675

Iqbalnamah, 3, 577
Iradam-ci, 565

Iradat K., 129, 152, 214, 315
Iradat Khan, Mir Ishaq, 312,

683. 684, 753, 801, 835
Iraj Khan, 685-687, 719, 720,

774
Iram, 5
Iran, 742

Iraq, 93, 315, 567, 705. 772
Iraqi, 568, 699
Irij, 102, 247, 340, 412, 668,

756
Irij, M., 52, 64, 186, 535
IrshadK, 241

882

Irshad Khan, Mir Abul-Ala,

250, 251, 687
Isa (Mirza, son of Abdul Ali

Arghun). 744-746
İsa (Zamindar of Bhati), 649
Isa Tarkhan, 689, 690
Isa Khan Mabin, 73, 687-

689
Isa Khan Mir, 557
Isaq aur Mashaq, 8
Isar Das, 837
Isfahan, 719, 773, 778, 797,

816
Isfandiyar (Isfandyar), 66, 341,

494,692, 812
Isfandiyar (son of Allah Yar

Khan), 211
Isfandiyar Khan (ruler of

Urganj), 820
Isfandiyar Khan (son of

Hasan Beg Badakhshi), 622
Isfarain, 600
Ishaq Beg, 614,
Ishaq Khan, 690, 691
Ishaq M. Amir Khan, 252
Ishkil, 62
Isshiya, 93
Ishwar Singh, 736
Isjabdar (sur), 196, 691
Iskandhar alias Salabat K, 531
Iskandar Khan Ozbeg, 691,

692
Iskhat, 62
Islamabad, 790
Islalamabad (Mathura), 303
Islamabad (Sarkar in Bundel-

khand), 104, 343, 380
Islamabad, fort, 406, 684

"The Maâthir-ul-Umara'"

Islamabad (Deogarha), 589
Islamgarh (fort Rahiri), 703
islam Khan, 582
islam Khan Chist Faruqi, 210,

692, 693
islam Khan Mashhadi, 65,
176, 211, 300, 303, 505, 534,
555, 694-696, 800
islam Khan Mir Diyan-ud-
Din Husain Badakhshi, 615,
624, 628, 696-698
islam Khan Rumi, 698-701
Iskanpur, 505, 507
Islampuri, 273, 538, 612
ismail (Afghan chief of

Shaharanpur), 247
ismail (son of Burhan Shah

of Ahmadnagar) ; 113
ismail I, 142
ismail II, 567
ismail Ataf, 298
ismail Beg, 194
ismail Beg Duldi, 701
ismail Khan (son of ibrahim

Khan Ozbeg), 660
ismail Khan Bahadur Pani,

701, 702
ismail Khan Makha, 703, 703
ismail Nizam Shah, 113-115
Isnauk Quli Khan Dhu-al-
Qadr, 41, 284, 647, 703, 704,
741
ismail Safavi, 368, 385, 770,

772
ismail Zafarmand K, 462

Ispahan, 361, 385, 548

Iswant for Basvvant Khvvaja-

sara, 704, 705

INDEX

883

itibar Khan Nazir, 705

itibar Kao, 317

İtimad Khan (earlier title of

Asaf K), 303
itimad K (earlier title of

Fazil Khan of Ispahan), 550
itimad Khan (Shaikh, title of

Abdu-1-Qawi), 46-48
itimad Khan Gujarati, 51, 83,

143, 144, 172, 608, 705-708
itimad Khan Khwajasara,

708, 709
Itimadpur, 709

itimad Rai, 99, 262
Itimad-ud-Daulah, 129, 187,

282, 287, 332, 483, 484, 549,

573, 574, 657, 658, 714
Itimad-ud-Daula (Daulah), 72.

480, 610, 633, 636, 682
Itimad-ud-Mulk, 706
Itiqad K. (title of Mirza

Bahman Yar), 354
Itiqad K. (title of Salih K.

grandson of Asad Khan

Asafu-d-Daulah), 279
Itiqad Khan Farrukh-Shahi,

633, 709-714
Itiqad Khan Mirza Shahpur,

188, 447, 714, 715
Itrat, 66
Iwad Beg, 716
Iwaz Khan Bahadur Qaswara

Jang, 238-240, 308-311,481,

596
Izzat Khan, 838

Izzat K, 334

Izzat Khan Barah, 601

Izzat Khan Khwaja Baba,

716,717

Izz-ud-Daula, 630

Izzu-d-din Khalid Khani, 417

Jaafar Ali K, 207, 208
Jaafar Beg, 282-287, 725
Jaafar K (Jaafar Khan Umdat-

ul-Mulk), 243, 370, 533
Jaafar K (Mutaman-ul-mulk),

719
Jaafar, M, 281
Jaafar M. Asaf Khan, 157,

275
Jabari Beg, 323, 335
Jadun, 433
Jadu Rao Kantih, 717-719,

832
Jadwan, 717
Jafar, 301
Jafar (also Jaafar), 580, 672,

673
Jafar (rites of the Imamiya

sect), 778
Jafar (son of Hoshdar Khan

Mir Hoshdar), 628
Jafar Mir, Aqidar Khsn, 252
Jafar, Mirza, 723
Jafar (Jaafar), Saiyid, 141
Jafar Saiyid (son of Mir

Saiyid Jalal), 740
Jafar Beg, 721
Jafar Najm Sani, 490
Jafar Khan, Mutamau-ul-

Mulk, 719-721, 726
Jafar Khan Taklu, 721
Jafar Khan Umdat-ul-Mulk,

722-723, 760, 761, 768
Jagan Nath, 410, 724,7 25
Jagat Seth Sahu, 719
Jagat Singh, 296

884

Jagat Singh, Kunvvar, 393,
409, 725, 726

Jagat Singh, Raja, 233. 394,
563, 716, 726, 727, 732, 794

Jagat Singh, Rana, 768

Jagdatak, 156, 627

Jagir, 150

Jagjivan, 792

Jagmal, 410

Jagman, Raja, 682

Jagpat Uma, 238, 239

Jagraj, 129, 727, 728

Jagtap, 296, 297, 343

Jah, Khvraja, 36

Jahan, 804

Jahan Ara Begam, 9, 512

Jahnara Garden, 323

Jahandar Singh, Sultan, 111,
196, 197, 240, 275, 279, 388,
429, 449, 450, 509, 614, 630,
666, 681, 688,703, 709, 710,
712, 719, 776, 808, 817, 839,
840

.Jahangir, 9, 15, 42, 56-61, 63,
67,68,97,99, 101,105, 106,
109, 110, 115, 122. 123, 129,
141, 150, 152, 155. 157, 167,
169, 176, 183-186,209, 210,
212, 214- 222,260. 262,263,
269, 282, 285, 287-289, 291,
293, 295, 302, 305, 315, 328-
330, 332, 334, 350, 351, 372,
379, 380, 384, 386, 389-392,
394, 396, 398, 400, 407-409,
407-409, 412, 413,415, 417-
419,423,424,450,467,471,
483,485, 487,488, 491, 493,
505, 506, 520, 523-527, 535,

"The Maâthir-ul-Umara"

537, 548, 549, 556, 560. 561,
564, 570, 571, 573, 576, 561,
564, 570, 571, 573, 576, 582,
586, 602, 604, 605, 609, 616.
620-624, 627, 645, 651, 657,
658, 666, 668, 679, 689, 692-
694,704, 714, 716,717, 724,
726, 730, 731,736,738,739,
742, 749, 752, 753. 756, 763,
766, 767, 773, 778. 791, 796,
798, 799, 803, 811, 820, 822,
824-826. 829, 830, 832-834,
837

Jahangir Beg, 752

Jajamgirnagar, 211, 694, 697

Jajamgorma, 3, 506

Jahangirnama (by Ghairat
Khan), 577

Jajamgor Quli Khan, 329,
330, 334, 728-730, 753

Jahan Khan, 676

Jahan Kusha, 5, 778

Jahan Shah Mirza, 368

Jahan Shah, Sultan, 72

Jai Aqa, 139, 674, 675

Jai Chand, 414, 420, 646, 647

Jai (Cand) Chand Rathor, 351

Jaihun, 630

Jaimal, 39, 724

Jai Mal, 410

Jainagar, 735

Jai Ram Badgujar, Raja, 263,
730, 731

Jais, 156

Jai Singh, 630

Jai Singh, Kachwaha, Mirza
Raja, 174, 273, 295, 497,
500,540,618,731-734, 781,
784, 817

INDEX

885

Jai Singh Kunwar, 764

Jai Singh Sawai (Sivvai), 439,

632. 634, 640, 712, 734-736
Jalal, 838
Jalal (alias Shaikh Jamali)

568
Jalal (son of Dilawar), 489
Jalalabad, 313, 314, 609
Jalala Raushani, 41, 609, 704,

726
Jalal Bokhari, 143
Jalali, 568
Jalal Kakar, 736
Jalal K., 485

Jalal Khan Qurchi, 164, 737
Jalal Sadr. Mir Saiyid, 365,

624, 737-740, 822
Jalalpur, 562
Jalalu-d-din, 8, 177
Jalal-ud-Din K., 557
Jalal-ud-Din Mahmud, 825
Jalal-ud-Din Mahmud

Khurasani Bajug., 740, 741
Jalalu-d-din Mankbarni,

Sultan, 322
Jalalu-d-din Mas'aud, Mirza,

741
Jalal-ud-Din Masud, 576
Jalalu-d-din Raushani, 284
Jalalu-d-din Rumi, 266, 304,

475, 824
Jalamukhi, 416
Jalandhar, 96, 374, 759
Jalandhari, 416
Jalapi, 672
Jalesor, 462
Jalgaon, 826
Jalisar, 471

Jalna. 623, 664

Jalnapur, 122, 176, 217, 717,

752, 801
Jalor, 50, 134, 321
Jam, 197, 318, 325, 413, 844
Jamal, 568

Jamal Bakhtiar, 49, 741
Jamal, Maulana, 486
Jamal, Saiyid, 680
Jamal K. (Abyssinian), 113-

115
Jamal K, (father-in-law of

Hümayun), 50 .
Jamal K. (Saiyid, son of Iwaz

Khan Bahadur), 310
Jamal Khan (slave of Bairam

Khan Khan Khanan), 374
Jamal K. (son of Dilawar

Khan Kakar), 489, 490
Jamal-ud-din, 164
Jamalu-d-din Ata UUah Mulla,

93, 96
Jamal-ud-Din Inju, Mir., 650,

742, 743
Jamal-ud-Din Khan (Saiyid

Sipah Salar), 576
Jamal-ud-Din Khan (title of

Safdar Khan), 788
Jamalu-d-din Mahmud, 543
Jamali, Shaikh, 568
Jama Masjid, 405
Jamand, 642
Jambji, 672
Jameza, 531
Jamil Beg, 393
Jamkheri, 664
Jamu (Jammun), 157, 246,

313, 685, 736
Jamna, 153

Jamrud, 173, 755
Jamshed, 744
Jamshid Beg, M., 31
Jamud (Jamod), 195
Jan, Khwaja, 825
Jana Begam, 56
Janabi, 672
Jan Alam, 390
Jan Baba, 689, 746,
. Jan Baz Khan, 752
Jan Baz Khan (title of Shah

Durrani), 676
Jan Baz Khan (title of San
Sipar Khan Khwaja Baba)
752
Jan Baz Khan (title of Nuru-1-

aiyan), 205
Jan Baz Khan (title of Parvez

Beg), 205
Jan Beg, 204
Jani Begam, 619
Jani Beg Arghun, 127, 527,

582, 743-748
Jani K., 356, 357, 359, 360
Jani Sultan, 356
Janish Bahadur, 748, 749
Jan Muhammad S., 462
Jannat Makani, 603
Jan Nisar Khan, 110-112, 542,

791
Jan Nisar Khan (title of Fedai.

Khan), 563
Jan Nithar Khan (title of

Kamal-ud-Din Husain), 549,

658, 749, 750, 798, 799
Janoji Bhonsle, 31, 702
Janoji Jaswant Mimbalkar,

750, 751
Jan Qulij, 435

"The Maâthir-ul-Umar t 'a

Jansath, 666

Jan Sipar Khan, Khvvaja Baba
752

Jan Sipar Khan Turkaman,
752-754

Januth, 758

Jas, 659

Jasalmir, 462

Jasvvant, 751

Jaswant Singh Rathor

Maharaja, 35, 142, 173, 212,
233, 235, 236, 242, 304, 403.
406, 412, 493, 508, 510, 530,
577, 615, 622, 625, 683, 697,
734, 754-756, 766, 774, 784,
786, 805, 819, 827

Jat, 139, 156, 436,437,618,
619, 789

Jati, 208, 212

Jaunpur, 39, 52, 74, 87, 94,
113, 116, 178, 199, 200,267,
318, 339, 444, 456, 562, 578,
581, 584, 622, 626, 640, 660,
663, 671, 692, 730, 774, 804,
823, 824

Javid K. Bahadur, 139, 592

Jawaher Khamsa, 88

Jawahir Singh Jat, 442

Jawami-ul-Kilam, 514

Jawan Bakht, Sultan Mirza,
677

Jawar (Jawhar), 354, 765

Jehadain, 219

Jessore, 622

Jews, 644

Jhabwa, 309

Jhanjhanun, 134

Jhansi, 264. 265, 381,403,425,
868

lndex

887

Jhapa (Chibh), 758

Jharoka, 58

Jhatra, 525

Jhelam (Jhelum), 61, 214, 289,
561, 565, 758

Jhujhar, 644

Jhuni, 643

Jigha, 68, 69

Jija Anaga, 319

Jilau, 467

Jilaukhana Chauk, 261

Jinana-1-Firdaus, 4

Jind, 827

Jinnat, 47

Jinnatabad, 600

Jinnat Ashiyani, 8, 369

Jinnat Makani, 3, 8

Jitpur, 560

Jiwan Malik, 784

Jodhpur, 174, 235, 373, 618,
646, 710, 754, 786

Johar, 58

Jopra, 802

Joseph, 10, 585

Jotana, 143

Judea, 120

Judhan, 218

Judha Singh, 594

Judi Mali, 163

Jujhar Khan, 706

Jujhar Singh Bandela, 101-
103, 129, 176, 217, 232, 287,
340, 343, 381, 401, 403, 425,
457, 471, 505, 520, 550, 597,
615, 667, 727, 728, 743, 756,
757,758, 781,792, 793,799,
801, 802, 829

Julher, 353

Jumdat-ul-Mulk, 722

Jumla-ul-Mulk, 258, 270-272,
278, 815

Jumla-ul-Mulk, 347

Jumlat-ul-Mulk, 667

Jumna, 178, 184, 188, 242,
372, 379, 435, 440, 527, 581,
604, 677, 675, 676, 699, 722,
768, 808, 828

Jun, 369, 370

Junagarh, 51, 325, 334, 400,
443, 690, 730

Junaid Kararani, 648

Junair, 33, 34, 100, 114, 120,
131,211,219,290,401,456,
485, 493, 520, 532, 535, 549,
588, 669, 682, 694, 749, 763,
787, 794,798, 811, 822, 825

Junamali, 121

Kaaba (Kaaba), 96, 363, 376

Kabir Shalkh, 692

Kab Kalus, 810

Kab Rai, 420, 421

Kabul, 12,41,46,49, 61, 72,
81, 107, 110, 129, 133, 135,
145, 148, 155, 156, 173, 176,
186, 187-193, 196, 198, 209,
212, 213, 222, 223, 233, 243,
245, 246, 247, 250, 252, 260,
285, 297, 311, 313, 323, 334,
338, 345, 346, 355, 358, 365,
377, 380, 392, 402, 407, 409,
420, 440, 447, 472, 484, 520,
521, 542, 563, 572, 578, 584,
587, 599, 600, 605, 609, 620,
621, 622, 627, 639, 640,650,
653, 654, 677, 679, 687, 701,
704, 705, 716, 724, 726, 730,

732, 733, 736, 740, 741, 745,
754, 755, 767, 768, 818, 824,
829, 832, 833

Kabuli Begam, 301

Kach (Kachh), 325, 689, 747

Kachvvaha, 409, 441 , 458

Kaclhi, 580

Kahjvvaha, 510

Kalmard, 188, 208, 580, 767,

821
Kohtaon, 540, 838
Kaimna, 616, 617
Kajna, 699
Kakar, 163

Kakar Ali Khan, 758, 759
Kakar Khan or Khan Jahan

Kakar, 759, 786
Kakar Khan Afghan, 806
Kala, 737
Kala Dehra, 540
Kalalı, 410
Kalan, Malik, 759
Kalanur, 371, 391, 526, 655
Kala Pahar, 548, 648
Kalat, 818
Kalhara, 817, 818
Kalinjar, 367, 577, 667, 802
Kalmani, 747
Kalna, 623
Kalpi, 41,51,57,82, 101,340,

347, 407, 495, 677, 704, 728,

802
Kalyan, 204, 495, 774, 784
Kalyan Mal Rai, 373
Kama, 827
Kamakhya, 416
Kamal, Khwaja, 308
Kanıal, Maulana, 486

"The Maâthir-ul-Umara"

Kamal, Mirak, 12

Kamal, Saiyid, 609

Kamal, Saiyid, 457

Kamal Khan, 829

Kamal K., 839

Kamal Khan Gakkhar, 133,

758-760
Kamal Qarawal, 262
Kamalu-d-din, 505
Kamalu-d-din Ali Khan, 231
Kamalud-Din Husain, 740
Kamalu-d-din Husain Talib,

567
Kamalu-d-din, Mir, 144, 231
Kamalu-d-din Rohilla, 386
Kamalu-d-din Shirwani, 543
Kaman Pahari, 733
Kamarband, 555
Kam Bakhsh, Prince, 158, 170,.

171, 174, 272, 367, 444, 472,

640. 677, 735
Kambhalmir, 400
Kamgar (Husainin), 61
Kamgar (Khvvaja, Ghairat

Khan), 576, 577
Kamgar (son of Hoshdar

Khan Mir Hoshdar), 628
Kamgar Khan, 383, 554, 680,

723, 760, 761
Kamil Batali (Patali), 573
Kamraj, 416
Kamran, M., 148, 370, 430,

519, 599, 600, 621, 701
Kamyab, K., 112, 450
Kamyab, Khan, 622
Kanch (Conjeveram), 194
Kandhila, 482
Kangra, 413-417, 421, 525,

526, 562, 685, 726, 834

]ndex

889'

Kanhar Rao, 669

Kanhoji Sirkiya, 238

Kankera, 456

Kankriya, 811

Kant, 267

Kant Golah, 247

Kantit, 267, 456

Kanwadahan, 313

Karah, 747

Karakar, 422

Kara (Karra) Manikpur, 17,

39, 199, 201, 339, 496, 823
Karan, Rana, 761-764
Karan, Rao, Bhurthiya, 234,

245, 764-766
Karang, 702
Karar, 529, 782
Karara, 158
Karbala, 24, 283, 663
Kard, 543
Kargaon, 121
Kari, 708
Karicor, 533
Karim Dad Kor, 726
Karim Ouli Khan, 643
Karjayi, 717
Kark, 715
Karmaki, 298
Karm Ullah, 185
Kamal, 427, 777
Karnatak, 610
Karnatik (Carnatic), Bijapur,

815
Karnul, 17,132, 171,237,461,

462
Karpa 598

Karra. 429, 444. 759, 794
Kartalab Khan, 685, 719, 774,

808

Kashan, 45, 125, 260, 282,
536

Kashana, 181

Kashghar, 813

Kashmir, 12, 48, 52. 75, 81,
107, 130, 133, 134, 140, 152,
157, 160, 162, 179. 180, 187,
188, 192, 246, 264, 284, 289,
293, 304, 312, 315, 318, 391,
398, 416, 417,451,488,490,
537, 544, 552. 554, 559, 567,
578, 604, 607, 620. 623, 628,
636, 639, 654, 656, 663, 679,
680-682,697,701. 714, 715,
722. 724, 726. 729. 749, 758,
760, 783, 832. 835

Kashi Das, Rai, 484

Kasi Rao, 442

Katak Citwara. 122

Katanga, 37

Kati Gang, 323

Kaukab, Singh. 502

Kautas, 32, 468, 509, 594

Kawafipura, 225

Kayanian, 319

Kayath (Kayasth), 138

Kazarun, 513

Kazim, 279

Kazim Khan. 14

Kerjean, 20

Kerman, 186

Kesar Singh, 766

Kesari Singh, 765

Kesava Deva (Krishna) 425-

Ketama, 590

Kewal Ram, 347

Khabita. 323

Khadıja Begam, 386, 603

-890

Khadija Begam (wife of Azdu-

d-daula lwaz K), 308
Khadija Begam (wife of Ruh

Ullah Khan the 2nd) ; 253
Khadim Husain, 208
Khaf, 128

Khan Khan, 32, 47, 70, 226
Khaibar, 35, 572
Khairabad, 131, 405, 680
Khairagarha Katak, 442
Khairapara, 387
Khairiyat Khan Habshi 781
Khair Ullah, 630
Khairvvar, 442
Khajuha, 784
Khajwa, 530, 618
Khalaf, 642

Khalifa-r-Rahman, 230
Khalil, Mirza, 804
Khalil. Saiyid, 494, 495
Khalil Quli 704
Khalil Sağar, 804
Khalil Ullah. Mir, 295, 773
Khalil Ullah. Mir (son of Mir

Miran Junior). 295, 773
Khalil Ullah Khan, 212, 233-

235, 246, 289, 299, 304, 312,

572, 580, 622, 656, 732, 734,

767-770, 773, 784, 788, 819
Khalil Ullah K. Hasan, 193
Khalil Ullah, Shah, 771, 772
Khalil Ullah Yazdi, Mir,

246, 335, 770-774
Khalsaı, 166, 224, 250, 271,

351, 478, 601, 680
Khan Ahmad, 107
Khan Alam (son of Ihtisham

Khan II), 665

"The Maâthir-ul-Umara"

Khan Alam (son of Khan

Alam Ikhlas Khan), 664
Khan Alam (title of Barkhu-

dar), 295, 296, 389, 390.

391, 392
Khan Alam (title of Çalma

Beg). 80, 430-432
Khan Alam (title of Ghairat

Khan Muhammad ibrahim),

577
Khan Alam (title of Ikhlas

Khan), 236, 664, 811
Khan Alam (title of Iskandar

BegOzbeg), 691

Khanazad Khan, 142, 255,

612, 838
Khanazad Khan Khan Zaman,

209. 212-214, 716

Khan Azam Koka, 40, 41, 51,
69. 81, 121, 124, 164, 173,
178, 180,269, 385, 319-334,
457, 458, 464, 465, 506, 522,
537, 544, 729, 730, 742, 797,
798

Khan Baba, 621

KhanCela, 402

Khan Dauran, 259, 378, 440,
592.601,632, 711, 736,775-
778

Khan Dauran (Khvvaja
Husain), 97, 808

Khan Dauran (Saiyid
Mahmud), 774, 775, 785

Khan Dauran Lang, 558

Khan Dauran Nasarat Jang,
102, 105, 217, 223, 232, 233,
268,287, 343,402,471,472,

3ndex

521,593, 595,597, 627,651,
664, 774, 778-783, 793, 823,
832
Khandes (Khandesh), 53, 54,

56, 58, 102, 119, 121, 131,
146, 158,214, 217, 280, 327,
328, 352, 396, 425, 456, 457,
460, 464, 529, 530, 535, 537,
544, 557, 558, 593. 615, 628,
632, 709, 718, 780, 781, 794,
805, 826

Khandi Dharbary, 632

Khandila, 449

Khangar, 727

Khani, 142

Khanim, 260, 261

Khanish Khanim, 772

Khan Jahan, 823

Khan Jahan Bahadur Kolcal-
tash K, Zafer Jang, 196,
197, 429

Khan Jahan Bahadur Zafar
Jang, Kokaltash, 13, 112,
235,254,271, 311, 314,439,
443,491, 502, 558, 564,618,
625, 626, 766, 783-791

Khan Jahan Barah (Barha),
102, 103,232,235,439,471,
597, 601,667, 726, 731, 735,
757, 758, 764, 791-795

Khan Jahan Quli Beg (Khan),
266, 283, 375, 414, 420, 421,
645-649, 709

Khan Jahan Lodi, 4, 36, 56,

57, 98, 100-102, 105 129,
185, 214, 268, 269, 282, 285,
305, 315-317, 328,341, 386,
392, 401, 408, 424, 456, 457,

891

462, 467,485,486,491, 506.

549, 550, 570, 571, 576. 577,

663, 664,694, 716,718, 728,

731, 749,753, 756, 763, 77^ .

792, 793, 795-804, 812, 822

833
Khan Jahan Turkman, 709
Khanjar K., 373
Khan Kalan, 80
Khan Khanan, 50-56, 80, 115,

122, 127, 128, 179, 185, 204,

285, 324, 325, 332, 378, 422,

450-453, 466, 467, 527. 543.

563, 573, 586, 587, 650,

747, 749, 779, 780, 781, 812
Khan Khanan (A saf Khan,

Yamin-ud- Daulah), 293,

354, 804
Khan Khanan (Bairam Khan),

149, 368-374
Khan Khanan (Intizam-ud-

Daula), 139, 674, 677
Khan Khanan (Koka), 459.

503
Khan Khanan (Mahabat

Khan), 98, 99, 176, 215.

305, 417, 478
Khan Khanan (Mir Muham-
mad Said Mir Jumla), 154,

305, 531, 796, 797
Khan Khanan (Munim Beg),

200,201,432, 692, 709, 746
Khan Khanan (Munim Khan

Bahadur Shahi), 72, 657

668,684, 808
Khan Kilan, 163, 180, 600
Khanpur, 584, 721
Khanqa. 86, 189

892

Khan Quli Ozbeg, 151,
Khansaman (also Khan-i-
Shaman or Mir Saman), 84,
152,315
Khanship, 820,

Khanzada, 168, 212-214, 354
Khanzad Khan, 212-214, 354
Khan Zaman, 38, 39, 134,
197-204, 348, 349, 355, 644,
660,721, 759
Khan Zaman (Bahadur, title,
of Aman Ullah Khan), 162,
212-219, 268, 305, 456, 490,
507, 728, 733,766, 780,781,
794
Khan Zaman (Mir Khalil),
177, 683, 686, 786, 804-807,
829
Khan, Zaman Mewati, 174,

808, 809,
Khan Zaman Shaikh Nizam,

236, 611,664, 809, 811
Khanzamannagar, 67, 729
Khar, 747
Kharakpur, 67, 729
Kharak Purna, 418
KharkRai, 267
Khargaon, 826
Khari, 572, 574
Kharram, (Shah Jahan as
Prince), '83, 194,282, 288,
326
Kharram (son of Khan Azam),

334
Khas Khan, 6C2
Khas Shikar, 581
Khatanun, 367
Khatri, 411

"The Maâthir-ul-Umara"

Khatri Bali, 665
Khattar, 756
Khavvaf, 678
Khawananda, Mir, 80
Khawand Mahmud Khwaja

Khan, Khavvaja, 87
Khawas Khan, 292
Khawas Khan (Qiladar of

Qandhar), 758
Khazana Amra, 5, 11, 25, 31,-

32, 62,
Khelna, 273, 367, 540, 589,

809
Khelaghar, 768
Kherla, 664
Khettris, 72
Khidmat Khan, 566
Khidmatgars, 623
Khidmat Parasi Khan, 291,.

800,811-813
Khidmat, Talab Khan, 33, 34
Khidrabad, 785
Khidri, 523,
Khidr K. Pani, 458, 459
Khidr Khwaja Khan, 691, 701 r

744, 813, 814
Khilat, 21, 720
Khinjan, 189, 297
Khirki, 215, 417, 450, 451,

536, 798
Khirqa, 86
Khirs, 701
Khiyaban, 68, 365
Khizr, S., 513
Khosrose, 391
Khost, 537, 717
Khudaabad, 813
Khudabanda Khan, 547

1NDEX

P93

Khuda Dad, Mir, 744

Khusrau Sultan, 67-69. 190,

Khudawand Khan, Deccani,

356, 363. 365, 820-82?

178, 179, 816, 817

Khutba, 87, 190, 337, 3(3,

Khudayar Khan Leti (Lati),

Khvvas (san) Khan, 826. 827

748, 817-819

Khawabagh, 613

Khujasta Banyad, 253, 310,

Khwaf, 221, 222

536

Khvvafi Khan, 4

Khulasa-Kunin, 141

Khwaja Jah, 36

Khykasaty-t-tawarikh, 4

Khwaja Jahan Herati. 823,

Khuldabad, 34, 122, 613

824

Khuld Makan, 9, 613

Khwaja Jahan Kabuli. 200,

Khuld Manzil, 9

715, 824, 825

Khulam, 189

Khwaja Jahan Khavvfi, 825

Khurah, 336

Khwaliazadas, 302, 371

Khurasan, 128, 176, 209, 213,

Khwarazm, 356, 583, 778

221, 345, 357, 358, 386, 478,

Khvvasi (s), 283

485, 565, 575, 605, 716, 719.

Khwas K., 459

720, 744, 777

Khvvas Khan. 467

Khurda, 165

Khvvas Khan, Habshi. 491, 492

Kurja, 673,

Khvvaspur, 553

Khurram, 627, 762, 763

Khvvesh, 639

Khurseed, Nazr, M., 130

Khvvehgi, 462

Xhussahl Beg, Kashghari, 819

Khyber, 155

Khurshhal Chand, 4

Kid, Malik, 758, 759

Khurshhal Hakim, 607

Kifayat K., 224, 271, 680

Khushi Labeaq, 298

Kifayat Khan, 667

Khush Khabar Khan, 589

Kifayat Ullah Khan, 682

Khusrau, 110, 183, 184, 189,

Kika, 761

228, 285, 289, 327, 328, 331,

Kilan, Khwaja, 101

351, 404,488, 523, 524,535,

Kilchar, 782

585,604,609,620, 621,622,

Kilif, 298

704, 724, 730, 762

Kinji, 598

Kirat Singh, 618, 734, 827,

Khusrau (in Nizami's famous
work "Khusrau and Shirin),

286, 515

828

Khusrau Be, 820

Kirman, 322, 715, 771, 772

Khusrau-i-Zaman, 78

773

Khusrai K. the Circassian,

Kisar Singh, 597

582, 689

Kishan, 717

fc94

Kishan Singh, Bhadavvarya,

Raja, 828, 829
Kishan Singh Rathor, 829,

830
Kishan, 893
Kishn Chand, 666
Kishan Singh, 407
Kishna, 49, 231, 433, 598, 788
Kishngarah, 271, 272, 626,

830
Kishtwar, 488, 490
Kishwar Khan, 666
Koh Aqabin, 511
Kohistan, 246
Koh-i-Sulaiman, 544
Koh.i-Tan, 360
Koh Kara Mar, 246
Koh Lakah, 186
Koh mar, 747
Koh Majahid, 827
Koka, M., 280
Kokla. 597
Kokla Jat, 618
Kokila, 497
Kokna, 736
Köknar, 179, 391
Köknar Khanha, 359
Kokra, 155, 658
Kolapur, 810
Kolis, 467, 787
Kombalmir, 98, 116, 222, 761
Kor.dana (Kandana) 278
Konkan, 71, 79, 165, 166, 217

406, 443, 633, 723, 765, 767,

Koran Jahanabad, 112
Koran, 255, 514
Kornish, 585
Kortha, 121
Kot, 598

"The Maâthirul-Umara""

Kotah, 407

Kotgir, 782

Kotha, 762

Kotlah, 419, 646

Kotwal, 47, 580

Kotwal Khan, 812

Kovvlass, 306

Kuch, 469

Kufa, 41, 638

Kuj, 622

Kukiya, 782

Kukla Jat, 437

Kulab, 519

Kulas or Kaulas, 306

Kulpak, 306, 307

Kumalgarh, 116

Kumaon, 139, 195, 436, 645,

768
Kumhner, 674
Kundana, 464
KunharDas, 419
Kura, 519
Kurdish, 186
Kurdistan, 368
Kurpa, 17
Kurram Ullah, 142
Kurundur, 20
Kutal, 339

Kutila-i-Mirak Jiv., 223
Kutila (of Amanat) 226

Labb Labab, 4, 226

Lachmanan, 25, 27

Ladlai, 653

Lahari (Lari) 746, 747

Lahor (Lahore) 4, 12, 14, 15,
50, 61, 72, 75, 76, 82, 86, 96,
97, 99, 101, 108, 110, 124,.
133, 138-140, 145,152, 153,

INDEX

895

173, 174, 176, 184, 187, 192,
193, 202, 214, 224, 225, 242,
246, 252, 261, 264. 265, 270,
284, 285, 290-293, 312-315,
338, 355, 359, 367, 379, 381,
391, 392, 400, 402, 405, 408,
414. 418,421, 434, 435,444,
449, 462, 486, 488, 496, 514,
518, 519, 524, 526, 534, 542,
549, 551, 552, 559, 567, 583,
605,609,621,626,641, 642,
644, 656, 657, 659, 665, 676,
679, 688, 691, 695, 699, 701,
704, 716. 726, 733, 734, 746,
747, 754, 755, 770, 773, 783,
784, 786, 789. 794, 795, 798,
808, 871, 814, 817, 823, 835,
838

Lahahori, M., 434, 435

Lahsa, 698

Laila and Mujnun, 515

Laili, 56

Lakhanpur, 369

Lakhi (Lakhi Jangal) 52, 270,

642, 688, 750, 826
Lakhnau, 198
Lakhnauti, 776
Labhnur, 369
Lakuk, 776
Lala Beg Kabuli, 728
Lala Rajah, 423
Lalang, 537

Lal Kanwar (Kunwar) 197
Lamghanat 248
Langahs, 745
Langar (Langarkot)246
Langari 817
Lanji, 103, 343, 801,

Lar, 71, 513
Lari, 747
Larkana, 817
Lashkar-i-dua, 521
Lashkar Khan, 830, 831
Lashkar Khan 'Abdul Hasan

Mashhadi, 271, 340, 380,,

447, 578, 656, 715, 831-834
Lashkar Khan Bahadur Naşir

Jang (Rukn-ud-Daula,

Saiyid) 834, 835
Lashkari, 759, 760
Lashkari, Mirza, 800
Lataif-ul-Akhbar, 4
Lati (Leti) 817
Latif Ullh, Hakim. 109
Latif Mirak, 834
Latif Ullah Bahai Khan 582
Latif Ullah K., 140
Little Khan, 191
Liyunan. 786
Lobhkati, 707 '
Lodi 795
Lohardaga 715
Lohgaon 72, 438, 542, 554,

717
Lohgarha, 179
Lohrasp K., 68
Lubbu-t-tawarikh 79
Lucknow. 49, 56, 63, 108,
156, 280, 312, 339, 644, 660,.

670, 676, 683, 692, 824
Ludiana (Ludhiana) 169, 676,

741
Luni, 458
Lunkaran Kashwaha, Rai,

836, 837
Lutf Ullah (Hakim of Persia)
109

«96

LutfUllah (Mirza, Lashkar

Khan) 834
Lutf Ullah (name of Murshid

Quli Khan Bahadur) 720
Lutf Ullah Khan, 366, 837-

840
Lutf Ullah Khan Sadiq, 840

Ma'ali, Mirza, 205
Ma'an, 693
Maasir Alamgiri 4
Maasir-ul-Ikram, 31, 32,
Maathir-i-Jahangiri, 577
Maasir-ul-Umara, 1-11, 32
Maatbar K, 445, 446
Macgregor, 357
Machiwarah, 192
Machlibandar (Masulipatam).

19
Machlibhavvan, 794

Maci, 501

Macivvara. 370, 375
Maclagan, General, 435
Macligaon, 316, 341
Madad Kharaj, 678
Madad-i-maash, 821
Madaliya and Madalpa, 220
Madarih, 139
Madhukar Bundila (Bundela),

407, 423
Madhumati, 498
Madhu Singh, 319
Madhu Singh Hara, 407, 802
Madhu Singh Kachvvaha, 394
Madras. 27, 132
Mafakhir Khan, 519
Mafavvvvaz Ullah K. Bahadur

Jang Ikataz, 66

"The Maâthir-ul-Umara"

Maftah, 367, 540

Magh, 428, 694

Maghrabin, 142

Mahaban, 436, 462, 731

Mahabat 626

Mahabat Jang, 206

Mahabat K., 206, 207

Mahabat Khan Haidarabadi,
265

Mahabat Khan Khan Khanan,
Commander-in-Chief, 57,
59, 60, 61, 63-65, 97, 101,
129, 141, 167, 168, 209, 212-
216, 218, 269, 287, 289, 293,
296, 302, 303, 328. 329, 378,
379, 407, 424, 452, 453, 455,
456, 490, 506, 524, 527, 533,
534, 549, 560, 561. 570, 574,
586. 607, 627, 640, 660, 669,
731, 756, 757, 762. 764, 770,
780, 781, 792, 798, 799, 829,
832. 833,

Mahabat Khan Mirza Lahrasp,
75, 243. 245, 313, 785

Mahad Aliya, 261

Mahadev, 415

Mahakot, 780

Mahmai, 647

Matham Anaga, 145, 146, 148,
348, 372, 373, 384, 457

Mahamaya, 415

Mahan, 771

Mahanda (Mahanadij, 154,
498

Maha Rao 751

Magarump, 412

Maha Singh, 725

Index

897

Mah Banu, 51- 55
Mah Cucak (also Mah

Chuchak, Begam), 134
Mahdavi. 74. 114, 115. 513
Mahdi, 94, 116
Mahdighat, 140
Mahdism, 95, 512
Mahdi, Mirza, 474
Mahdi Qasim K., 28, 357
Mahiabad (Puna), 278
Mahindri, 320
Mahi-u-Maratib, 18, 780
Mahkar (Mahakar), 64. 178,

417, 529, 717,719
M ah m and,, 609
Mahmud (grandson of Alam

Khan Lodi), 800
Mahmud (son of Daulat Khan

Lodi), 467
Mahmud (son of Khan Jahan

Lodi), 802
Mahmudabad, 142, 423, 498
Mahmud Mirzan, Sultan, 368
Mahmud, Saiyid, 774, 783
Mahmud, Sultan (son of

Aurangzib), 450
Mahmud, Sultan, 116, 142
Mahmud. Sultan, Langah, 745
Mahmud, Khan (governor of

Galna fort), 214
Mahmud Khan (Khwaja, son

of Mubariz Khan), 101
Mahmud Khan Barah, Saiyid,

163
Maholi (Mahuli), 217
Mahrana, 77
Mahrattas, 131, 137, 155,280,

444, 579 , 838

Mahtavi, K., 160, 162. 163

Mahwar, 211, 596

Mainpuri, 131

Majlis Rai, 161, 162

Majna. 669

Majnun K. Qaqshal. 38, 39,

201, 202, 335, 406
Makasdar. 238
Makhan, Saiyid, 793
Makhdumu-1-mulk (Sultan-

puri), 42-44, 118
Makhdumu-1-mulk (title of

Maulana Abdullah), 201
Makhmur, 209, 720
Makhsusabad, 462
Makhzan-ul-Asrar, 515
Maknahal, 433
Malang, Mir, 170, 220
Maldah, 154
Maldeo (Maldev) Rao, 369,

373, 646
Malgaon, 686
Mal Gosain, Raja, 649
Mali, 121
Malik Amber, 58, 63, 100,

167, 185, 214,226, 269,285,

350, 417, 451, 532, 533, 534-

536, 752, 796, 797, 798, 832,

833
Malika-i-Zamaniya (Malika-

uz-Zamini), 675
Malik Dabt, 779
Malik Husain Koka, Mir,

520, 387
Maliku-sh-shaara (also

Shurai), 260, 421, 515
Malik-ut-Tajjar, 628
Malkanda, 611

898

Malkapur, 78, 796

Malkusah (var. Malkousah),
61. 342,

Malu K., 394

Maluri (var. Mahva), Gate,
347

Mahva, 13, 35, 36, 37-41, 51,
52, 57, 74, 80, 82-84, 93,
101, 102, 131, 137, 140, 146,
150, ı70, 180, 214, 217, 281,
288, 300, 301, 309, 320, 325,
348, 369, 394-396, 403, 418,
430, 451, 457, 472, 485, 486,
506, 508-510, 536, 570, 579,
590, 593, 610, 613, 615, 628,
632, 633, 644, 656, 661, 662,
664. 669, 674, 677, 682, 686,
696, 700, 704, 706, 709, 710,
722-725, 728, 731, 735, 750,
754, 756, 759, 762, 774, 776,
780, 781, 782, 793, 799, 802,
805, 815, 819, 827

Mamurabad, 357

Mamur K., 231,

Mamtazu-z-Zamani, 260, 261,
484

Manji Bhonsle, 685, 774
Manavvar, 236
Manavvar K., 462
Manbah, 687

Manbau Nafais-ul-Uyun, 514
Mandal, 761, 762
Mandalgarh, 792, 768
Mandalik, Raja, 761
Mandan, 367, 540
Mandasor (Mandesor,
Mandesur), 367, 540
Mandavi Mainabad, 783

"The Maâthir-ul-Umara'*

Mandgaon, 238

Mandu. 57-59, 82, 83, 93, 99„

100, 131, 151, 418, 469, 560,

651, 701, 705, 709, 799, 826,.
Manglaur Shah Badra-d-din,

532
Manglore, 598
Mangalsirpa, 503
Manhj, Shaikh, 459
Manikdrug, 502
Manik Rai, 694
Manipur, 38, 39, 115, 455,

527
Manjara, 67, 317, 341, 350
Manjhaligaon, 801
Manji Mullar, 502
Mankarvval, 203
Mankli, K. 464
Mankot, 95, 145, 348, 392,

644, 759, 814
Manohar, Rai, 837
Mansab (s) 8, 32
Mansabdars, Mughal, 835
Manshur, 125
Man Sîngh, Kunvvar, 609, 724„

749, 836
Man Singh, Raja, 56, 98, 236,

285, 295, 327, 393, 405, 408-

411, 523, 584,648,692, 718,

719, 725, 762, 795
Mansur, 387
Mansurgarha, 387
Mansur Haji, S., 509, 510
Mansur, K., 306, 534
Mansur Khan, 795

Mansur Khan Barah, Saiyid,

795
Mansur Khan Rozbahani, 718-
Mansur-ud-Daula, 682

Index

899-

Manuchihr, Mir, 686
Manuchihr (Manuchehro

Mirza Khan, Mirza), 736,

833
Maqaddami, 532
Maqam, 603

Maqbul-i-Alam, Shaikh, 33
Maqsudabad, 676
Maqsud Ali 709
Maqsud Beg, 511
Marhamat Khan, 13, 253, 611,

822, 826
Marhara, 645
Marhattas. 122
Markiz Anwar, 515
Martyr's Garden. 568
Marucaq (Marcuhaq), 358
Maruf, Snaikh, 7, 223
Marv (Merv), 355, 577
Marvvangarh, 367
Marvvar, 401,490, 737
Maryam Hafıza, 681
Maryam Makani, 705
Mary and Jesus, 96
Mashhad. Holy, 65, 128, 177,

181, 187,299, 301, 348, 351,

375, 376, 567, 777, 778, 816,

827, 834
Masiha-i-Kairanvi, 617
Masnd, 16, 28, 31, 48,
Masnavi, 53, 475
Mastaqarru-1-Khafa, 448
Masud Mirza, 647
Masud Khan, Saiyid, 640
Masulipatam, 31
Masum Beg Safavi, 721
Masum Khan Farrankhudi,

81, 267

Masum Khan Kabuli, 283,

323, 324. 335-337
Mataqad K, 578, 579
Mathura, 235, 288, 405, 424,

425, 436, 437, 462, 497, 574,

603, 604,618, 620, 654, 670,

672, 673, 675, 689, 754
Matlab Khan Mirza Matlab,

815
MatlibK., 450
Matmadu-d-daula, 54
Mau, 297, 344, 392, 393, 413,

520, 623, 725, 726, 732. 794
Maududi, 298
Mausul, 558, 559
Mauzun, 826
Mavle. 220

Ma\varidu-1-Kilam, 516
Mazandaran (Mazindaran),.

260, 390, 739
Mazar-u-sharif, 190
Mecca, 32, 35,43,44, 71, 74,

76, 94, 108, 134, 142, 150,
189, 252, 301, 351, 435,567,

677, 678, 681, 698, 703, 707,,

778, 801
Medak (Midak), 548
Medina, 79, 165, 353, 416,

567, 597
Mekran, 689, 747
Mesopotamia, 699
Mewar (Meywar), 401, 425,,

734, 761
Mevvas (Meos), 823, 827
Mewat, 50, 312, 337, 419, 570,,

646, 768, 808, 813, 828
Midad, 74
Miftah, 367, 540

900

Mihman Begam, 721

Mihr Ali, 528

Mihrpur, 97, 98

Mihtar Sakai 519

Mijar, 68

Min (Mubin), 449

Minhaju-d-din, 93

Mir Arz (Mir Arzi), 51. ?r»ı

Mir Atish, 306, 312

Mir Bahr, 561

Mir Bakhshi, 148, 171

Mir Ha.j, 778

Mir Mal, 301

Mir Saman (Mir-i-Saman)
152, 260

Mir Shikar, 267

Mir Tuzuk, 104, 240

Mir Jumla, 836

Mir Jumla Khan Khanan, 309,

600, 631, 636

Mir Khan, 234

Mir Maulana, 367

Mir Miran (of Yazd, title

Murtada-i-Mammalk-Islam)

772, 773

Mir Miran, 295, 767

Mir Saiyid, 245

Mir Saiyid Muhammad 687

Mir Shamsher, 51

Mirajiyya, 89

Mirak, Khwaja, (Divvan). 363

Mirak, Khwaja (of Isfahan),
816

Mirak Ata Ullah, 222
Mirak Husain, 12, 222
Mirak Husain Khvvafi, 223
Mirak Kamal, 12, 220
Mirak Khan, 588
Mirak Muhammad Taqi K
14, 482

"The Maathir-ul-Umara"

Mirak Muin K., 229
Mirak Muinu-d-din Ahmad
Amanat Khan Khwafi, 14,
22, 223, 680
Mirak, Shaikh Haravi 642
MirabTaqi, 483
Miran Husain, 113
Miran Mı:barak, 396
Miran Mubarak, Shah, 709
Miran Sac'r Jahan Mufti, 606
Miran Saiyid. 608
Mirat Ahmadi, 74
Miratu-1-Alam, 4, 47
Miratu-s-Safa, 5
Mirat Waridat, 5
Miriam Makani, 9, 45, 284,

372
Miradh, 293
Miradadpur, 196

Mirtha (Merta), 30, 40, 575,

630, 631, 727, 737
Mirtha (Mertha), 185, 198,
Mirza (s), 27
Mirza Beg, 824
Mirza Khan. (title of Mirza

Abdu-r-rahim Khan

Khanan), 54, 55. 164, 708,
837

Mirza Khan (title of Sultan
Hasan B. Sultan Husain of
Sabazvvar), 113, 114

Mirza Koka 323, 326, 331,
729, 730

Mirzapur, 267

Mirza Raja, 732

Misri, Hakim, 544, 516

Mıtr Sen, Raja, 369

Miyan Duab. 264, 505. 640
661

Miyankal, 350

lndex

90 l

Miyan K., 325

Miyan Manjhali, 477

Miyan Masti, 35

Miyan Sahib, 641

Miyan Saiyid, 79

Miyanah Afghans, 759

Mohan, 458

Mohan Singh, 765, 766

Mohesh Das, 420

Monghyr, 136

Moradabad, 163, 177, 300,

339, 582, 673
Morang, 137, 637
Mosan, 353
Moses, 569, 791
Mott, 425
Mozaffar, Mir. 302
Mozaffar, Sultan, of Gujrat,

51, 325
Mozffar Husain, 311
Mozaffar Husain, M., 41, 506,

536, 537,
Mozaffar Jang, 16, 17, 19, 29,

131, 279, 280, 446
Mozaffar K., 440
Mozaffar K. Barha, Saiyid,

576, 577
Mozaffar Kirmani, M., 402
Mozaffarnagar, 433
Muatamad K., 577
Muazzam, 145, 590
Muazzam, 693

Muazzam Khan Khanan, 154,
211, 242, 276. 462, 463, 472,
495,497,498, 500, 511, 530,
661, 685,697. 749
Muazzam Khan Safavi, 789
Mubarak, 117

Mubarak. 608
Mubarak Khan Bokhari,

Saiyid, 635, 706
Mubarak Khan Lohani, 375
Mubarak Ullah, 208
Mubarak Ullah, Mir, 684
Mubrik Khan, 461
Mubariz Khan Adali (Adil),

759
Mubariz Khan Imad-ul-Mulk,
15, 84, 240, 309, 310, 481,
487, 548,684,718,719, 751,
826
Muftakhir, K., 355
Muftakhir (Muftkhr) Khan,

628, 805
Mufti, 96
Mughalistan, 813
Mughal Khan Arab Shaikh,

760
Muhakam Singh, 508
Muhakam Singh, 440, 441
Muhammad, 9, 46, 92
Muhammad, Haji. 39, 814
Muhammad, Mir, 300
Muhammad, Mirza (Asalat

Khan), 300
Muhammad, Mirza (son of

Afzal Khan), 334
Muhammad, Mirza (son of

Ghulam Ali Khan), 690
Muhammad, Mirza (son of

Mir Badi of Mashhad), 827
Muhammad, Prince, 248
Muhammad, Saiyid, 701
Muhammad, Sultan, 137, 241,

312, 511, 557
Muhammadabad, 33, 433, 722

■902

Muhammad Adil Shah, 214,
292, 595, 694, 785

Vıuhammad Akbar, Sultan,
110, 140, 174, 175, 236, 271,
300,371,407,430,558,578,
588, 601, 663, 680, 696, 723,
775, 787, 790, 823

Muhammad Ali, Mir, 740

M. Ali Asghar, 286

Muhammad Ali Khan, 16,
228, 760

Muhammad Ali Salar Jang
Mirza, 691

Muhammad Amin, 425

Muhammad Amin Diwana,
50

Muhammad Amin Khan, 155,
241-245, 313, 443, 472, 769,
770, 805

Muhammad Amin Khan Chin
Bahadur, ltimad-ud-Daulah,
220, 426, 438, 602, 633, 636,
710, 776, 839

Muhammad Amin, Mir, 447

Muhammad Anvvar Khan, 633,
750

Muhammad Asad, 166

Muhammad Ashraf, 347

Muhammad Aurangzib
Bahadur (Prince Sultan) 345,
352, 754, 768, 782, 829

Muhammad Azam (Azim)
Shah, 170, 171, 206, 221,
225,236,258,274, 314, 382,
383, 388, 444, 460, 473, 503,
528, 529, 547, 556, 557, 579,
588, 590, 591, 593, 614, 619,
«28, 629, 656, 657, 664. 673,

"The Maâthir-ul-Umara"

681,723, 735,761,788.789,

790, 810, 838, 839
Muhammad Azim, Prince

Sultan, 111, 314, 383. 614
Muhammad Azim-ush-shah,

Prince 656
Muhammad Bakhtiyar Shaikh,

741
Muhammad Baqa, 788

Muhammad Baqi, 746
Muhammad Baqi Qalmaq, 369
Muhammad Baqir, Mir, 804
Muhammad Basit, Khwaja ;

775
Muhammad Bidar Bakht,

Prince, 158. 194,644
Muhammad Bokhari Radavi

Mir, Saiyid, 737
Muhammad Dilawar, 487
Muhammad Farrukh-siyar, 10,

197, 258, 276, 429, 433, 460,

461.475, 487, 555, 579., 614,

629, 630, 663, 675, 681, 684,

710, 711, 775, 818, 840
Muhammad Gesudaraz,

Saiyid, 205
Muhammad Ghaznavi,

Shaikh, 320
Muhammad Ghiyath, Mir,

696

Muhammad Ghiyath Khan
Bahadur, 750, 751

Muhammad Ghiyath-ud-Din
Ali Asaf Khan, 661

Muhammad Hadi. 719
Muhammad, Hakim Mirza
40. 43, 96. 134, 135, 156,
164. 201. 320, 393, 357, 505,
519. 584,604. 609. 741. 748.
762

Index

903

Muhammad Husain, 27
Muhammad Husain Dasht

Bayazi, 485
Muhammad Husain K. Mir,

14
Muhammad Husain K. Mir,

483
Muhammad Husain Khursani,

623
Muhammad Raj, 756
Muhammad İbrahim Multafat

K., 299, 581
Muhammad ikram, 74, 78
Muhammad Iradaimand

Khan, Saiyid Mir., 321
Muhammad ismail K,, 579
Muhammad Izzu-d-din,

Prince, 197
Muhammad Jarıfar, 426
Muhammad Jıfar, Khvvaja,

775
Muhammad Jafar, 684
Muhammad Kam Bakhsh,

Prince, 307, 460, 492, 702

Muhammad Kazim, 610, 665
Muhammad Kazim Khan

Maghfur, Marhum, Mabrur,

15, 31, 163

Muhammad Khalil, 71
Muhammıd Khalil Inayat

Khan, 839
Muhammad Khalil, Mir, 449
Muhammad Khan, 641, 708,

709, 796
Muhammad K., 241
Muhammad Khan Bangash,

138, 635, 676, 735
Muhammad Khan, Mir, 321

Muhammad Khan Qudsi.

Haji, 398
Muhammad Latif, 193
Muhammad Mah, 197
Muhammad Mahdi, Mir, 607
Muhammad Mahdi Khan
Mir, 483

Muhammad Masaud, 157
Muhammad Masih Murad

Khan. 625
Muhammad Nasum, 63
Muhammad, Mir, 160
Muhammad Mirza, Sultan,

721
Muhammad Muali Khan, 78
Muhammad Muazzam, Prince

Sultan, 110, 236, 271, 382,

406, 502, 554, 578, 661, 663,

755, 760, 785, 786, 790, 791,
Muhammad Muhsin, 509,

785
Muhammad Muizz-ud-Din,

Prince, 382, 680, 688, 791,

806
Muhammad Muqim, 620
Muhammad Murad Kashmiri,

707, 709

Muhammad Murad Khan II,
170, 254

Muhammad Murad Khan
Uzbeg, 231

Muhammad Murtada Khan,
779

Muhammad Murtaza K, 425

Muhmmadnagar, 751

Muhammad Naim, 486

Muhammad Nazir K., 35

Muhammad Numan, Mir,
697

904

Muhammad Pannh, Mir, 592,
Muhammad Parsa, Khwaja,

77
Muhammad Qasim, 3
Muhammad Qasim Khan, 623
Muhammad Qulai Afshar,

284
Muhammad Quli, 578
Muhammad Quli Khan

Badas, 40, 348, 527, 491
Muhammad Quli Kutb-1-mulk,

594
Muhammad Qulij

Muhammad K.. 434
Muhammad Raza, 181, 194
Muhammad Rida Lahori, 76
Muhammad sadiq, 537
Muhammad Said, 348, 527
Muhammad Said Khalil

Ullah, 299
Muhammad Said Khan, 839,

840
Muhammad Said Mirza, 686
Muhammad Saiyid Mir, 279
Muhammad Saiyid 74, 94,

113, 116, 241, 817
Muhammad Salih, 690
Muhammad Salih Kambu, 4
Muhammad Shafi, 5, 792
Muhammad Shafi, Mir,696
Muhammad Shah Padishah,
9,15,33, 34, 72, 112, 138,
161, 166, 175, 206, 231, 240,
309, 427, 430, 441, 444, 461,
482, 483, 579, 592, 596, 610,
614, 635, 643, 666, 675, 681,
684, 690, 718, 720, 735, 765,
766, 776. 777, 778, 790, 809,
826, 836, 839, 840

"The Maâthir-ul- Umara"'

Muhammad Shah Lodi, 812
Muhammad Sharif (father o f

Ahmad Beg Khan) 156
Muhammad Sharif (Munshi

of Superintendent of

Posting Office) 554
Muhammad Shuja, Prince

Sultan, 176, 211,212,292,

295,305, 318,402,496, 521 r

682, 715, 780, 793
Muhammad Sultan, 191
Muhammad Sultan, Prince.

154, 264, 405, 508, 521. 597,

682, 697, 755,
Muhammad Tahir, 252
Muhammad Tahir, Bohra, S.,.

73
Muhammad Taqi, 560
Muhammad Taqi, M. 114
Muhammad Taqi K., 267,

449
Muhammad Taqi K., Mir,

231
Muhammad Tughlaq, Sultan,

744
Muhammad Waris, 4
Muhammad Yar, M., 388
Muhammad Yar, Khan, 255
Muhammad Razi, Saiyid, 514
Muhammad Zaman, 379
Muhammad Zaman Khan

640, 641
Muhaqqiq-Dawwani, 172
Muhibb Ali Khan, 575
Muhibb Ali Khan Rohtagi,

266
Muhib Ullah, Mir, 144
Muhiu-din, 235

îndex

905

Muhi-ud-Din Quli Khan, 840
Muhiy-us-Sunnat, 677
Muhkam Singh, Raja, 632,

633, 638,
Muhrdar, 261
Muhsin K., 66
Muhtaram Beg, 180
Muhtasib, 619
Muin-ud-Din, 634
Muin-ud-Din, Chishti, 179

410, 453
Muinu-d-Din, Mirak, 12, 221-

230
Muin-ud-Din Quli Khan, 80
Muin-ud-Din Sanjari,

Khvvaja, 742
Muin-ul-Mulk, 675
Muizz-ud-Daulah, 601, 602,

610
Muizz-ud-Din Prince-Sultan,
228, 275, 283, 459, 612, 675,
817, 818
Muizzu-1-mulk Akbari, Mir,

177, 178, 457
MujahidKhan, 680
Mujma-ul-bahar ghariba-1-

Laghatu-1-Hadith, 74
Mujtahid, 333
Mujtahids, 43
Mukarram Khan Mir Ishaq,

140, 58 ; .
Mukarram Khan Safavi,

Mirza, 156, 581,671
Mukhlas Khan, 258, 562
Mukhlaspur (Mukhlispur),

581, 640, 828,
Mukhlas Ullah K., 157
Mukhlis K., 166, 510

Mukhlis Khan I, 249-251
Mukhlis Khan II, 228
Mnkhlis Khan Qazı Nizam

Karhardui, 531
Mukhtar, 306
Mukhtar Beg, 700, 701
Mukhtar Khan Mir Shamsud-

Din, 140, 204, 806
Mukhtar Khan Qamar-ud-

Din, 508, 663, 681
Mukramat Khan (also
Makramat Khan), 614, 722,
768
Mulaskhkhas, 5
Mulak Chand, 234
Mulhair (vars. Muller,
Mulleir), 34, 352, 353, 579
Mulhar Raj Holker (Mulher
Holker), 139, 442, 592, 674,
777
Mulkhair (vars. Mulher and

Mulkhair), 205, 433
Mulla Baha, 753
Mulla Mir, 302
Mulla Mir Ali, 331
Mulla Mir Kalan, 302
Mulla Mir Talib, 302
Mulla Mir Jan, 567
Mulla Muhammad, 434
Mulla Muhammad Lari, 269,

292, 753, 832
Mulla Muhammad Sun, 739

Mulla Murshid, 583
Mulla Mustafa, 434, 435
Mulla Naziri, 62
Mulla Pir Muhammad K.,
199, 373, 374

Mulla Salih, 448

906

Mulla Shafh, 446
Mulla Yahia, 166, 167
Mul M onoharnagar, 837
Multafat Khan, 683, 753
Multafat Khan, 255, 273
Multafat Khan Mir ibrahim

Husain, 260, 382, 449, 770
Muluk Cand (Chand), Rai,

579, 593
Mumidana, 407
Mümin K., Khwaja, 310
Mümin Khan, Najm Sani,

162, 382
Mümtaz (Mamtaz) Mahal

(also Taj Mahl), 9, 288, 294,

679, 806
Mumtaz-uz-Zaman, 614
Munawwar Khan Shaikh

Miran, 811,
Mungi Pattan, 142
Munim Beg Khan Khanan,

133, 145, 147, 201, 349, 374,

584,600, 660, 701,741,757,

823
Munim Khan (also Munim K).

51, 174, 200, 274, 301, 645,

647, 831
Munim Khan Khanan Khan

Bahadur Shahi, 539, 540,

808
Münkir, 435

Muntakhabu-t-tawarikh, 3
Muqarrab Khan, 299, 616,

617, 644, 809
Muqarrab Khan (a Turkish

slave), 317, 532, 664, 779,

801
,Muqim., M. 137

"The Maâthir-ul-Umara"

Muqim Khawaja, 575

Muqim, Naqshbandi, M., 281

Murad Bakhsh, Prince, 68,
106, 177, 189, 190, 235, 245,
298, 299, 300. 344, 345, 363,
402,403,471, 485, 506, 580,
619, 654, 662, 664, 667, 726,
731,732, 754, 767,794, 822

Murad Khan Safavi Mirza,
774

Murad Khan, Sultan, 558

Murad, Sultan, 53, 56, 169,
178,233,325, 331,472, 505-
507 510, 655, 724, 819, 841

Muradabad, 195, 700, 701,

' 703, 710

Murari (Murari Pandit), 506

Murar Rao Ghorpura
(Murarirao Ghorpade), 85

Murrawwij-ud-Din, 654

Murshidabad, 206, 207, 530,

720
Murshid Quli. 563
Murshid Quli Khan, 206,

207, 475, 478, 719, 720
Murshid Quli Khan

Khurasani, 474
Murshid Quli Khan Turkman,.

436
Murshid Yazdjaardi, Mulla,

583
Murtada, 608, 638, 804
Murtada, Pasha, 698, 699
Murtadabad (Mirichor

Miraj), 703
Murtadanagar, 811
Murtada Khan, 105, 315, 650}
Murtada-i- M am alik-i-Islam,

772

INDEX

907

Murtada Khan Bokhari

Shaikh Farid), 750
Murtada Quli, 754
Murtaza, 326
Murtaza, K, 505, 524
Murtaza K. Anju, 105
Murtaza K. Mir, 548
Murtaza K. Shaikh Farid,

455
Murtaza Mir, 120, 816
Murtaza Nizam Shah, 56, 113
Murtaza Nizam Shah II, 532

534, 536,
Murtaza Shariff, Mir, 201
Musa, 609, 653
Musa Khan Fuladi, 374
Musafir Khan, 835
Müsavi Khan, 674
Müsavi K., 474
Müsavi Khan Mirza Muizz,

429, 473
Müsavi Khan Sadr, 260, 739
Müsavi (Masawi) Saiyid (s),

425, 551
Muscat, 175, 176
Müslim, K, 509
Mustafa Khan, 70, ' 551, 643
Mustafa Khan Muhammad

A. Ahmin, 292
Mustaad Khan Muhammad

Shafi-Saqi, 4, 666
Mutamad Khan Bakhshi, 3,

44
Mutaman-ud-Daula Ishaq

Khan, 690
Mutaman-ul-Mulk 'Ala-ud-

Daula Khan Bahadur Asad

Jang, 719

Mutamid Khan, 66, 287, 402,

485, 682
Mutamidu-d-daula Bahadur

Sirdar Jang, 66
Mutaqad Khan Mirza Makki,,

780
Mutaqid Khan 668, 685'
Muthawwar Khan Bahadur

Khvreshgi, 16, 299
Muzaffar, 804
Muzaffarabad, 828
Muzaffar Gujarati, Sultan,

(also Muzaffar Khan

Gujarati), 51, 52, 412, 520
Muzaffar Husain, Mir, 783
Muzaffar Husain, Mirza, 837'
Muzaffar Khan, 777, 788
Muzaffar Khan Barha, Saiyid,

800
Muzaffar Khan Mir Abdur

Razzaq Mamuri, 214, 269

799
Muzaffar Khan, Saiyid, 791,

795, 802, 811, 812
Muzaffar Khan Turbati, 39,

40, 80, 107, 180, 266, 283„

323, 336,411, 485, 519, 543,

648, 667, 823, 830
Muzaffarnagar, 617
Muzzu-1-mulk, Mir, 40
Myconda, 16
Mysore, 18, 555, 598

Naaman K. (Mir), 66
Nabahar Be, 222
Nabi, 637
Nabi Nagar 131
Nabir, 759

'908

Nadaf, 105

Nadarbar, 781

Nadhr Be, 821, 825

Nadhr Muhammad, 627, 678,

727, 731, 733, 768, 820, 821,

822, 833
Nadhr Qııli, 777
Nadim Koka, 148
Nadina, 177, 178
Nadir Shah, 241, 308, 309

427, 482, 748, 777, 778, 809,

818, 819, 836, 840
Nadiru-1-mulk Humayun-

Shahi Saiyid Ali Judai, 545
Nadlru-z-Zamani, 4
Nadot, 52
Nagarcand, 295
Nagar Das, 769
Nagarkot, 413, 414, 420, 421,

646, 647
Naghaz, 338
Naghma, 395
Nagına, 177, 339
Nagoda Miyan, 580
Nagor, 117,234, 373, 674,

725
Nagpur, 458, 702, 782
Nahar, 386
Nahavand, 485
Nahr (Bihisht), 553
Nahnvala, Pattan, 95, 374
Nailanka, 784
Naim Beg, 639
Nao-ud-Din, Saiyid, 772
Nainsukh, 202
Naishapur 486
Nait, 164
Najabat Khan Mirza Shuja,

668, 685, 696

"The Maâthir-ul-Umara"

Najabat K., 577, 579

Najib Khan Rohilla, 441

Najibu-d-din Suhrawardi, 381

Najibu-nisa, 97

Najm Gilani, Mir, 385

Najm Sani, 162, 382, 386

Najm-ud-Din 'Ali Khan
Barah, Saiyid, 376-378

Najmud-daula, 208, 690 691

Najgjgasmp. 604

Nakir, 435

Nakodar, 790

Naldrug, 33, 34, 204, 459, 785

Nal Daman, 515

Namdar Khan, 723

Namgarha, 360

Nanak Ram, 272

Nanda Jam, 650, 744, 745

Nandarbar, 353

Nander, 67, 238, 239, 310,
535, 594, 596, 597, 610, 836

Nandgair, 540

Nandgarha, 367

Nandial, 272

Nanhu, 608, 706

Naniya, 353

Naqha, 159

Naqib Khan Mir Ghiyath-ud-
Din Ali, 752

Naqshbandi, 101,302, 662

Naqqara-i-Akhir, 85

Naqus, 210

Narain Das Rathor, 281

Narbadda, 16, 59, 60, 82, 112,
232, 378, 396, 451, 460, 493,
601,550, 591, 632, 651, 662,
685, 750, 781,"/92, 798

Narmal, 18

Index

Narnala, 761

Narnol, 134, 409, 640, 673,

804, 820
Narpat Singh, 594
NarSingh, 202
Narvvar, 82, 123, 550
Nasapur, 747
Nasib Nazr Beg, Taghai,

Khvvaja, 363
Nasik, 98, 120, 122, 130, 168,

185, 353, 507, 537, 623, 765
Naşir Mirza, 745
Naşir, Shaikh, 817
Nasira, 260
Nasirabad, 205, 491
Naşir Khan, 130, 215. 408,

626, 774, 779, 780, 790
Naşir Jang, 17, 32, 33, 34, 84,

131, 279,310,446, 461,492,

602, 751, 826, 836,
Naşir Khan Muhammad

Aman, 640
Nasir-ud-Daula Salabat Jang,

836
Nasir-ud-Din, Ahrar, Khwaja,

87,97
Nasir-ud-Din, Sultan, 620 747
Naskh, 301, 304
Nasratabad, 273
Nasrat Jang, 778,782
Nasarat (Nusrat) Khan, 685
Nasr Ulla, 64
Nastaliq, 304

Naudhar Safavi, Mirza, 766
Nauras, 539
Nauras Tara, 539
Nauruz Beg Qaqshal. 727
Naushaba, 416
Naushahra, 133, 290, 697

909

Naushairwan the Just, 761
Navati, 164

Nawab Asaf Jah, 548,558, 809
Nawab Begam Sahib, 512
Nawab Fath Jang, 239
Nawab Zinatu-n-Nisa Begam,

273
Nawazzish Khan Nirza Abdul

Kafi, 512, 622
Nawazish Khan Sa'ad UUah

400, 419
Nawab Auliya, 637
Nazul Ma, 475
Nazim of the Deccan, 663
Nazim of Haidarabad, 306
Naziri Mirza, 114
Naziri Mulla, 62
Nazrbar, 524
Nazr Muhammad K., 48, 68,

176, 188, 189-192, 208, 209,

212, 213, 222, 298, 344-346

355, 360, 361, 363-365, 380

402, 463, 495, 507, 509
Nazr, Sultan, M., 388
Neknam, 343
Neku Siyar, 430, 601, 634,

680, 735
Nerbada (also Nerbudda)

400, 510, 570
Newal Bai, Rani, 279
Newal Rai, 138, 139
Nezabazi, 668
Nizamat UUah Khan,

Khvvaja, 85
Nikahana, 77
Nilab, 758
Nilanga, 530
Nima Rajah Sindhiah, 420,

590

•910

Nimatabad, 771

Nimat Allahis. 712

Nimat Khan Ali, 761

Nimat Ullah II, 772

Nimat Ullah Asili, Mir, 583,

Nimat Ullah, Mir-772-774

Nimat Ullah, Mizra, 652

Nimat Ullah Vali, Shah, 835,

Nimbalkar, 750

Nimcha-i-Alamgiri, 611

Nimcha Shamsher, 48

Nimi, 793

Nira, 528

Nirmal, 238

Nisar Muhammad K. Sher

Jang, 427
Nishapur, 45, 83, 425, 680
NiyabatK. Arab, 41, 172,

173, 741
Niyazi, 94, 95, 167, 312
Niyaz K. Saiyid, 171, 308
Niyaz, K. II. Saiyid, 308
Nizam, 207. 494, 583, 809
Nizam, Shaikh, 244, 382, 521
Nizamat, 13
Nizam Ali Khan, Mir, 25, 27,

593
Nizami, 128
Nizami, S., 286
Nizam Shah, Bahadur, 54, 56,

122, 484, 534

Nizam Shah Burhan, 54, 534
Nizam Shah, Husain, 533
Nizam Shah, Murtada, 816
Nizam Shah, Murtaza, 214,
215, 225, 316, 417,456, 533-
535, 595, 669, 717, 798, 799,
802

"The Maâthir-ul-Umara"

Nizam Shahi, 32, 167, 451,

532, 594, 718, 734, 753, 779,

801, 816
Nizam-ud-Din Abd. 772
Nizam-ud-Din Ahmad,

Khwaja, 3, 99, 108, 575
Nizam-ud-Din Ali, 651
Nizam-ud-Din Ali Khalifa,

578
Nizam-ud-Din Ali Husain

Ullah Khan, 652
Nizam-ud-Din Auliya 650
Nizam-ud-Din Jam, 744
Nizam-ud-Diulah, 2, 11, 5-

17,19,22,29,30,280, 310,

311,594,678,702
Nizam-ud-Mulk, 232, 268,'

305, 396, 534, 669, 728, 731,

765,778, 779,801,804
Noah, 154,
Nuhgazi, 127
Numan, Mir, 698
Nuqtavi, 126
Nura, 676
Nura, Khwaja, 87
Nurabad, 677
Nurgarh, 726
Nur Jahan Begam, 59, 61,

126, 141, 150,217, 232,386,

418, 561, 573,574, 603,604,

659, 729
NurNahal, 260
Nurmahl, 684
NurManzil, 551,672
Nur Muhammad, 268, 818
Nurpur, 297> 794
Nur-ud-Dahr, 604
Nuru-d-din, 87, 107, 109, 110,

282

îndex

Nur-ud-Din Ali Khan, 839
Nuru-ud-Din Muhammad M.,

88, 371
Nuru-ud-Din Muhammad

Mirza, 371
TSİur-id-Din Shah Nimat

Ullah, 770
Nuru-1-aiyan, 205
Nuru-1-Haqq, 3, 78
Nur Ullah, 557, 771
Nur Ullah Khan 637
Nusrat, 487
Nutiyy, 164

Obed Ullah Nasiru-d-din

Ahrar, Khwaja, 97
Oghuz, 153
Oghuzan, 511
Old Delhi, 785
Orakzai, 284
Oratory, 382
Orcha, 381,425,593, 759

Orion, 360

•Orissa, 155,206,207,211,324,
386. 409, 422, 518, 522, 623,
630,651,653, 658, 667,692,
720, 775

Osman, 326

Oudh, 40, 49, 131, 138-140,

155, 179, 201, 302, 312,

313, 323, 386, 427, 430, 446,

579, 584, 626, 657, 660, 676,

691,715, 777

Owsa, 303, 664

Oxus, 191, 192,298,360,385

Padam Singh, 755
Padm Singh, Rajah, 594

911

Padmini, 395
Padshah Quli, 740
Padshah Quli Khan, 680
Padishahnama Shahjahani 391
Padishahzada, 329
Pahar, 42
Pahari, 670, 827

Pahar Singh, 167

Pahar Singh Bundela. 442,
683, 756

Paidaba Naik, 588

Paipari, 532

Pakhli, 620

Pallakollu, 132

Palam, 420

Palamau, 305, 464, 715

Palatoka, 227

Palawan, 663, 664

Pali, 676

Palki, 251

Palla, 748

Panah, 37

Panala, 273

Panar, 350

Pancmahal, 433

Pandhar, 635

Pandu, 694

Pandus, 573

Pandya Birgaon, 774

Panhala, 703

Pani. 117

Panipat, 198, 489, 616, 722,

840

Pajama, 157

Panjab, 36, 39, 110, 137, 145,
149- 160, 177, 188, 198, 202,
315, 319, 350, 359, 371, 373,
377, 392, 393, 404, 414, 415,

912

420, 458, 467, 484, 525, 548,
614, 642, 646, 647, 675, 684,
691,709, 722,724, 726, 745,
"46, 759, 760, 770, 789, 790,

813,814,817, 835
Panjhazari Zat-u-Sawar, 187
Panjshir, 345
Pankul, 132
Pannah, 436
Panwar, 343
Panwars, 682
Papra, 306, 307
Paparghat, 140
Parab Khan, 788
Parbani, 239

Parenda. 167, 171, 176, 215,
268, 287, 296, 317, 402, 468,
494, 531, 579, 669, 728, 732,
770, 780. 793
Pari Paikar Khanam, 772
Pariyan, Rabat, 358
Parli, 538
Parnala, 626
Paronkha, 457
Partab Singh, 736
Parvati, 717
Parvez Beg, Mirza, 205
Parviz (Parves) Sultan, Prince,
56, 57, 59, 60, 99, 141, 267,
269, 270, 285, 378, 379, 424,
452. 455, 549, 560, 570, 583,
616^627,668,715,724,731,

792, 796, 798, 832, 833, 837
Parwana (Parvana), 665
Parwanci- 584
Pasari, 182
Pusha, 698
Patali, 572, 573
Patang Rao, 718

'"The Maâthir-ul-Umara' r

Patha Duab, 687, 688

Pathal Das, 682

Pathan, 392, 393, 725

Pathri, 54, 67, 179, 185, 239,
596, 685

Patna, 102, 105, 207, 222, 252,
253, 337, 339, 366, 429, 431,
536, 463. 464. 521, 606, 630,
631,645,710,715,729,730,

757, 758, 808, 823
Patna (province of), 136, 138,

206
Patr Das, 411-412
Patr Das, Rai, 284
Pattan, 50, 73, 75, 164, 179 r
217, 319-321, 374, 608, 707,
708, 727, 742, 816
Patur Shaikh Babu, 130, 310
Payanghat, 217, 460, 687, 781
Payinda Be, 222
Payinda Muhammad Arghun,

746
Payinda Muhammad Sultan,.

358
Payinghat. 130, 598
Peacock Throne, 397, 399, 778;
Peequet, 448

Pemnaik, 171

Persia, 47, 66,71,93, 96, 109,
116, 125, 140, 175, 187, 189,
190, 192, 197, 204, 209, 213,
233, 249, 261, 281, 291, 292,
293, 300, 348, 351, 358, 361,
362, 363, 368, 3"0, 386,
389, 391, 392 397, 404,
468, 484. 501, 545, 548, 550,
553, 563, 565, 574, 582, 583,
599,600,611, 627,634, 670,

Index

671, 699. 701, 705, 712, 719,
721, 739, 740, 745, 750, 755,
758, 772, 773, 777, 778, 794,
801, 804, 813,823, 834
Persian (s), 3, 5, 20, 27, 28,
49, 52. 14, 89, 117, 128, 157,
187, 197,206, 209,249,261,
284, 291,292, 300, 313, 319,
334, 348, 353, 358, 368, 370,
403, 404, 420, 423, 427, 446,
453,469,470,471, 507, 511,
514, 547, 558, 559, 578, 661,
667, 682, 689, 698, 699, 726,
743, 771, 777, 778, 819, 824
Partab, 562

Peshawar, 243, 248, 313, 380,
421, 507-542,609. 657,663,
727, 808
Peshdast, 224

Peshkasb, 106, 188, 227, 294,
305, 676

Peshwa (Peshwah),113
Phaltan, 750
Phaniya, Shaikh, 616
Phulchery, 751

Phul Katara, 68, 69, 75, 756,

792, 793
Phul Malik, 708, 709
Pim (Bhim) Narayan, 728
Pinheiro, Father 435
Pipli, 155,655
Pir, 30

Pira, 793, 803
Pirahan, 30
Pir Kabir, 642
Pir Khan, 641, 795, 803
Pirma Naik, 176
Pir Muhammad Khan, 359

913

Pir Muhammad Khan Shar-
wani, 149, 199, 373, 374,
396, 814
Pir of Niyazis, 94
Pitlad, 475
Polagi, Prince, 291
Pondicherry, 17, 19, 20, 26,

27,279,461, 836
Poona, 219, 500. 521, 528, 828
Portuguese, 315, 428, 445, 446
Postings, 747
Prata'p, Rana, 180, 404, 506,

587, 724, 727, 836,
Prithiraj, 103, 343, 381, 756
Prithi Singh, 312, 340, 444

736
Prophet, 92, 93, 124, 142, 144,
327, 516, 566, 569, 629, 638,
672
Puhkar. 242
Pul Salar, 358
Pun Pun, 68
Punar, 350, 353
Punjab, 4
Purandhar, 165, 464, 500, 501.

828
Puran Mal, 410
Punderpur, 273
Purdil Khan, 469, 529, 716
Purindhar, 734
Pur Mandal, 116, 560
Purna, 120, 603
Purnia, 207, 208, 253
Purokhotam, 266
Pushkar, 140, 830
Qabad, 768
Qabal Khan, 565
Qabil Khan, 554, 556, 565
Çaculi Bahadur, 565

914

Qadi, 567, 723

Qadi, Abdul Hayy, 5*..-'-

Qadi Khan, 649

Çadi Nizam Badakhshi, 649

Qadi, Nur Ullah, 1003

Çadi of dhar, 723

O? d iri 770

Cadir Shah, 394

Çadizadas, 808

Qadr, 387

Qaf, 32

Qaim Khan, 138

Qaiq, 356, 567

Qais, 808

Qaisar, 698

Oalandar Beg, 204

Qalandar Khan, 139

Qalandar Rhvvaja, 19

Qalat, 716, 727

Qalmaq, 69

Qalmaq, Nizam, 728

Qamargha, 668

Qamarnagar, 306, 461

Qamar-ud-Din Khan
Bahadur, Itimad-ud-Daulah,
592, 674

Qambar, 198

Qamis, Shah, 87

Qamr-ud-Din, 677

Qamus, 164

Qanauj, 57, 101, i 38, 201, 342,
347, 352, 369, 495, 756,

Çandahar, 4, 5, 36 49, 59, 81,
95,99, 117, 138, 150, 157,
186, 187, 192, 196, 197, 204,
223, 233, 248, 264, 269, 303,
334, 347, 348, 357, 358, 359,
370, 376,386,403,418.451,

"The Maâthir-ul-Umara"

458,468,469. 471. 484, 507,
508, 563, 572, 578, 582, 582,
599,605, 624, 627, 639,661,
667, 670, 676. 677, 679, 685,
689, 701, 705, 716, 726. 727,
732, 740. 744, 745, 746, 747,
7^-9. 754, 758, 768, 813, 817,
818. 819, 829, 834

Qandhar (also Çandahar, 130,
142, 205, 335, 341,408, 593,
779

Qandarsaki, 45

Qanduz, 45, 189, 191, 368,
821,822

Qanun, 831

Qanun Arabiyya, 92

Qanun-i-Humayuni, 786

Qanungo, 789

Qaqshal, 38, 39, 283, 324,
335, 716

Çara, 510, 715

Qara Sikandar, 368

Qara Yusuf, 368

Qaracha Khan, 701

Qarani, 116

Qaraq, 106

Qaraquinlu, 368

Qarari, 109

Qarawal, Beg, 449, 512, 668,
672, 767

Çtariya, 657

Qasim Ali, 109

Qasim Ali Khan, 208

Qasim Barah, 164, 775

Qasim Barha, 55

Qasim Beg, 109, 298

Qasim Kahi, 283

Qasim Khan, 306

Index

915

QasimKhanI, 210, 456,731,
•Qasim Khan II, 300, 623
Qasim Khan Juvaini, 306
Qasim Khan Karmani

(Kirmani), 612, 626
Qasim Khan, Mahdi, 38
QasimKhan Mir Abul

Qasim Namakin, 105
Qasim Khan Mir Bahr, 81,

180, 622
Qasim Khan, Muhammad,

623
Qasim Muhammad Khan of

Nishapur, 83
Oasim, Saiyid, 164
Qasim-ur-Rasi, 742
Qasur, 73, 312, 641-643
Qaswara Jang, 308-310
QatluLohani, 324
•Qawal, 101

Qawam-ud-Din Khan, 656
Qawiest, Shaitan, 45
•Qazalbash, 648, 716, 797
Qazalbash Khan Afshar, 685

Qazan Bangali, S., 88

Qazaq Khan, 721

Qazaq Khan Baqi Beg Ozbeg,
106, 685

Qazi, 73, 72, 77, 159, 161,
163, 184, 361, 567

Qazi Khan, 584

Qazi Nizamai Kararudi, 510

Qaz- of Lahore, 79

Qazis of the camp (rdu), 76

Qazi of Tatta, 567

Qazi Shaikhu-1-Islam, 76

Qaziship, 76

■Qazwin, 291, 390, 391, 454,
752

Qazzaq Khan. 685

Qibehaq, 89, 793

Qibla, 25

Qidrandaz, 511

Qiladar, 111

Qiladar Khan, 31, 268, 812

Qirqlu, 777

Qiwam-ud-Din, 838

ÇHzibashes (Qizibashis), 362

Qohistan, 488

Qoresh, 165, 598

Qubad andazi, 390

Qubad Khan Mir Akhor, 580,

581, 835
Qudrat Ullah, 529
Qudrat Ullah, Khwaja, 826
Quhistan, 356
Quli Khan Bahadur, Khwaja,

825, 826
Quli Khan Khwajam, 131
Qulij Khan Andjani, 51, 25,

282, 359, 379, 434, 435
Qulij K. Jatıi Qurbani, 379
Qulij Khan Khwaja 'Abid,

254, 304
Qulij Khan Shahjahani, 151
Qulij Khan Turani, 49, 187,
209, 469, 507, 623, 667, 750,
767, 783, 819
Qulıj Muhammad Khan, 434,

435
Qullaraqasi, 186, 187
Qum, 389
Quran, 469, 729
Qurbegi, 140, 625, 674, 767
Qurkhana, 662
Qurughi, 126
Öushbegi, 512, 618
Qushuntogh, 743

916

Qutb, 67

Çutbabad Galgala, 231

Qutba, Hakim, 261

Qutb Shah, 58, 241, 587, 766

781, 792
Çutbshahi, 417, 535, 751, 809,
Qutb-ud-Din. 144, 771
Qutbu-d-din Ali Khan Panch-

Kauri, 131
Qutbu-d-din Haidar, 128
Qutb-ud-din Khan Khweshgi

I, 41, 320, 609
Qutb-ud-Khan, 16
Qutb-ud-Din Khan Koka,

729, 754
Qutb-ud-din Khan Shaikh

Khuban, 520, 666
Qutb-ud-Din Rohila, 643
Qutb,ud-Din Saiyid, 477
Qutb-ud-Din Sultan, 142
Qutb-ud-Mulk Saiyid 'Abdul

lah Khan, 276, 429, 439, 601,

612,633,634, 635, 643, 666,

710, 711, 735, 840
Qutbpura, 2, 14
Qutlaq Muhammad, 68
Qutlu (Lohani Kararani)

522, 653, 692
Qutlaq Mahammad Sultan,

191
Qutlaq Sultan, 364

Ra'adandaz Beg

(Ra'adandaz Khan) 615
Rabbi, 45
Radai, 738
Rada Quli, 649

"The Maâthir-ul-Umara'*

Radawi )Ridavi) Khan

Saiyid Ali, 304, 740
Radi-ud-Din Khan, 619
Radi-ul-Mulk. 706
Rafat-ud-Daula Bahadur

Zorawar Jang, 836
Rafi, Mirza, 118, 119
Rafiu-d-Darjat (Rafiu darjat)»

430, 601, 712
Rafiu-u-daula, 73, 601
Rafi-ush-Shan, Prince, Sultan,

426, 602
Ragha Nath, 552
Raghu. 717, 718
Raghu Bhonsla, 18, 31, 207,

702
Raghunath Dass, Raja, 131,

280

Raghunath (Raghu Nath)

Roa, 446, 676
Raheri (Rairi), 529, 809
Rahim, 62
Rahim Beg, 363
Rahim Khan, 657
Rahiri, 66, 71, 79. 588, 703,

787
RahmanBakhsh (Khera), 255
Rahman Dad, M., 63
Rahman Yar, 211, 212
Ramat K., 261, 662
Rahmat Ullah, 195, 558, 726.
Rahmat Ullah Khan, 84
Rahutara, 179
Rai Bagh (Raibagh), 293
Rai Bareli, 201
Rai Bhoj, 409
Raichoti, 17
Raicor, 461, 487

Index

917

Rai Rayan, 411, 412
Raisin, 35, 324, 628, 774
Rai Singh, 235, 410
Rai Sumandar, 764
Raja Ram, 79, 80, 437, 789
Raja Singh, 719
Rajamahendri, 20, 26, 84
Rajaur, 289
Rajauri, 801
Rajawat, 409
Rajabandari. 19, 85, 835
Rajdihar, 669
Rajgarh, 35, 219, 464, 612
Raji Saiyid Mubarik, 527
Rajmahal, 207, 658
Rajpipla, 52

Rajputs, 98, 158, 262, 449,
562, 578, 640, 647, 662, 682,
754, 781, 830
RajuMana, 56, 112
Raju Miyan Deccani, 534, 535
Rajui Qatal, Shah, 535
Rajauri, Bir, 341
Raknu-d-daulah, 280
Raknu-d-din, 380
Rama, 79, 80
Ramai, 272

Ram Chand, 407. 433, 444
Ram Cand Baghela, (Baghila),

37
RamChandra Mahratta, 20,

21, 23
Ram chand, 647, 725
Ram Chand Baghela, 737
Ram Chandra, Raja 617
Ramdara, 110
Ram Das, 330, 724

Ram Das Kachwaha (son of
Raja Raj Singh Kachvvaha)
262, 263
Ramgar, 747
Ramgarha, 194
Ramgir, 352
Rampur (dependency of

Chitor) 505, 507, 508, 762
Rampur (in U. P., capital of

the Nawabs, 196
Rampur on the banks of the
Godavari in the Deccan),
316
Rampuri, 749
Ram Rai, 737
Ram Raja, 810
Ram Rajah, 407
Ram Saj, 168, 787
Ram Singh, 502
Ram Singh Kachwaha Raja,

734
Rana, 97, 149, 164. 244, 283,
400,404,412,424,465,488,
509,528, 560, 584,587,618,
627,648,725,786, 811,820,
829, 836, 837
Rana (also as Rana Bhonsle,

son of Shivaji), 664
Ranhba Rao, 750, 751
Randaula K., 215, 217, 292,

317, 342,461,779, 794
Rangir. 687
Ranhatan, 183, 184
Ranmasi, 459
Ranmast Khan, 459, 462
Ranmastpura, 459
Rann, 689

918

Ranthambhur, 264, 402, 418,

453, 458, 629, 646, 724
Ranwir, 158-160
Raorasapura, 235
Rashid Khan, 719
Rashid K (Probably Abdu-1-

Hakim), 225
Rashid K (title of Rahman

Yar), 211
Rashid K. Ansar!, 235, 597
Rashid Khan Badi-uz-Zaman,

681
Rasul, 531
Rasulabad, 737
Rasulpur 820
Ratan, 410
Ratan Cand (Chand), Raja,

430, 479,480, 601, 635
Ratan Hara, Rao, 269, 379,

408, 779, 832, 834
Ratan Singh (Candrawat),

508
Ratanpur (Ratnpur), 102
Rathor, 401. 409, 588, 680
Rauza (Rauda), 122, 613
Rauzat-al-Akhtab, 96
Ravi, 192, 290, 551
Rawals, 761
Razi, 265

Razzaq Qulı K., 71
Raechnan Duab, 267
Rel. 513
Resurrection, 41
Rezai, 181
Rhotas, 267
Rida Bahadur, 811-813
Rihan, 793
Rinapur, 482

"The Maâthir-ul-Umara'*

Risala, 388
Rizq Ullah, 617
Roghanath Das, Raja, 131,

280
Roghanath Rao, 195, 310,

594
Rohankhed, 110, 115, 167,

215, 216,451, 816
Rohilkand, 343
Rohillas (Rohilas), 441
Rola Jola, 669
Rohtas, 138, 519, 562, 620,

621,627, 666, 759, 811
Rohtak, 464
Rozgar, 67
Ruh Ullah, M., 560
Ruh Ullah Khan, ist. 79, 258,.

272, 355, 366, 367, 449, 459,.

665
Ruh Ullah Khan (son of

Khalil Ullah Yazdi, 770
Ruh Ullah Khan, 2nd., 253,

538, 547, 626, 665, 818
Ruh Ullah Neknam Khan,

625
Ruknabad, 710
Rukn-ud-Daula (Daulah), 702,

835
Rukna, 260, 385, 389
Rukn-ud-Daulah, Itiqad Khan

Bahadur Farrukh-Shahi 710
Ruku-Din Rohila, 736
Rum, 468, 558, 777, 778
Rumalbardar, 467
Rupmati, 395
Rup Mukund, 507
Rupsi, 410
Rup Singh, 507

INDEX

919

Rup,Singa Rao, 508
Rurmal (Rudarmal), 500, 501
Rustam, 25, 218, 341, 387,

388, 497, 638, 651, 104,

812
Rustam Khan Deccani, Saiyid,

697, 784
Rustam Khan Muqarrab

Khan, 49, 209, 264, 338,

525,567, 590,620,661,667,

699, 819
Rustam Khan Shaghali, 59,

378
Rustam Safavi, Mirza, 623,

689, 730, 774
Rustaq, 775

Rustam, 120, 365, 485, 531
Rustam Ali, 610
Rustam Beg, Ataliq, 587
Rustam Dil Khan, 171, 172,

306, 752
Rustam Qandahari, Mirza,

393, 622
Rustam Zamana Mard, 218
Ruzbahanis, 305, 307, 511,

528

Saadatabad, 390

Saadat Ali K., 267

Saadat Khan, 510, 537, 623

Saadat Khan Burhanu-1-Mulk,

425-428, 440, 636
Saadat Ullah Khan, 84, 85
Saadat Ullah Khan Bazar,

712
Saadat Ullah Khan Naitha,

166, 167
Saadat Yar Khan Koka, 66

Saadat Ullah Khan (Rohilla),

138, 676
Saad Ullah K., 165
Sabar, M., 388
Sabat, 647
Sabazvvar, 113, 171, 307, 448,

751, 816
Sabir, Khwaja, 595, 778
Sabz Bungalow, 225
Sadat Khan, 380
Sadat Khan Dhulfiqar Jang,

592, 674
Sadharm, 420
Sadhaurah, 87, 808
Sadiq, 779

Sadiq Badakhshi, Khwaja, 265
Sadiqgarha, 540
Sadiq K., 538

Sadiq Khan Mir Bakhshi, 270,
365, 656, 686, 702, 723, 822
Sadiq Muhammad Khan
Hirati, 146, 178, 337, 645,
704, 749, 822
Sadragar, 810
Sadr., 42, 43, 77, 107, 543
Sadra, Hakim, 107, 605
Sadr-i-Kull (Sadr Kull), 556
Sadr (Shaikh), 41
Sadr-ud-Din Muhammad,

772, 910
Sadru-n-Nisa, Fatima Begam.

295, 355, 636
Sadru-s-Sadur, 68, 737, 742
Sad Ullah Khan, 681, 682
Sad Ullah Khan, Allami, 11,
15, 16, 191, 235, 264, 402,
448, 462, 470, 512, 553, 592,
695, 763, 768, 774, 819, 822,
835, 837

920

Sad Ullah Khan Khvvaja, 85

Safa-i-Safa, 106

Safarci, 127

Safastiyy, 333

Safavi, 192, 565, 834

Safdar Ali K., 84

Safdar Jang, 97, 137-140,
196, 592, 674, 690, 691

Safdar, K., 314, 563, 564, 788

Safdar Khan Khwaja Qasim,
35

Safdar Khan Thani, 601

Saffron, 42, 43, 285

Safi Khan, 265, 296

Safi (Safavi) Shah, 186, 189,
233,468,484,627,670,732,
794, 834

Safi-ud-Din, 772

Safr, 289

Saf Shikan, 622

Saf Shikan Khan Muhammad

Tahir, 304, 312, 618
Sağar, 273
Sahan Buniyad, 85
Sahar, 827
Saharanpur, 580, 581, 617, 677,

828
Sahas Lang, 375
Sahawar, 690

Sahenda (Sahinda), 793, 802
Sahiba-i-Niswan, 710
Sahib Begam, 839
Sahib Ferishta, 181
Sahibji, 194, 250-252
Sahib Qiran, 8, 57
Sahib Qiran Thani. 606
Sahibu-s-sail-u-alqalm, 524
Sahindah (Sahinda), 392, 577

"The Maâthir-ul-Umara"

Sahra (Sahrah), 682

Sahu Bhonsle, 130, 168, 177,
214,215,217,218, 232,268,'
402, 456, 457, 468, 597, 634,
669, 732, 829

Sahu (Shahu), Raja, 238, 433,
632, 750, 810, 811,836

Sahyadri Range, 353

Saidabad, 437

Said Badakhshi, 337

Said Khan, 759

Said Khan Bahadur Zafar
Jang, 68, 81, 157, 187, 188,
209, 247, 380, 468, 495, 582,
716, 722, 726, 727, 732, 736

Said Khan Chaghta, 399, 582,
730

Said Khan, 81, 82

Saif Ali Beg, 368

SaifKhan, 253, 615, 662, 663
Saif Khan Koka, 286
Saif Khan Mirza Safi, 103,
246,493,739, 767

Saifu-d-Daulah, 19, 71, 73
614

Saifu-d-Din Ali Khan, 112
632

Saif-ud-Din Safavi, 622
SaiT Ullah Khan, 672, 770
Sajawal K., 394
Sajawand, 701
Sakat Singh, 762

Sakhkhr-un-na (Sakhrulna)

735

Sakravval, 202

Sakriya (Sağar), 588

Salabat Jang, 3, 17, 25

27, 32, 66, 85, 131, 187'.

279,280,310, 3' 1,433, 702'

826, 836

Index

Salabat Khan, 388, 531, 547,

564, 625, 791, 796, 816, 838

Salabat Khan Raushan

Damir. 233, 234, 297, 366,

403, 660
Salabat Khan Saiyid, 652
Salah Khan, 306
Salah-ud-Din, 745
Salar Jang, 69 1
Salar Jang Bahadur, Navvab,

29
Salar Khan, Saiyid, 615

Salau-d-din Sarfi, 108

Sak, 25

Salgirih, 42

Salh Beg, 156

Salher, 353, 503, 508, 786, 787

Şali. 690

Salih Beg, 379

Salih K, 314, 563

Salih Khan, 279

Salih Mulla, 448

Saliha Begam, 773

Salim, 728

Salima Sultan Begam, 87

Salimgarh, 610

Salim Quli, 704

Salim Shah, 708, 759

Saljuq 668

Salura Khizrabad, 87

Saluta, 353
Samandarsagar, 424

Samarkand (Samarqand), 204,
209, 308, 322, 359, 360, 362,
363, 565, 587, 650, 821

Sambha Bhonsla (Boonsle) 79,
175, 433, 529, 538, 588, 589,
611,664,786,787,788,809,
810

921

Sambha, 353
Sambha Sawai, 806
Sambhal, 172, 198, 214, 240,

241, 267, 312, 339, 369, 512,
Sambhar, 410, 641, 690, 836
Sim Charek, 879
Sampgaon, 110
Samsam Jang, 31
Samsam-ud-Daulah Khan

Dauran Bahadur Mansur

Jang, 688, 776
Samsam-ud-Daula, Mir, 651
Samsum-ud-Daula Mir Atish,

675
Samsam-ud-Daulah Samsam

Jang, 31
Samsam-ud-Daulah Shah

NavvazKhan, 14-17, 19-27,.

29-31
Samogarh, 82, 194, 204, 242,

303, 355, 403, 404, 405, 518,

615, 624, 640, 654, 693, 819»
Sanaula, 449
Sandila, 660

Sanga, Rana, 169, 759, 762
Sangamnir, 168, 217, 410,,

494, 520, 557, 559, 810
Sangi (Sanki), 437, 618
Sangram, 787
Sangram Husnak, 147
Sanjar Beg, 228, 229
Sanjar Saljuqi, Sultan, 66&
Sank, 677
Sankar, 273
Sankarpur, 670
Sansani, 789
Santa Ghorpura, 111, 194,

589, 612, 626, 703, 791

922

Sanval Das, 837

Sanwara (Sanwar), 389, 492,

501
Sanyasi, 603
Sapan, 121
Saqi, 286
Saqinama, 739

Saqinama (poem by Mulla
Shikebi in Tarik Tahiri), 53
Saqiwaband, 333
Sar-i-Darbar, 676
Sar-i-Divan, 710
Sara, 538, 817
Saraa, 727

Sarab Deo Sesodia, 754
Sarada (Sharada), 416
Saradhun, 793
Sarafraz Khan, 779, 810
Saram, 111
Sar-Amad, 741
Sarang, Sultan, 758, 509
Sarangpur, 74, 83. 146, 395,
509, 682, 780

Sarayan, 817
Sarban, 716, 726
Sarbarah Khan, 838
Sarbnasi, 603

Sarbuland Khan Bahadur
Dilawar Jang (Mubariz-ul-
Mulk), 175, 610, 710
Sarbuland Khan Khwaja
Rahmat-Ullah, 512, 557,
625
Sardar Khan, 80, 382, 511,

826
Sardar Khan Shahjahani. 335,
401

"The Maâthir-ul-Umara'

Sardeshmukhi, 633

Sarfi Savaji (Harfi in text),

180
Sargala zadan, 47
Sarim, 31
Sarkaj, 51
Sarkob, 647
Sarmad, Saidai, 45, 46
Sarmasi, 511
Sarmasi, K, 94
Sarmast Khan, 701, 702
Sarnal, 404, 757
Saroni, 35, 783
Sarup Singh, 766
Sarv Azad, 5, 11, 19
Sarwa, 306, 307
Sanvar, 348
S arya, 538

Sasseram (Sasram), 266
Satara, 444, 538, 589, 633
Satgaon, 110, 649
Sati Khanim. 260, 295
Satrsal (Satarsalp Hara. Rao,

217, 405, 462
Satwat Jang, 492
Saudha, 63
Sava, 315, 801
Savanur, 18-20
Sawad (Swat), 284,704
Sawari, 30
Sawata-ul-llham, 516
Sayarghai (Siyurghal), 43, 629,
Sazawals, 29, 35, 710
Sazavvar Khan, 136, 834
Scinde (Sindh), 32, 52, 63, 64,
127, 369, 413, 559, 567, 577,
582
Sealkot, 49
Seheoba, 313

! Index

923

Sehonda (Sindhiya), 102

Sehra, 402

Sehwan, 709

Selim, 51, 97, 119, 122, 169,
170, 183, 284, 327, 389, 393,
408, 423, 535, 537, 653, 725,
742, 832

Selima Bcgam, 328, 371

Selim, Chisti, 94

Selimpur, 497

Selim Shah. 93-95, 145, 200

Sera, 487

Shaburghan (Sapurgan), 345

Shadabad, 618

Shad Khan, 193, 334

Shadi Khan Uzbeg, 469

Shadman, 326, 729

Shadmand, Mirza, 334

Shafi, Haji, 719

Shafia, Mulla, 446

Shafi Khan, Haji, 231

Shahdad Khan Khweshgi,
688

Shah Alam, Princc Sultan, 12,
79, 158, 247, 251, 254, 271,
438, 441, 504, 578, 596, 629,
630, 656, 665, 561, 737, 740,
805, 839

Shah Alaud-Din Muhammad,
20

Shah Ali, 56, 122, 543

Shaham Beg, 198, 199

Shaham Khan Jalair, 337

Shahbaz K, 342

ShahbazKhan. 531, 655

Shahbaz Khan Kambu, 81,
143, 179, 180, 267, 324, 335,
349, 46j, 466, 707, 727

Shahbaz K, Lodi, 413

Shah Banda Nawaz, 610, 611,

Shah Begam, 371

Shah Beg Arghun, 744, 745,

Shah Beg Khan, 260

Shah Beg Khan Arghun, 358
Shah Beg Khan Ozbeg. 768
Shah Budagh Khan, 40. 349
Shah Dhora (Sahdaura) 808
Shahganj (Shah Ganj), 226

310
Shahgarh (Shahgarha), 23,

120
Shahidi, 136
Shahis, 68

Shah Jahan, Emperor, 8, 12,
35, 45 48, 58, 59, 60, 65, 68,
75, 81, 101, 102, 104-106,
126. 130, 136, 141, 146, 152,
154-158, 168, 176, 186, 187,
189, 190, 202, 204, 209, 210,
312, 214,216, 217, 222,223,
232, 241, 242, 245, 246, 252,
255, 260, 262, 263, 268, 269,
270, 286, 288, 289, 291, 292,
294, 296, 298, 303-305, 308,
311, 315, 317, 329, 330,434,
345, 346, 347, 352, 354-366,
378-380, 386, 388, 391, 396,
398,400,401,403, 408,412,
417, 41,8,436,442,443,447,
449, 451, 452, 453, 455, 557,
467,471,472, 484,485, 386,
488, 490, 491, 493, 495, 496,
505-507, 509, 510, 512, 518-
520, 529, 533, 535, 549-553,
557, 558, 563-565, 570-572,

924

576-578, 580, 581, 586, 563,
594, 507, 603,607, 610, 611,
614-617, 619,622, 624, 627,
628, 639, 651-654, 658-660,
662, 664, 667, 669, 670, 671,
673, 677-679, 682, 683, 685,
686, 689, 693-696,705, 715-
717, 722, 725-727, 730, 736,
738, 739, 749, 752-758, 763-
774, 778, 779, 781-785, 789,
799-803, 805-807, 811, 813,
819, 820, 822, 823, 825-827,
832-834, 837

Shahjahanabad, 16, 76, 247,
278, 399, 402, 441, 447, 496,
553, 577, 602, 618, 683, 699,
722, 723, 760, 768, 769, 808,
823, 827, 828

Shahuji Bhonsle, 718, 766

Shah Mahmud, 738

Shah Mahmud, Mir, 742

Shah Malik„Mir, 389

Shah Mansur Shirazi, Khwaja,
51

Shah Mir. Saiyid, 142

Shah Mirza, 164, 320

Shah Muhammad Khan Qiiati,
348

Shah Nawaz (Newaz) Khan,
9,12-32, 57, 58, 71, 306

Shah Nawaz Khan Mirza Iraj,
63, 64, 650

Shah Nawaz Khan Safavi,
106, 299, 300. 429, 622, 827,

Shah Nur Miyan, 25, 226,
476, 477

ShahQuliCela (Chela), 437,
618

"The Maâthir-ul-Umara"

Shah Quli Khan, 834

Shah Quli Khan Mahram,

644, 805
Shah Quli Khan Naqas Haji,

736
Shah Raju Qatal, 535
Shahr Ara, 682
Shahr Banu Begam, 773
Shahriyar, 150, 152, 289-292,
315,418,455,468, 549, 561,
564, 627, 668, 798, 812
Shahrukh (Shah Rukh),

Mirza. 53, 54, 398, 465, 64?
Shah Sharaf, 616
Shah Shuja, 287, 296, 622,

770
Shahu, 464
Shahukhail, 765
Shahzadapur, 668
Shaibani Khan Uzbeg, 744-
Shaikhawat, 409, 836
Shaikh Hindi, 170
Shaikh Kamil 514
Shaikhu-1-Hind, 169
Shaikhu-1-Islam, 76, 78
Shaikhzadas, 49, 462, 809,

839
Shakarkhera, (Shakrkhelda),.

718
Shakartal, 677
Shakir Khan, 840
Shalamar Gardens, 193, 722
Shaaltag, 239
Shamailu-n-nabi, 93
Shamlagarha, 398
Shams, 800

Shams (uncle of Malik
Badan), 317

îndex

Shamsi, Mirza, 326, 729
Shamsher Bahadur, 131
Shamsher Khan, 379, 380
Shamsher Khan Hayat Tarin,

242, 472
Shams-ud-Din, 729
Shams-ud-Din Asad Ullah

Shustri, 742'
Shams-ud-Din (Khwafi),

Khwaja, 108, 222
Shams-ud-Din Muhammad

'Ali Ashari, 117, 118
Shams-ud-Din Muhammad

Khan Atka (Atga), 147,

196, 319, 635, 646, 708, 814
Shams-ud-Din Mukhtar K.,

448
Shankal (Shakal) Beg

Tatkhan, 743
Shankara Malhar, 633
Sharaf-ud-Din, 366, 665
Sharaf-ud-Din Mir Husain

Ahrari Mirza, 40, 134, 352,

410, 646, 724, 737
Sharaf-ud-Din Mir, 144
Sharh-i-Aqaid Nasafl "Sharh

Kafiya", and "Sharh

Matali", 745
Sharh Tajrid, 567
Sharif, 531

Sharif (s), 44, 252, 326
Sharifa, 651
Sharif Khan, 97
Sharif Khan Amır-ul- Umara,

285, 704, 796
Sharifu-1-Mulk, 150, 455, 573
Shash Hazari, 8

925

Shattari, 82, 92, 93

Shayista Khan, 192, 140. 168,

305, 314, 354, 355, 4C6. 428,

449, 520, 534, 564, 580, 634,

661, 668, 669, 715
Sheopur, 762
Sher Afgan Khan 'Ali Çul i

Beg 418, 719, 840
SherAfkan, 485
Sher 'Ali, 701

Shergarh, 201, 228, 366. 733
Sher Haji, 595
Sher Khan, 356, 396, 693,

694, 708
Sher Khan Fuladi (Gujarati),

164, 320, 369, 706, 707, 708
Sher Khan Sur, 409, 465, 569,

798
Sherkot, 267
Sher Khwaja, 67, 97, 185,

651, 689
Sherpur, 819
Shersager, 424
Sher Shah (Sur), 88, 91, 93,

99, 199, 394, 513, 692, 759
Sherzad, 41

Sherzad K. Bahadur, 392
Sherzad K. Mahdavi, 531
Sher Zaman, Saiyid, 795
Shias, 163, 804
Shiburghan, 190
Shihab-ud-Din Ahmad Khan,

51, 84, 134, 231, 324, 372,

544, 707, 708
Saihab-ud-Din, Mir' 538, 564,

587
Shihabu-d-din Sahravvardi,

Shaikh, 93

926

Shihabu-d-din, Saiyid, 476
Shihabu-d-din Talish, 498

Shiism. 74

Shikarpur, 818

Shikasta, 304

Shikobi, Mulla, 53

Shikohabad, 131

Shilan, 385

Shımal Khan Qurchi. 737

Shinasa dil, 226

S:-iqdar, 519

Shiraz, 108. 109, 142, 149,

368, 455, 543, 567, 699, 742
Shirin. 286, 515
Shivaji, 612. 755, 766, 774,

785

Shokhiha, 491

Sholapur, 287, 700, 790, 793

Shuja, Prince, Sultan, Shah,
68, 81, 136, 137, 154, 177,
215, 233,235, 242, 264, 268,
303, 312, 338, 405, 428, 543,
462, 463, 468, 484, 497, 498,
508, 510, 511,530, 531,550,
572, 581, 615, 616, 627, 628,
651, 662. 668, 671, 732,733,
734, 755, 775, 784, 827

Shujaat, K, 82, 394

Shujaat Khan, 151, 577, 610

Shujaat Khan Barah, Saiyid,
194, 574

Shujaat Khan Muhammad
Beg Turkaman, 610

Shujaat Khan Shadi Beg,, 749

Shujaat Khan Shaikh Kabir,
210, 667

Shujaatpur, 782

"The Maâthir-ul-Umara' ! '

Shuja-ud-Daulah Bahadur,

141, 196, 296, 308, 676, 690,
691, 776
Shuja-ud-Din Muhammad

Khan Bahadur, 720
Shuja-ul-Mulk Amir-ul-

Umara, 22, 26. 85
Shukri, 169
Shukr Ullah, 219
Shukr Ullah, Haji. 720
Shukr T Ulah, Mirza, 680
Shuriyan, 642
Shustar, 690
Sialkot, 225, 315, 418
Sibi Dara, 817
Sidhut. 598
Sidi Husain, 596
Shidi Khairiyat Khan, 781
Sidi Marjan, 661
Sidi Masud, 531, 589
Sidi, Miftah, 408. 504, 586,

595
Sidi Salm, 317
Sifahani (Ispahani), 118
Sihhatpur. 649
Sihwan (Siwistan), 52, 817
Sijdah, 585-586
Sikakul (Chicacol), 19, 84,

446, 792
Sikandar. 544, 588, 802
Sikandara, 654, 675
Sikandarabad, 372
Sikandar 'Adil K., 491, 492
Sikandar Beg Munshi, 3, 391

Sikandar. Dutani (Dotani),

799, 801
Sikandar (Iskandar), 356
Sikandar, 201

lndex

927

Sikandar Khan, 607
Sikandar K, Sur, 132, 145,

371. 392. 519. 659,691, 813,
814
Sikandar Khan Uzbeg, 40,

84, 348, 660
Sikandar Lodi, Sultan, 568
Sikandarnaraa. 515
Sikh Guru, 72
Sikhs, 158, 174,614, 688
Sikri, 169, 653
Simlagırh, 698
Sina, 287
Sinaram, 31
Sindh(Sind). 268,468, 651,

689. 744, 745-748, 817, 818

835
Sindkbcr (Smdkhed)i 23, 717,

719
Singraur, 201
Sipahdar Khan, 625-627, 630,

656, 788, 790
Sipahdar Khan Muhammad

Salih, 798
Sipahsalar 590
Sipihri, 824*
Sipihar Shikoh, 784
Sipri, 82, 822
Sirah, 189
Siraju-d-Daula, 189
Siraju-d-Din 'Ali Khan Arzu,

4
Siraj-ud-Din Jabari, 471
Sirdar, 479
Sirdari, 36
Sirdar Khan, 334

Sirhind, 35, 93, 95 149, 195»
198, 370, 401, 484, 519, 602,
677,691.808 814

Sirkala-zadan. 47

Sirohi, 588, 830

Sironj, 759

Sirpul, 835

Sisodia (Sisodiah). 401, 578

Sistan, 659

Sita, 617

Situnda, 120

Sivagaon, 802

Sivaji, 35

SivaBhonsla, 155, 165. 219,
^35 271. 273, 406.459, 464,
493', 500, 501; 503. 585,718,

734, 828
Sivi, (Siwi), 744, 747
Sivi Supar, 762
Siv Ram Gaur, Raja, 402,

. 682
Siwalik, 145, 301, 374, 758,

814
Siwana (Siwa.nah), 164,
Siwistan (Sivistan), 52, 106,

136, 156, 187, 268, 582, 745,

748, 750, 818
Siyadat Khan, 137
Siyadat Khan Mir Zain-ud-

Din Ali, 404, 764, 834
Siyah, Haji, 686
Siyalkot, 665, 691
Siyar Mutakhirin, 25
Siyar-ul-Arifin, 569
Siyavvash Qublar Aqasi, 187,

716
Siyurghai, 43
Somant, 202, 325, 326, 729,

928

"The Maâthır-ul-Umara"

Sone (son), 200

Sorath. 325, 353, 400, 413,

690, 730
Sotak, 588
Srighat 694
Srinagar (Garhwal), 312, 339,

768, 819
Srinagar (Kashmir), 163, 418
Sirpat, 765
Srirangapattana, 237
Subadar, 647
Subahdari, 12
Subhag Singh, 763
Subhan Quli, Sultan, 190,

191. 209, 363, 364, 587,821
Subhan Quli Türk, 321
Subh Karn Bundela, 442,

443, 829
Sudh, 750
Sun, 86,304,411,583, 604,

804
Suhail K., 54, 55, 63
Suhaili, 286
Suhrab, K, 286, 652
Suja, 410
Sulaiman, 515
Sulaiman Kararani, 80; 692
Sulaiman Khan, 458, 459, 460
Sulaiman, Mirza, 135, 377,

600, 647
Sulaiman Shikoh, Sultan, 81,

192, 264, 303, 312, 338, 339,
340, 366, 428, 496, 497, 421,
572, 668, 733, 734, 828

Sultan Ali Afzal Khan, 301
Sultan 'Ali, Khwaja, 843
Sultangarh, 353

Sultan Husain, 113, 172, 204

Sultan Husain Iftikhar Khan,

299, 662, 663
Sultan Husain Jalair, 374, 660
Sultan Husain Khan, 62
Sultan Husain Mirza. 62. 322,

368, 569, 744
Sultan Husain Mirza Baiqra,

142
Sultan Jahan, 796
Sultan Karbalai, Saiyid, 244
Sultan, Khalifa, 251, 252
Sultan Khan, 701, 702
Sultan K. Prince, 511
Sultanpur (in Deccan), 352,

353, 506, 787, 837
Sultanpur (in Oudh), 269, 579
Sultanpur (in Panjab), 93, 524
Sultan-ul-Mashaikh, Mirza,

650
Sum Deo, 352
Sumbha Bhonsle, 271
Summas, 744
Sumras, 744
Sunda, 612, 6*3
SundarDas, 412, 413
Sunnat, 43
Sünni, 63, 804, 834
Sur Bhurthiya, Rao, 234, 764
Sura, 437

Sura(Surah) Ikhlas, 516
Suraj Mal Jat, 139, 441, 674,

675, 676, 677
Suraj Mal, Raja, 394, 413,

415, 726
Suraj Singh Rathor, Rajah,

123, 570, 572, 829, 830
Surat, 13, 19, 35, 40, 47, 78,

100, 149, 150, 231, 252, 320,

352, 369, 444, 446, 447, 473,

Index

929

601, 602, 610, 616, 625,633,
638,670,677,696, 706,707,

776
Sur Das, 458
Surjan Hara, Rai. 408
Surharpur, 660
Surkh Ab, 599
Surkhs, 524
Surya Rao, 18
Suti (Sooty), 530
Sutlej, 303, 462, 676, 688. 755,

784
Swami, 654
Swad (Swat), 421
Syria, 128

Ta'aliq, 301
Tabaqat-Akbari, 3, 301, 377,

545, 575
Tabriz, 362, 454, 720
Tafakhur Khan, 663
Tafsir Kabir (Tafsiru-1-Kabiro,

514
Tahqiq, 47

Tahawwar Jang Bahadur, 85
Tahawwur Khan, Mirza,

Mahmud, 60
Tahawwur Khan, 793
Tahir, Shaikh, 835
Tahmasp K. Jalair, 427
Tahmasp Safavi, Shah, 107,

125, 280, 282, 453, 567. 721,

742,772, 773
Tahmuras, 292, 812
Tahmurdi, 747
Tahqiq, 333
Taibadi, 36
Taj 260, 679

Tajalli, 7 79

Taj Khan, (father of Jamil

Beg), 393
Taj Khan (Faujdar of Multan),

351
Taj K. (son of Daulat K), 325
Taj Khan (son of Fath Jang

K. Rohila), 532
Taj Mahal, 9
TakhtMal, 393
Takhta-u-kalah, 73
Taklu K., 453
Takrui (Tukaroi), 432
Taksir, 85

Talab-i-aora, 344
Talan dah (Talambah), 647
Tala Yar K., 172
Talgaon, 798

Taliba, 261

Talib Amuli (also Taliba
Amuli), 260, 583

Talib Khan, 411,418

Talim, 130, 494, 669, 803

Talikoth (Talikot), 529

Taliq, 304

Tal Kokan, 686

Taltum, 120

Tahvan, 462

Tahvara, 374

Tamarni, 417, 634

Tamim Ansari, 240

Tanda, 211, 283, 336, 463,
448, 649, 671, 697, 727

Tankas. 62

Tankhwah, 284, 704

Tanki, 834

Tansen, 737

930

Tapanca, 183

Tapti, 60, 294, 353, 466, 802

Taqarrib K., 172, 276, 426

Taqarrub Khan, 770

Taqiya 63

Taquz, 68, 69

Taragarh, 297, 563, 726

Tarah, 298

Tarbiyat Khan Barlas, 821

Tarbiyat Khan Fakhr-ud-Din

Ahmad Bakhshi, 311, 557,

683
Tarbiyat Khan Mir Atish,

449, 539, 612
Tardastiha, 477
Tardi 'Ali Qatan, 821
Tardi 'Ali Çaighan, 188
Tardi Beg Khan Turkistani,

148, 149, 198, 301, 600, 631
Tarikh Alfi, 568
Tarikh Ashanı, 4
Tarikh Bangala, 5
Tarikh Dilkusha, 4
Tarikh Muhammad Shahi, 4
Tarikh Tahiri, 53
Tari Kanda (Narganda), 306,

308
Tarkhan, 325, 744, 818
Tarson K., 575
Tarson Sultan, 359
Tashir, 85
Tashiya, 74

Tashkand, 317, 342, 468, 821
Taslim, 585
Tatar, 759
Tattah, 52, 53, 105, 106, 141,

253, 269,401,434, 465,469,
527, 556,566, 581,659,687,

"The Maâthir-ul-Umara"

722,743, 645,748,749,761,

818
Tausani, 847
Tavernier, 397
Tawakkal K, Oazzaq, 359
Tazkira, 4

Tazkira Husaini, 583
Tej Singh, Rajah, 594
Teliya Rajah (Oilman), 455
Telingana, 18, 60, 67, 151,

155, 185,217,241,254,306,

350, 387, 408, 534, 568, 584,

597,652,653, 658,661,751,

779, 794, 809
Telingi, 664
Termiz, 509, 510
Thalner, 557, 787
Thana Ullah Khan, 682
Thanesar, 797
Tharah, 686, 826
Thun, 439
Tibet, 715

Tihanpuri (Saiyids), 791
Tiluksi, 458
Timur (Amir), 36, 156, 204,

327, 377, 389, 409, 620, 834
Timurabad, 191
Timurids, 8, 28, 77, 204, 275,

289, 319, 533, 676
Tipli, 353

Tirah, 157,284,704
Tirhut, 87, 136, 137, 337, 564
Tirmizi, Mulla, 93
Tirpoliya, 712
Tiyuldar, 644
Toba, 201
Toda Bhim, 636
Todar Mal, Raja, 267, 393,.

INDEX

405, 543, 64 ; :, 649, 629. 762
Tons, 452, 456, 779
Tora, 636

Torna, 219, 255,613
Transoxiana, 97, 198, 283,

356, 359, 363, 364. 384, 397,

605, 678, 744, 820. 821
Trıchinopoly, 34, 85, 684
Trimbak (Tirmuk), 32, 98,

130,218,526,628.726, 1015

Tringalvvari, 218

Tughlaq Timur Kh:ı ı, 743

Tukri, 644

Tul, 189, 344, 727

Tulak, M., 134

Tulja Bhavani, 416

Tul Konkan, 446

Tul si Bai, 158

Tuman-togh (Tum mtoq» 373

Tun, 356

Tundapur. 530

Tungabhadra, 420

Tuquz, 501

Turbat, 128, 328. 594

Turgal. 230

Türk, tactless, 335

Türk, (s), 212,362, 389

Turkcy, 92, 391,558,559,698,

Turkish, 404, 558, 636, 820

Türkistan, 358, 364, 368, 457,

678, 777
Turan, 84, 93, 101, 189, 191,
208, 223, 284, 297, 298, 309,
333,345, 351, 357,359,362,
385, 475, 565, 568. 587, 605,
607, 620, 772, 777, 820, 821,
825
Turani, 510, 591

Turfa. 479
Turmudh. 61
Tuzuk (Jahangiri),
63, 580

931

48, 61,

Ubaid Ullah Kha, 682
Ubaid Ullah Khan Kashmiri,

676
Ubaid Ullah K. Uzbeg, 385
Uch, 67, 608, 738
Uchla (son of Balbhadar), 458
Uchla (Ojla son of of Jadu

Rao), 717,718
Uda Ram, 832

Udaipur, 97, 149, 222, 244,
329, 400, 587, 618, 625,762,
764
Udai Singh, 829
Udai Singh (Bhada\variya),

39, 515, 696,717
Udai Singh (Rathor), 517
Udaji Ram, 13, 14
Udgir, 186, 594. 652, 781
Udman. 433
Udni (Adcni). 443, 444
Ujaina (Bhojpur). 67
Ujjain. 53, 74, 120, 123, 236,
396, 403,407,430,443,478,
410, 574, 603, 604, 666, 700,
754, 780
Ulugh Beg, Mirza, 398
Umdatu-1-mulk, 19, 20, 195
Umadtu-1-mulk Amir K., 138
Umdatu-1-mulk Jafar K.. 366,

686, 722
Umdat-ul-Mulk Khan Jahan

Bahadur, 700
Umdat-ul-Mulk Khalil Ullah
Khan, 770

932

Umadatu-1-Mulk Khan

Khanan, 438
Umra Singh, Rana, 97
Umr K., 459
Undch (Orcha), 101-103, 340,

407, 424, 471
Urdu, 76
Urfi, Mulla. 109
Urganj, 356. 820
Usa, 303, 664
Usman, 568
Usman K. Lohanl, 210
Usman K. Rohilla, 529
Uthman Khan Lohani, 667,

692, 693
Uttur or Otur), 131
Ozbeg, 38, 69, 100, 101, 186,

188, 189,200,203,213, 302,

345, 347, 716, 727, 731, 767,

822, 823
Uzbeg quruqchi, 820
Uzzun Hassan, 368

Vakalat, 274

Vakalat, Khan, 710

Vakil, (Vakil-i-matlaq) 52,

145, 274, 704, 709
Vakilu-s-Sultanat, 371
Vali Khan Qurchibashi s 775
Vazir, 751

Vazir Khan, 653, 685
Vazir Khan Shahjahani, 764
Vedanta, 604
Victoria Memorial, Calcutta,

606
Vijaynagar, 419
Vindya, 353
Vizier (s), 9, 429
Volga, 356

"The Maâthir-ul-Umara"

Wafa (wafadar), 100

Wahadat Ali, 284

Waisi, Khwaja (an officer of

Emperor Akbar), 506, 837
Waisi, Khwaja (Divan of

Sultan Parviz), 715
Waisi, Khwaja (Diwan of

Sultan Kharram), 282

Wajih-ud-Din 'Alwai, 86

Wajih-ud-Din, Shah, 525

Wajiu-d-din Gujarati Saiyid,
74, 92

Wakinkhera, 171, 224, 255,
272, 347, 444, 459, 460

Wak!ur, 408, 596

Wala Shahis, 264, 426. 613,
615, 758

Wali Beg Dhalgadr, 134, 645

Wali Khan, 693

WaliM., 136, 137

Wali Mahammad Khan, 356,
357, 359, 360-362

Wali, Saiyid, 192

Wankur, 915

Waqai Qandahar, 4
Waqal;hwan (Waqia Khawn),

304, 838
WaqaNigar, 99
Waqar, 31
Waqari, 582
Waqf, 295
Wardangarha, 367
Wardha, 168, 178, 350
Warid, 5
Wasiti, 637, 638
Wattu Pir, 642
Wau, -M8
Wazarat K., 14, 229, 282, 283,

INDEX

Wazir Jamil, 349

Wazir K., 38, 39, 51, 522

Wazir Khan Hakim 'Alim-ud-

Din, 533
Wazir Khan Mir Haji, 546
Waxir Khan Muhammad

Tahir Khurasani, 352, 402
Waxir Khan Muqim, 379,

402
Wazir K. Shahjahani, 255
WhiteSheep, 368
Wilayat, 97
Wilayat zai, 85

Yad Baiza, 32

Yadgar, 97, 537

Yadgar 'Ali Sultan Talish,

389

Yadgar, Beg, 834, 835

Yadgar Chulaq, 69

Yadgar Tukriya, 191

Yahia, Mir, 557

Yahia, Mulla, 166, 167

Yahya, 698, 699

Yahya, Khan, 721

Yak, 432*, 715

Yaktash Khan Afshai- 733

Qaman (Yomen), 116, 513,

657
Yamin-ud-Daula (Yemenu-ud-

daula Asaf Jah), 176, 214,
217, 246, 270, 287-295,
296' 342, 354, 365, 381, 506,
571 603,627,651,669,714,
716, 722, 732, 749, 757, 793,
800,804,811,812
Yarninu-d-daulah Mansur-
Jang, 14, 23, 25

933-

Yaman qadam, 361

Yaqub Juibari, 587

Yaqub Khan, 657, 773

Yaqut, 255

Yaqut Khan Abyasinian, 100,

167, 215
Yaqut Khudavvand Khan,.

779,
Yar Ahmad, 385
Yar 'Ali, 90

Yar 'Ali Beg. Mirza, 665
Yar Beg, 368
Yar Mahammad, 817 '
Yar Muhammad Khan, 356,

357, 360
Yar Wafadar, 192, 370
Yasavval (s). 104, 710
Yasin K, 529
Yatim Bahadur, 412
Yatim Sultan, 356
Yezd (Yazd), 246, 446, 567,

614, 767, 772, 773
Yogi, 774

Yulbaras Khan, 825
Yusuf, 62, 165
Yusuf Beg, 630, 679
Yusuf K, 306-308
Yusuf Khan, 645
Yusuf Khan Radavi Mirza,
157,201,284,287,537,609,
647, 724
Yusuf Muhammad K, 4
Yusuf Muhammad Khan.
Tashkandi, 217, 242, 468,
750
Yusufzai, 107, 242, 246, 405,

421, 472, 704, 749, 829
Yuzbashi, 412

Wf*

934

Zabardasi, 627

Zabardast Khan, 657, 715

Zabulistan, 703. 704, 74]

Zafarabad, 204, 254, 751, 805

Zafargage, 22

Zafar Khan Khvvaja Ahsan

Ullah, 129, 130
Zafar K, 167, 214, 268, 459,

535, 797

Zafaryab Jang, 611

Zafamand K., 159

Zafarnagar, 418

Zahiru-d-daulah Qaswara Jang,
311

Zahir-ud-Din, Mir, 773

Zahıa Khanim, 356

Zainabad, 100, 294

Zainabadi, 266, 806

Zain Khan Kora, 107, 243,

284,421,422, 510, 749
Zain-1-abidin, Mirza, 286
Zain-1-abidin K. Khwafi, 482
Zainu-1-abidin Sultan, 211,318
Zain-ud-Din, 211, 630
Zainu-ud-din 'Ali K., 166
Zain-ud-Din, Shaikh, 613,758,
Zainu-d-din, Sultan, 177
Zakhirau-1-Khwanin, 4, 7, 62,

89, 105, 125, 223, 466
Zakhiran-1-Muluk, 7

"The Maathir-ul-Umara"

Zareania, 178

Zamburak, 557

Zamin Dawar, 188, 348, 701,

716, 726
Zarif, Mir, 558, 559, 563
Zib-un-Nisa Begam, 607, 681
Zechariah K., 529
Zechariah, Khvvaja, 71
Zia-ud-din, 261
3iba, 489
Zikr Qalqi, 42
Zimmis, 161
Zinatu-Nisa Begam, 171, 274,

681
Ziyau-d-din, 554
Ziyau-d-din K., 106, 258, 259,

556
Ziya Ullah, 86
Zohak, 380
Zorawar Singh, 766

Zubdatu-i-tawarikh, 3

Zu-al-qadr K., 346

Zulaikha, 63

Zu-l-fiqar, 24

Zul-fiqar Jang, 26

Zu-L-fiqar. Khan, 72, 76, 197,
236, 272, 274, 275, 277, 279,
388.. 444, 449, 460, 478, 590

Zulfiqar Khan Qaramaniu,

270

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